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June 23, 2020, 12:32 pm

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I translated the two documents reprinted below from Latin for Prof. Mustafa Cezar . The cover below are from the 2 volume reprint designed by my friend Ersu Pekin.


Mavi Boncuk | 

Sanatta Batıya Açılış Ve Osman Hamdi-Mustafa Cezar-First Edition 1971-674 pages

(Pictured Cover from a later 2 volume  reprint)

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Auction | | Portrait Of Sultan Mehmed II with A Young Dignitary

June 25, 2020, 9:38 am

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An original portrait of Ottoman Sultan Mehmed II – better known as Mehmed the Conqueror – was purchased by the Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality (İBB) for 770,000 pounds ($955,000), at an auction held by London's world-famous auction house, Christie's, on Thursday.

The portrait of Mehmed the Conqueror, one of the most influential sultans in Ottoman history, was made by Italian painter Gentile Bellini in 1480.

Christie's had estimated the painting's initial price between 400,000-600,000 pounds. The portrait is one of three surviving portraits of Mehmed II, and the only one showing him with company. The other person shown in the depiction is thought to be one of his şehzades, or sons who were next-in-line.


The portrait was one of the most notable pieces at the auction. The painting was reportedly smuggled out of Turkey in 1922

.Mavi Boncuk |

Portrait Of Sultan Mehmed II (1432-1481)

With A Young Dignitary

Workshop Of Gentile Bellini, Venice, Circa 1429-1507

Oil on panel
13x 17in. (33.4 x 45.4 cm.)

£400,000-600,000 US$520,000-770,000
€470,000-700,000[1]

PROVENANCE:
Christian von Mechel (1737–1817), Basel, from whom acquired in 1807.
Thence by descent.

Sold Sotheby's, London, 8 July 2015, lot 26, (Anon sale, Property from a
European Private Collection) whence acquired by the present owner.

This remarkable painting is one of only three surviving contemporary, or near
contemporary, depictions of the Ottoman Sultan Mehmed II in oil and the
last to remain in private hands. Furthermore, it is the only known portrait of
the Sultan showing him with another fgure. It documents the fascinating
interaction between the East and West in the late-fifteenth century.
Mehmed II is widely acknowledged as one of the most signifcant fgures in
the history of the Ottoman Empire. Feared and respected in the Christian
West, the ‘Grand Turk’ (as he was nicknamed) conquered Constantinople,
the last bastion of the Byzantine (and thus historically Roman) Empire in
1453. This triumph caused alarm throughout Europe, which only increased
as Mehmed continued to forcefully expand his Empire into former Byzantine
territories in Greece and the Balkans, conquering lands as far west as
Moldavia and Wallachia on the Danube. Aside from his ambitious expansion
of Ottoman lands, Mehmed was known for his adept political knowledge and
administrative talents. The Sultan founded an organised, regularized system
of government, centralizing his power and establishing relations between
the feudal military nobility, the judiciary and the court. Mehmed promoted
religious tolerance and fostered a burgeoning interest among Ottoman
court circles in Latin, science and art. Despite the numerous tales spread
concerning his cruel treatment of prisoners of war and his ruthless military
ambition, the Sultan came to be perceived, in the West at least, as a typical
‘Renaissance’ prince.

A state of war was declared between the Ottoman Empire and Venetian
Republic in July 1463, following raids by the Ottomans on several Venetian
settlements along the Dalmatian coast and the capture of fortresses at
Lepanto in 1462 and Argos in 1463. Venice, allied with Hungarian, Papal and
Burgundian forces, initially made considerable advances into Ottoman lands
between 1463 and 1466, capturing several key cities from their opponents.
By the 1470s, however, the fortunes of the Venetians had begun to turn,
with several decisive losses and the surrender of important cities. In 1479,
the war was ended by the signing of the Treaty of Constantinople, which
forced the Venetians to make major concessions, including the payment
of a 100,000 ducat indemnity and the agreement to pay an annual tribute
in return for maintaining trade rights and privileges in Ottoman territories.
It was following the conclusion of this treaty that Mehmed requested that
the Republic send a painter who knew ‘how to make portraits’, along with
a sculptor and a bronze founder to visit his court. The choice of ‘Zentil
belin optimo pintor’ (‘Gentile Bellini, an excellent painter’) for this purpose
may have come on the recommendation of Giovanni Dario (1414-1494), an
intimate friend of the artist and the diplomat who had negotiated peace talks
in Istanbul - as Constantinople had been renamed following the Ottoman
conquest. It is also possible that the Turkish ambassadorial embassy had
seen Bellini’s ongoing works for the decoration of the Sala del Gran Consiglio
of the Palazzo Ducale (destroyed 1577) and requested him specifically. The
Bellini family had been established as Venice’s leading artistic family under
Gentile’s father, Jacopo Bellini, and his younger brother, Giovanni, and were a
dominant artistic force in the city. Gentile’s work at the Palazzo Ducale had
essentially made him the official painter of the Republic.

Bellini travelled to Istanbul on 3 September 1479. His new patron had
already developed extensive interest in and taste for Greek and Italian
culture. Following his conquest of Constantinople in 1453, Mehmed had
actively sought to preserve parts of the city’s Byzantine heritage as the
New Jerusalem and the New Rome. He amassed, for example, a significant
number of Christian relics in his palace and transported many of the Imperial
porphyry sarcophagi from the Church of the Holy Apostles to the Sarayburnu
on the Bosporus, the site of his Topkapı Palace complex. He also saved
much of the Byzantine Imperial regalia from destruction. Mehmed had a
fascination for Greek literature and is known to have studied the works of
Ptolemy, and to have owned numerous Greek manuscripts. His interest in
Western, Latin culture is equally well documented. The Sultan was well
informed in Italian humanist ideas, which he would likely have encountered
from Italian expatriates in Ottoman territories. The infuence of Cyriacus of
Ancona (1391-1452), a famed humanist and writer, was especially notable
and the young Sultan is believed to have had daily lessons from a ‘compagno’
of Cyriacus’ on ancient Roman and early Italian history (not as sometimes
claimed from Cyriacus himself; see Raby, 1987, p. 172). 

Gentile Bellini’s time in Istanbul is, unfortunately, only documented anecdotally. The Sultan appears to have kept the painter and the two assistants who accompanied him busy with commissions. As recorded by Giacomo Filippo Foresti da Bergamo (1434-1520) in his 1491 Supplementum chronicarum, Mehmed requested Bellini to ‘paint a great many marvellous and extraordinary paintings of himself and almost countless other subjects’ and, following these successes, ‘required that he [Mehmed] himself be rendered in his own form. And when the emperor beheld the image so similar to himself, he admired the man’s powers and said that he surpassed all other painters who ever existed’ (quoted in Chong, 2005, p.108). Despite this wealth of patronage, the only known extant painting made during Bellini’s time at the Ottoman court is the portrait of the Sultan now in the National Gallery, London (fg. 1). The Sultan had probably been painted previously by the Venetian artist, later active in Naples, Costanzo da Ferrara (c. 1450-after 1520) who had traveled to Istanbul in circa 1474. 

Though no such painting survives, Ferrara did produce a bronze medal with the Sultan’s likeness in 1481, shortly after Mehmed’s death (fg. 2; New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art). Medal portraits were typically favoured by Italian rulers, something which surely inspired Mehmed’s interest in such objects, probably initially prompted by Pisanello’s medal of the Byzantine Emperor John VIII Palaiologos, which the Sultan would have seen in the Imperial Treasury after the fall of Constantinople (c. 1438-9; London, British Museum). Aside from Costanzo da Ferrara’s example, portrait medals depicting Mehmed
are known to have been made, or designed, by a follower of Pisanello (c. 1460s-70s; Oxford, Ashmolean Museum), Gentile Bellini (c. 1480; London, Victoria and Albert Museum) and Bertoldo di Giovanni (c. 1480s; London, British Museum). While these show the Sultan in full-profle, Bellini’s portrait in the National Gallery, London, employed a more fashionable style, adopted from Netherlandish prototypes by painters like Rogier van der Weyden and Hans Memling, depicting the sitter in three-quarter-profle. In addition to the present work, the London portrait informed other images of the Sultan, including a watercolour of circa 1480 by a Turkish painter showing Mehmed II smelling a Rose (or the ‘Sinan’ Portrait), which closely copied the head, but expanded the composition to show the Sultan seated, a conventional trait of Ottoman royal portraiture (fg. 3; Istanbul, Topkapı Palace). 



The depiction of Mehmed II in this double portrait relied closely on the National Gallery picture, though small changes were made to the fall of the sitter’s robes and the Sultan is given a slightly fuller face. The inclusion of a second fgure, however, is unique among known European depictions of Mehmed. Despite numerous attempts at discovery, the young man’s identity remains unknown. An old label, formerly attached to the reverse of the panel, probably dating from the eighteenth century, recorded that the picture depicted a ‘Ritratti di Maometto / secondo é di suo fglio / di Gentile Bellino’ (‘Portrait of Mehmed II and his son by Gentile Bellini’; see Babinger, 1961, pl. IV, fg. 8). Mehmed II had three sons, but none can be convincingly identifed. with the sitter here. By 1479, the Sultan’s second son, Mustafa (c. 1450-1474), had been dead for several years and both his eldest son, the future Bayezid II (1447-1512), and youngest son, Prince Cem (1459-1495), were away from court, on official postings in Anatolia. Furthermore, Bayezid would have been thirty-two at the time Bellini painted his father’s likeness and therefore too old to be the young man depicted here. Ottoman court etiquette would have demanded that anyone placed in this privileged position of equality with the Sultan be either a relative or a close favorite. While this is possible, it is more likely that the double portrait was commissioned outside the Ottoman court where such strict decorum would have been easier to disregard. Indeed, though dressed in a turban, adorned with an aigrette (an indicator of high status), the young sitter’s sleeves are distinctive of the kind of gold-embroidered luxury velvets produced in Italy during the late-fifteenth century. His clean-shaven face too would have been very unusual in Islamic culture, but the norm in late-fifteenth century Europe. It is possible therefore that he might be European, possibly a Venetian merchant or diplomat who had connections with the Ottoman court and wished to commemorate his links with Istanbul. 

After Mehmed’s death, his son, Sultan Bayezid II, embarked on a wave of zealous iconoclasm, selling the majority of the ‘foreign’ works of art commissioned or collected by his father. The pictures were sold in Istanbul’s market, possibly with the National Gallery portrait of Mehmed II among them. As such, it has been suggested that this portrait may have returned to Venice early in its history, remaining there until its purchase in 1865. The portrait may in fact always have been intended for a Venetian audience, with Peter Humfrey suggesting that it could have been a diplomatic gift from the Sultan to the Doge Christiansen and Weppelmann (eds.), exhibition catalogue, New York, 2011, p.55). The similarity of the Sultan’s portrait in the present work to that in the National Gallery suggests that the painter was certainly familiar with Bellini’s original, either through preparatory drawings, or the picture itself. Little is known of Gentile Bellini’s workshop practice though, as Humfrey has observed, it is likely that his large-scale works would have necessarily been painted with help from a workshop. He is known to have traveled to Istanbul in the company of two assistants and at the time of his death, Girolamo da Santacroce (1480/85-1556) is recorded as working in the painter’s studio, from which Gentile bequeathed him a group of drawings, including some made during Gentile’s sojourn in Constantinople (Campbell, ‘The ‘Reception of the Venetian Ambassadors in Damascus’: Dating, Meaning and Attribution’, in Contadini and Norton (eds.), Farnham, 2013, p.122). At the time of the picture’s sale in 2015, Dr. Caroline Campbell dated the double portrait to the end of the fifteenth century, or early in the sixteenth, with Antonio Mazzotta observing that the simple, fattened portrayal of the sitters, and the elliptical folds of the drapery were consistent with techniques used in Bellini’s circle, suggesting that the painter was acquainted with his practice and working methods.

LITERATURE:

F. Babinger, 'Ein Weiteres Sultansbild von Gentile Bellini?', …sterreichische
Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-historische Klasse:
Sitzungsberichte, CCXXXVII, no. 3, 1961, p. 11, pl. 7, as 'Gentile Bellini'.
F. Babinger, 'Un ritratto ignorato di Maometto II, opera di Gentile Bellini',
Arte Veneta, XV, 1961, pp. 25–32, fg. 31, as 'Gentile Bellini'.
C. Marinesco, 'A propos de quleques portraits de Mohammed II et d'un
dignitaire byzantin attribués à Gentile Bellini', Bulletin de la Société nationale
des antiquaires de France, 1962, pp. 126-34, as 'not Gentile Bellini'.
H.F. Collins, Gentile Bellini: a monograph and catalogue of works, Ph.D.
dissertation, University of Pittsburgh, 1970, pp. vii, 79 and 138, no. 2, fg. 12,
as 'copy after Gentile Bellini'.
F. Babinger, Mehmed the Conqueror and his Time, Princeton, 1978, p. 379,
pl. XXIV, as 'Attributed to Gentile Bellini, a claim so far unsubstantiated'.
J. Raby, El Gran Turco: Mehmed the Conqueror as a Patron of the Arts and
Christendom, Ph.D. dissertation, Oxford University, 1980, pp. 90–92, no. 73,
illustrated, as 'bears all the hallmarks of Gentile's style'.
M. Andaloro, 'Costanzo da Ferrara: Gli anni a Constantinapoli alla corte di
Maometto II', Storia dell'arte, XXXVIII/XL, 1980, pp. 198-9, as ‘Attributed to
Costanzo da Ferrara’.
J. Meyer zur Capellen, Gentile Bellini, Stuttgart, 1985, pp. 68, 129–30, no. A10a,
pl. 15, fg. 19, as ‘Gentile Bellini’.
J. Raby, 'Pride and Prejudice: Mehmed the Conqueror and the Italian Portrait
Medal', Studies in the History of Art, XXI, 1987, pp. 173, 175 and 191, notes 10
and 19.
F. Heinemann, Giovanni Bellini e i Belliniani, New York and Zurich, 1991, III,
pp. 115-16 and 303, fg. 201, as ‘Gentile Bellini’.
O. Longo, 'Una 'soasa' per il Conquistatore: Gentile Bellini e Maometto II',
Atti dell'Istituto Veneto di scienze, lettere e arti, no. 153, 1995, p. 511, as
‘Gentile Bellini’.
L. Hawkins Collinge, 'Gentile Bellini', The Dictionary of Art, London, 1996, III,
p. 656.
O. Pächt, Venetian Painting in the 15th Century: Jacopo, Gentile and Giovanni
Bellini, and Andrea Mantegna, London, 2003, p. 143, fg. 133, as ‘Gentile Bellini’.
A. Chong, 'Gentile Bellini in Istanbul: Myths and Misunderstandings', Bellini
and the East, exhibition catalogue, Boston, 2005, pp. 109 and 133, note 24, as
'not Bellini'.

[1]

Balo

June 29, 2020, 6:49 am

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Mavi Boncuk | Costak Files · Post Balo Posting as M.A.M 27/06/2020 

A’dan Z’ye Servet-i Fünûn Manzaraları [B]: Balo  SOURCE

GÜRBEY HİZ [*]

 B harfi ile Servet-i Fünûn’un manzaralarını gezintiye devam ediyoruz. A harfindeki inşaat şamatasından sonra bu kez, Beyoğlu’ndaki eğlence hareketliliğini seyrediyoruz. Bu harfin kavramı ‘balo’. Balo, bir etkinlik olarak İtalyancada ‘danslı eğlence’ anlamına sahiptir ve Latincedeki ballare [dans etmek] fiilinden türer. Osmanlıda da değişmeden dile dahil olur. Yavaş yavaş belli bir cemiyetin mensuplarının kendi içlerinde düzenlediği etkinliklerin ötesine geçer ve daha çoğul katılım gerçekleşir. Reşad Ekrem Koçu, bu gibi eğlencelere “avam, esnaf tabakasındakilerin” de dahil olmasıyla halk ağzında Galata sokaklarında limana yakın barların, balodan bozma “baloz” adıyla ortaya çıktığını belirtir. II. Abdülhamid devrinde sayıları iyice artan balolara da “şimdiki barların cadaloz ninesi” tabirini yakıştırır.1 19. yüzyılın son yıllarında Beyoğlu bu eğlence pratiğinin odağını oluşturur. Öyle ki, aynı gece içerisinde semtte birden fazla baloya gitmek mümkündür. Servet-i Fünûn’un 20 Ocak 1898 tarihli 358. sayısında Ahmed İhsan tam da böyle bir gece deneyimini okurlara aktarır. Ahmed İhsan’ın ilk sayılardan itibaren kaleme aldığı “İstanbul Postası” başlıklı köşe yazı dizisi, bu sayıda Beyoğlu balolarının içerisine sızmamızı sağlar. Yazarın kent içi deneyimlerini öznel bir perspektifle yazması bakımından bu dizi hayli ilginç metinlerle doludur. Özellikle günün ritmini kendi deneyimleriyle yazıya dökmesi bakımından potansiyelli keşifler barındırır. Bu diziye fotoğraf veya gravürler eşlik etmez. Belki de yazılarda mekânların detaylıca anlatılmasını buna borçluyuz. Bir de konu balo gibi taşkınlığa müsait bir etkinlik olunca, dönemin dergi sayfalarının başka sayılarında da pek bir materyal bulunmaz. Dolayısıyla baloyu, Ahmed İhsan’ın sözcükleri üzerinden takip edeceğiz. Başka kaynaklardan çağrılan görseller aracılığıyla mekânlara dışarıdan bakma fırsatımız var ama içerideki atmosfere kelimeler yardımıyla dahil olacağız.

“Mevsim karnavala girdiği için cumartesi günü Beyoğlu’nda baloları küşâd eylediler [açtılar], bunların her cihette [yönde] birinciliğini Onyon Fransez’de [Union Française] Etfal Hastahanesi menfaatine verilen balo ihraz etti [kazandı]; Tepebaşı Tiyatrosu’nda ise Cemiyet-i Museviye balosu i’tâ olunuyor [veriliyor], Doğruyol’daki Odeon Tiyatrosu da her gece devam edecek müsamerelerine –bu sene beş kuruştan ibâret bir fiyat ile– başlıyordu. Birbirine nispeten ehemmiyet, zarâfet, fiyat nokta-i nazarlarından muhtelif ve mütebâyin [birbirine zıt] tabakalar teşkil eden bu üç baloda o gece bulundum.”

İstanbul’da karnaval mevsimi, Hıristiyanların büyük perhize girmesinden önceki ocak ve şubat aylarına rastlar. Rumların kutladığı Apukurya karnavalı gibi sokağa taşan eğlencelerin aksine, Ahmed İhsan’ın kaleme aldıkları, kapalı mekânlarda gerçekleşen etkinliklerdir. Bunlar karnavalesk, toplumsal düzenin askıya alındığı birer şenlikten ziyade, toplumsal sınıfların sıkı sıkıya pekiştiği, daha üst sınıf kesimin katıldığı gösteri eğlenceleridir. Ahmed İhsan için de balonun işlerliği ancak böyle şekillenir. Az biraz gösterinin seyrini bozan taşkınlıklar yaşandığında bu gösteri onun için gülünç hâle gelir. Bu yüzden, ilk gittiği Union Française’deki balo, gönlünde birinciliği kazanarak metninde de en fazla yere sahip olur. Yine de baloların zamansal olarak karnaval kültürünün sürekliliğiyle şekillendiği bellidir. Kar, çamur, yağmur demeden kışın en soğuk günlerinde tertip edilirler. Bir kafe ve üç balo gezen Ahmed İhsan ve dergide “Musahabe-i Fenniye” başlıklı köşe yazısı dizisini yazan arkadaşı Mahmud Sadık, o geceki gezinti güzergâhına öncelikle Splendid Kafe’de akşam yemeğiyle başlar. Devamında Tepebaşı tarafına doğru yürürler ve sırayla Union Française ve Tepebaşı Tiyatrosu’ndaki balolara katılırlar. Gecenin sonunu ise Doğruyol (günümüz İstiklal Caddesi) üzerinde Odeon Tiyatrosu’ndaki baloyla tamamlarlar. O gecenin güzergâhı 1905 haritasında şöyledir:

1. Splendid Kafe: Gayret ve Sebatın Fevkalade Numunesi

“Muharrir-i fenniyemiz [bilimsel konularda yazan yazarımız] Mahmud Sadık Bey ile baloları yukarıdan aşağı süzmek görmek için bu bapta verdiğimiz kararı az kalsın o akşamki yağmurlu rüzgâr bozuyordu. Lakin ne fena havaydı ya! Devamlı müessir [etkili] yağmuru, çamurlu sokakları, rutubetli havasıyla tam İstanbul kışıydı. Yağmurdan şemsiyemizle, çamurdan kıvrılmış paçalarımız, uzun yüzlü lastiklerimiz ile kendimizi nim-vikâye ederek [yarı koruyarak] Splendid Kafe’den içeri girdiğimiz zaman bir oh çektik. Tatlı ve kurak hararet âdeta çehrelerimizi okşuyordu.”

Ahmed İhsan ve Mahmud Sadık, balo gezmelerine başlamadan önce akşam yemeğini, günümüzde Tokatlıyan İşhanı ve Pasajı olarak bilinen arsada bulunan Splendid Kafe’de yer. Büyükada’daki aynı isimli Splendid Palas Otel ile ilişkisi olmayan bu yapı, 1895 yılında Mıgırdiç Tokatlıyan’ın inşa ettirdiği kafe-pastane olarak biliniyor.2 Kafe yapılmadan önce, 1884 yılında arsanın arkasında bulunan Üç Horan Ermeni Kilisesi, kilisenin kazanç sağlaması için bir tiyatro yapısı yaptırmak ister. İnşa edilen görkemli tiyatro 1892’de yanar. Bunun üzerine Tokatlıyan’ın teklifi olan Splendid Kafe inşa edilir. Bu mekânın, döneminde epey pahalı bir restoran olduğu bilinir.

“İntihap eylediğimiz [seçtiğimiz] köşede ısmarlanan yemekleri intizar ederken [beklerken] yakınımıza gelip oturan bir zât bizi epey oyaladı:3 Adamcağız eliyle başını setr eden [örten] seyrek saçları bir daha savurduktan sonra elini cebine sokmuş, lâkaydane surette [ilgisizce] çıkardığı bir avuç lirayı yalnız gözüyle şöyle bir saymış, para ile iştigâlin sanatı icabetinden olduğunu göstermiş idi. Yanına gelen diğer iki mösyöye o günün telgraf havâdisleri hakkında tedkikât-ı sarrafiye ve felsefiyye [sarraflık ve felsefeyle ilgili görüşler] serd ederken [dile getirirken] biz tabağımızdaki yemeğin leziz lokmalarını çiğniyoruz. Bahsi gayret ve sebâtın mehâsinine [iyiliklerine] hasr eylemiş [içinde kalmış] bulunuyorduk. Vâkıa az uzakta iki büyük destgâh [tezgâh] arasına yerleştirilmiş yazıhanenin karşısına oturmuş ve kendine yakıştırdığı fesiyle daima mestûr [örtülmüş] bulunan başını önüne eğmiş olan gazino sahibi Mıgırdiç Efendi gibi gayret ve sebâtın fevkalade bir numunesi daha gösterilemez. Bu genç adam yirmi sene evvel çarşıda Mahfazacılar içinde –şimdiki lokantanın alt katını teşkil eden– ufak dükkânda sarfa başladığı gayrette hiç tevkif göstermemiş [durmamış], o gayret ve sebâtı sayesinde Beyoğlu’nun ve bütün İstanbul’un en büyük gazinosu olan Splendid Kafe’yi meydana getirmiş, o ufak dükkândaki mahviyetini [alçakgönüllülüğünü] hiç bırakmamıştır. Binâenaleyh dâima çalışır, dâima terakki eder.”

Bahsi geçen azimli Mıgırdiç Tokatlıyan, Ahmed İhsan’ı haklı çıkartacak başarılara devam eder. Kafe, 1897 yılında hizmete açılan otelle beraber çalışır.4 Önceleri bu otel Otel Splendid olarak da anılır. 1905 yılında hazırlanan sigorta haritasında, otelin ve kafenin bulunduğu arsa, henüz sonradan açılacak görkemli otel gibi monoblok bir yapıda değildir. Parçalı, farklı katlı birtakım yapılar içerir. Splendid Kafe de muhtemelen iki caddeye bakan köşede bulunan patisserie’dir. 

Zamanla otel genişler ve 1909 yılında günümüze ulaşan görkemli yapı inşa edilir: Dönemin ünlü oteli Pera Palas ile rekabet hâlinde olan Tokatlıyan Oteli. Avantajı cadde üzerinde olmasıdır. İçerisinde bir balo salonu da kurulur. Otelin yanındaki ve sonradan Balo Sokağı olarak isimlendirilecek sokak, muhtemelen bu baloyu işaret eder. Ahmed İhsan’ın daha sonra buradaki baloları da deneyimleyip deneyimlemediği merak konusu. Yemeklerini bitirdikten sonra, ilk baloya girmek üzere yola koyulurlar.

2. Onyon Fransez: Müzeyyen Salonda İcrâ-i Âhenk

“Sevgili arkadaşım Sadık Bey meftunu [tutkunu] olduğu kahvesini de içtiği zaman saat beş olmuş, balonun zamanı gelmiş idi, biz de beş dakika sonra Onyon Fransez’in [Union Française’nin] güzel merdiveninden çıkıp en üst kattaki mükellef [süslenmiş] ve cesim [büyük] salonundan içeri giriyorduk.”

1896 yılında inşa edilen Union Française, bugün İstanbul Modern’in Karaköy’deki yeni binası tamamlanana kadar kullandığı geçici yapıdır. Mimarı da dönemin Beyoğlu’nda birçok yapısını tasarlayan Alexandre Vallaury’dir (1850–1921). Balonun gerçekleştiği toplantı salonu cephede geniş bir açıklık olarak farklılaşır ve öne doğru çıkma yapar.5 Yapının kesiti ve planında görülebilen ve Ahmed İhsan’ın “cesim” olarak bahsettiği bu salon, yapının odağını oluşturan bir önemle yerleştirilir. Burada balo dışında Fransız kültürüne dair farklı etkinliklerin de gerçekleştiği metinlerden anlaşılır.

“Beyoğlu’nun en kibar en mûteber aileleri, en zengin halkı burada idi. Erkân-ı memurin-i Osmaniye’den [Osmanlı’nın ileri gelen memurlarından] bir hayli zevât [kimseler] dahi bunlar meyânında [arasında] bulunuyordu. Vâkıa balonun maksad-ı i’tâsı [verilme maksadı] hayırdan ibâret, mürettibi [düzenleyeni] Doktor Violi gibi memleketimizin meşhur bir tabibi olduğu için şehrimizin en güzide halkını toplamış, Onyon Fransez’in müzeyyen [süslenmiş] salonu hakikaten kesb-i revnak [göz alıcılık kazancı] eylemiş idi.”

Ahmed İhsan’ın metnin başında bahsettiği Etfal Hastanesi, 1899’da kurulacak olan Şişli’deki Hamidiye Etfal Hastanesi değildir. İtalyan Doktor Giovanni Battista Violi’nin (1849-1928) hâlihazırda 1895 yılında kurduğu ve Osmanlı sınırları içindeki ilk çocuk hastalıkları kliniği olan Sen Jorj [Saint ¬Georges] Uluslararası Çocuk Hastanesi’dir. Violi bu hususta çalışmalarını sürdürerek, 1897’de Beyoğlu’nun yüksek sosyetesinin desteğini toplar ve İstanbul’da Çocukluğu Koruma Uluslararası Derneği’ni [Société Internationale pour la Protection de l’Enfance] kurar.6 Ahmed İhsan’ın katıldığı gece de yine böyle bir desteğin toplandığı bir baloya işaret eder. Bu gibi balolardan birinde Sen Jorj Çocuk Hastanesi yararına bağış toplamak için satılan sigara kâğıdı kartonlarından biri aşağıdaki görseldeki gibidir.

Violi, Ahmed İhsan’ın da belirttiği gibi döneminde meşhur bir doktordur. Şöhretini 1880’de Beyoğlu Aynalı Pasaj’da bir aşı evi kurarak çiçek aşısı üretmesine borçludur.7 Kendi deneyleri sonucu ürettiği aşıyla birçok çocuğa ücretsiz aşılama yapar. Doktorun girişimci yönü bu kadarla da kalmaz; 1909 yılında Türkçe ve Fransızca yayımlanan, La Pédiatrie en Turquie / Türkiye’de Emrâz-ı Etfâl adlı, Osmanlı’da çocuk hekimliğine odaklanmış ilk dergiyi de kurar. Violi basınla olan ilişkisiyle de Ahmed İhsan’ı sonraki senelerde etkilemeye devam edecektir.

“Bu salon âdeta büyük bir tiyatro mahallidir, sahnesi locaları bile vardır. Sahnede icrâ-i âhenk eden [uyumla icra eden] müzika orta yerde mücellâ [parlak] parkelerin üstünde raks eden müzeyyen [süslenmiş] mücehhez [donanmış] envâ-i madamları matmazelleri, siyah elbiseli, beyaz boyun bağlı, gümüşi eldivenli erkekleri şevke getiriyor, cümlesinin hayâli yan taraf duvarlarını işgâl eden aynalara aks eyliyor [yansıyor], hakikaten çok nazar-rüba tuvaletler [gösterişli elbiseler], süslü dekolteler nazar-ı temâşâyı tezyin ediyor [süslüyor] idi.”

Ahmed İhsan’ın baloya dair anlatısı, okuru mekânın içerisindeki ortamı deneyimlemeye doğru sürükler niteliktedir. Parkenin parlaklığından aynalardaki dans hareketlerinin yansımasına dek, balo atmosferi metinde tekrar üretilir. Belli ki bu balo onun için mekânıyla, insanların kıyafet ve danslarıyla hayli uyumlu bir yapıdadır. Balo salonunu tiyatro sahnesine benzetirken sadece mekânsal olarak bir alegori kurmaz, aynı zamanda insanların bu balo oyununu metnin dışına çıkmadan oynadığını düşünür. Onun için balonun yapılma amacı ve işleyişinde hiçbir kusur yoktur.

“Baloda şevk ve neşat [sevinç] tam germi [sıcaklık] bulmuş idi ki orta katta hazırlanmış mükemmel büfede teskin-i harâret ederek [harareti sakinleştirerek] kapıdan çıktık, caddeyi bir baştan bir başa doldurmuş sedyelerin –zira madamların, matmazellerin hemân kâffesi [hepsi] iki kuvvetli adamın dört bacağı sayesinde hareket eder sedyelerle gelmiş idi– arasından geçtik, Tepebaşı Tiyatrosu’na dahil olduk. Burası da tam şaşasını bulmuş idi.”

Ahmed İhsan’ın dışarı çıktığında karşılaştığı sedyeler, dönemin Beyoğlu sokaklarının ilginç bir pratiğine işaret eder. Bir nevi, kısa mesafeleri (örneğin balodan baloya) katetmek için üretilmiş hamal-taksilerdir bunlar. 1875 yılında, Musavver Medeniyet adlı resimli dergide bir gravürü bulunan bu taşıma araçları için iddialı bir ifadeyle “Bu sedyeler yalnız Beyoğlu’na mahsus olup oradan başka dünyanın başka hiçbir tarafında bulunmaz” yazılır.8

3. Tepebaşı Tiyatrosu: Başka Bir Tarâvet

Ahmed İhsan ve Mahmud Sadık, az bir mesafe yürüyerek bir sonraki baloya, Tepebaşı Tiyatrosu’na geçer. Öncesinde Müslüman mezarlığı, sonrasında bahçe ve tiyatro ve günümüzde çok katlı otopark yapısının bulunduğu Tepebaşı, bir hayli serüven yaşamış durumdadır.⁹ 1870’lerden itibaren yapılaşmaya başlayan bu arazi, etrafındaki yeni oteller, eğlence mekânları ve tabii balolarla kentin yeni yaşam pratiklerinin denendiği bir laboratuvar alanı olur. Ahmed İhsan ve Mahmud Sadık’ın girdiği Tepebaşı Tiyatrosu ise 1880’de tasarlanan bahçenin içerisinde bulunan bir yapıdır. Zamanla eklenen ve yola doğru uzanan giriş yapısıyla misafirlerini kabul eden bu balo bir öncekinden daha farklıdır.

“Balo maskesiz olursa o kadar parlamaz, huzzâr [bulunanlar] mecburi olarak muhâfaza-i ciddiyet ve sükûn eder. Tepebaşı Tiyatrosu’nun vasi [geniş] salonunu dolduran halk bu bapta güzel bir ispat idi. Burada süs, ziynet, mûtena tuvalet o kadar değil, fakat buna mukabil meydanda başka bir tarâvet [tazelik] var. Kadınlar sadece esvapları, zarif maskeleri altında sahihen [gerçekten] cezbedar idi, dans daha harâretli oluyor idi. Localar şehrimizin mûteber Musevi aileleri tarafından işgâl olunmuş idi, hülâsa [özetle] şevk ve zevk tam kararında idi.”

Ahmed İhsan, bu baloyu diğeri kadar uzun uzadıya anlatmasa da Musevi Cemiyeti tarafından düzenlendiğini metnin başında söyler. Yine bir yardım balosu mu yoksa sadece cemiyetin toplandığı bir eğlence mi olduğunu özellikle belirtmez. Onun için bir önceki balodan daha özensiz oluşunu tek örten unsur, maskeli balo olmasıdır. Halbuki maskeli balo, karnavalesk pratiklere daha yaklaştıran bir eğlence türüdür ve Ahmed İhsan’ın pek de zevk aldığı bir etkinlik değildir. Yine de maskelerin zarif bir şekilde takılmış olması, bu eğlencenin düzenini bozmamalarını sağlar. Buradan bir sonraki baloya, tekrar İstiklal Caddesi’ne doğru devam ederek Odeon Tiyatrosu’na geçerler.

4. Odeon Tiyatrosu: Kabına Sığmaz Bir Coşkunluk

“Lakin biz kararımızı yine bozmadık; biraz sonra Odeon Tiyatrosu’nun bilet mahallinden beşer kuruşa birer duhûliye [giriş ücreti] mukavvası mübâyaa ederek [satın alarak] tam seyirci gibi içeri giriyorduk. Vâkıa burada gazeteci sıfatıyla bulunmaya mahal yok idi.”

Gecenin son durağı Odeon Tiyatrosu’dur. Tekrar, Splendid Kafe’nin yakınlarına doğru gelirler. Bu tiyatro arsasında 1871’de Elhamra ismiyle bir sirk bulunur. 1874’te yapılan tiyatro binası ise Verdi, Varyete, Eldorado gibi farklı isimler ve çeşitli dönüşümler geçirdikten sonra Odeon Tiyatrosu ismini alır. Tiyatro, günümüzde Demirören AVM’nin bulunduğu ada içerisinde yer alır ve hiçbir izi kalmaz. 1905 yılı sigorta haritasında Gökhan Akçura’nın Manifold’da kaleme aldığı, komşu parselde inşa edilecek olan Skating Palace henüz bulunmamaktadır.

“Balonun daha ilk akşamı olduğu hâlde içeride bir kıyamettir gidiyor. Kendini bilenler localara çekilmiş uzaktan seyirci; orta yerde öyle bir halk var, ne pây-ı raksına [ayak dansına] ne muzikanın esvâtına [seslerine] ne de beyhude yere bağırıp çağırarak oyuncuları kavâid-i raksa [raksın kurallarına] davet eden muallim efendinin ihtarâtına [ikazlarına] tevfik etmiyor [uymuyor]! Her biri kendi havasına göre oynuyor. Karşı yakanın en dûn [aşağı] tabakât-ı sefahâtında [zevke düşkünler tabakasında] pûyân olan [geçip giden] birçok kabına sığmaz kadınlar olanca coşkunluklarına meydan vermiş; öyle sıçrıyorlar ki hepsi pancar gibi kızarmış, –kimsenin ehemmiyet verdiği yok, maske bir tarafa fırlamış– şiddetli bir ter içinde... Bunların karşısında raks eden mağaza hademesi, dükkân çırağından ibâret erkekleri görseniz onlar daha gülünç!”

Belli ki Ahmed İhsan’ın gece boyunca en sevmediği balo bu sonuncusudur. Önce gazeteci olduğu hâlde ücretsiz girememesine hayıflanır, sonra da içerisinin kalabalık oluşundan dem vurur. Asıl gülünç bulduğu ise baloya gelen insanların düzensiz, alelade bir gösteri üretmesidir. Aşağı tabaka olarak gördüğü ve önceki baloların davetlilerine benzemeyen bu insanlar ne dansın ritmini tutturur ne de maskeli balonun kurallarına uyarlar. Başka bir deyişle, bir gösterinin pratikleri askıya alınmış, balo zıvanadan çıkmıştır.¹⁰

Ahmed İhsan’ın aksine Ahmed Rasim’in yine bir karnaval gecesi deneyimlediği Odeon Tiyatrosu anlatısı tam tersidir. O bu farklılığı “dört duvar arasında hariçte misli görülmeyen bir âlem” olarak tarif eder. Ahmed İhsan gibi disipliner bir balo eğlencesindense ne olup bittiğini anlayamadığı bu atmosfer onu büyüler: “Neden seviniyordum, hâlâ anlayamadım. [...] hemen her locası bambaşka kıyafetler, hareketler, müsademeler [çarpışmalar], takılıp gitmeler, türlü türlü reveranslar, bel, el tutuşmalar arasında dakika bedakika mütebeddil olan [değişen] velvelezar [şamatalar] bana hoş görünüyordu.”¹¹

“Eğer hava akşamki şiddetinde devam etse idi asıl bizim hâlimiz gülünç olacak idi, saat on bire karib [yakın] balo kapısından dışarı çıktığımız zaman orada duran birkaç arabadan hiç birisi bizi İstanbul’a kadar götürmek istemedi. Teşekkür olunur ki semâda sehâb-ı baran [yağmur bulutu] kâmilen [tamamen] dağılmış, rüzgâr kesilmiş idi. Üç baloda teneffüs eylediğimiz hava-i mahsurun [mahsur kaldığımız havanın] başımıza verdiği sersemliği taze ve pak bâd-ı sabahı [sabah rüzgârı] teneffüs ile izâle ederek [uzaklaştırarak] İstanbul cihetinin yolunu tuttuk.”

Geceyi bitirirken Ahmed İhsan ve Mahmud Sadık’ın yaşadığı, günümüz için bir hayli tanıdık bir deneyimdir. Gidecekleri yeri beğenmeyen arabacılar (taksiciler) onları almayınca, yürüyerek evlerine dönerler. Böylece bizim de altı yedi saatlik bir 1898 Ocak gecesini onlarla beraber dolaşarak dört farklı mekânda bulunma şansımız olur.

1. Reşad Ekrem Koçu, “Balo”, İstanbul Ansiklopedisi, c. 4, İstanbul: İstanbul Ansiklopedisi ve Neşriyat Kolektif Şirketi, 1960.

2. Özgü Çilli, Tanzimat Sonrası Osmanlı Otel Mimarisi ve Pera Palas, Yüksek Lisans Tezi, Hacettepe Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Sanat Tarihi Anabilim Dalı, 2009.

3. Ahmed İhsan’ın 358. sayıdaki “İstanbul Postası” bölümünün buraya kadar olan kısmının transliterasyonunu Boğaziçi Üniversitesi Türk Dili ve Edebiyatı Bölümü’nün “Osmanlı Kültür Tarihinde Servet-i Fünûn Dergisi” başlıklı araştırma projesi kapsamında hazırlanan veritabanından elde ettim. Metnin geri kalanının transliterasyonu bana aittir.

4. Pelin Aykut, “Tokatlıyan Oteli”, Dünden Bugüne İstanbul Ansiklopedisi, c. 7, Kültür Bakanlığı ve Tarih Vakfı Ortak Yayını, 1994.

5. Afife Batur, “Union Française”, Dünden Bugüne İstanbul Ansiklopedisi, c. 7, Kültür Bakanlığı ve Tarih Vakfı ortak yayını, 1994.

6. Gülten Dinç ve Şeref Etker, Türki̇ye Çocuk Heki̇mli̇ği̇ni̇n İlk Dergi̇si̇: La Pédiatrie En Turquie / Türki̇ye’de Emrâz-ı Etfâl, Osmanlı Bilimi Araştırmaları, c. 2, 2004.

7. Nuran Yıldırım, İstanbul’un Sağlık Tarihi, İstanbul 2010 Avrupa Kültür Başkenti Ajansı, İstanbul Üniversitesi Projesi, No: 55-10, Istanbul: Ajansfa, 2010.

8. Musavver Medeniyet, Sene: 2, Sayı: 2, 1875.

9. İstanbul Araştırmaları Enstitüsü’nde 2019 yılında gerçekleşen Aralıktan Bakmak: Meşrutiyet Caddesi’nden Bir Kesit sergisi hem tiyatronun bulunduğu arsaya hem de semte dair gündelik pratiklerin dönüşümünü aktarması yönüyle öne çıkan bir sergiydi.

10. Koçu’nun aktardığı, Beyoğlu balolarında söylenen kanto, bir nevi bu oluş hâlindeki yeni kimliğin sahiplenme biçimini açığa vurur: “Bu hâlden şikâyetim yok / Balolarda dans eden çok / Bana zevzek diyorlarmış / Kalbime saplanır ok / Balolarda raks ederim / Meclisimi şâd ederim / Velosipidle çok gezerim / Piyasada var şöhretim / Polka sotiz oynayarak / Kederi def ederim” Reşad Ekrem Koçu, agm.

11. Ahmed Rasim, Fuhş-i Atik, Aktaran: Reşad Ekrem Koçu, “Apukurya Maskaraları”, İstanbul Ansiklopedisi, c. 2, İstanbul: İstanbul Ansiklopedisi ve Neşriyat Kolektif Şirketi, 1959.

[*] Gurbey Hiz | Ph.D. | Research Assistant
CONTACT Kadir Has University, Istanbul, Turkey gurbey.hiz@khas.edu.tr
RESEARCH INTERESTS Architectural Design; Architectural Representation; Visual Culture; Social Space; Cultural Studies;Narrative; Media Archeologies; Periodicals; Modernity; Ottoman History (late 19th-early 20th century)
LANGUAGES Turkish (native); English (academic); German (reading w/ dictionary); Ottoman (reading).
EDUCATION
2020 Ph.D. Architectural Design, Istanbul Technical University
2010-11 M.Sc. Urban Design, Hafen City UniversitŠt Hamburgw/ the support of Erasmus Exchange Programs 
Grant2008 B.Arch. Architecture, Istanbul Technical University

Gürbey Hiz graduated from Istanbul Technical University, Department of Architecture in 2008. Within the undergraduate program, he participated in different scaled student competitions. He graduated from the same university with a master's degree in Architectural Design in 2013, completing his dissertation entitled "Examining the Concept of Randomness in the Context of Urban Explorations". During his graduate study, he was educated at HafenCity Universität Hamburg University with the exchange program in 2010-2011. Currently, he is continuing his Ph.D. in Architectural Design program at ITU. At the same time, he works as a research assistant at Kadir Has University, Department of Architecture and continues his academic studies on representation of space, media archeology and urban image

DARK Side of Baran bo Odar

June 29, 2020, 2:57 pm

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Mavi Boncuk |Baran bo Odar  is a German film and television director and screenwriter. 

Baran bo Odar[1]was born in Switzerland in 18 April 1978, studied Directing at the University of Television & Film Munich. He has worked on several commercials, music videos and award-winning short films. His feature debut THE SILENCE (2010) premiered at the Piazza Grande in Locarno and gained him a spot as one of Variety’s Ten Directors to Watch in 2011. 

His next film WHO AM I was a German box office hit. Warner Brothers has closed a deal to remake WHO AM I. His first US movie was the action thriller SLEEPLESS starring Jamie Foxx and Michelle Monaghan which was released February 24th 2017. Together with Jantje Friese he is the showrunner of the NETFLIX Original Series DARK which was launched Dec 1st 2017 worldwide on Netflix in over 190 countries and is now one of the most watched series on Netflix. Currently Season 3 was released on Netflix.

His film Who Am I – No System Is Safe reached the top of the German cinema charts[1] and was nominated for German Film Awards for Best Fiction Feature Film and Best Screenplay. Odar directed and co-wrote the film with his partner Jantje Friese. Odar was born in Switzerland and is of Turkish origin from his mother and of Russian origin from his paternal grandfather, a former doctor who had to flee Russia after the October Revolution.[2] Bo is his nickname.

The TV series Dark, which Odar co-created with Friese, gained popularity worldwide and was Netflix's first German-language original series. Every episode is co-written by Friese, and directed by Odar.[3] Odar was honored with a Grimme-Preis, Germany's most prestigious television award, in 2018 for his direction in Dark season 1.[4] In 2019 Dark's second season was released and its third season announced.

[1] Bo Odar: I was born in Switzerland but my parents moved to Germany when I was two. Also, both my mother and father are not German or Swiss. My mother's side is Turkish and my father's side is more from Russia. "Baran" is, I think, almost a Jewish name, but again neither of my parents are Jewish. "Bo" is just a nickname and Odar is an invented name. My grandfather, who was a doctor, had to flee the Russian revolution because he was in the White Army and not the Red Army. When he had to flee, he lost his whole family. He faked an ID, and chose the name Odar because it means "doctor" in some other language.

Khazar Khaganete

June 30, 2020, 2:44 pm

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Mavi Boncuk |

BOOK SERIES Life Narratives of the Ottoman Realm

July 2, 2020, 2:19 pm

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BOOK SERIES
Life Narratives of the Ottoman Realm: Individual and Empire in the Near East
About the Series
As a consequence of the political developments following World War I, the Ottoman Empire has been treated by a great number of historians above all as an intrinsic part of Turkish national history. Although the academic community has recognized that the Ottoman Empire was, in fact, multiethnic and multicultural, this recognition has too rarely been translated into scholarly practice. This is due in large part to the fragmentation of Ottoman studies into various academic disciplines that only infrequently communicate with one another: as examples, Turkish-language literature predominantly produced by Muslims is treated by Turkish Literature experts and Turkologists in the West; Ottoman Ladino literature falls within the purview of Romance studies; the empire’s Greeks are studied within the field of Byzantine and Hellenic studies; and so on.

This publication series aims to bring all of these perspectives together in a historically specific and responsible way by providing a key publication platform for scholars aiming to study the narrative sources of a vast geographic region, stretching, at times, from Bosnia to the Yemen, in its full complexity as a multilingual and multiethnic Empire.

For further information about the series please contact Michael Greenwood at Michael.Greenwood@informa.com


Mavi Boncuk |

Istanbul - Kushta - Constantinople
Narratives of Identity in the Ottoman Capital, 1830-1930
By Christoph Herzog, Richard Wittmann
First Published 2019

ISBN 9781138631311
Published September 21, 2018 by Routledge
312 Pages

Book Description
Istanbul – Kushta – Constantinople presents twelve studies that draw on contemporary life narratives that shed light on little explored aspects of nineteenth-century Ottoman Istanbul. As a broad category of personal writing that goes beyond the traditional confines of the autobiography, life narratives range from memoirs, letters, reports, travelogues and descriptions of daily life in the city and its different neighborhoods. By focusing on individual experiences and perspectives, life narratives allow the historian to transcend rigid political narratives and to recover lost voices, especially of those underrepresented groups, including women and members of non-Muslim communities.

The studies of this volume focus on a variety of narratives produced by Muslim and Christian women, by non-Muslims and Muslims, as well as by natives and outsiders alike. They dispel European Orientalist stereotypes and cross class divides and ethnic identities. Travel accounts of outsiders provide us with valuable observations of daily life in the city that residents often overlooked.

Table of Contents

Contents

Notes on Contributors

Introduction

Christoph Herzog and Richard Wittmann

Part I: European and Ottoman Women in the Empire

The Memories of German-speaking Women of Constantinople
Gudrun Wedel

Wanderlust, Follies, and Self-Inflicted Misfortunes: The Memoirs of Anna Forneris and her Thirty Years in Constantinople and the Levant
Malte Fuhrmann

The Imperial Harem Network in Istanbul, 1850s to 1922
Börte Sagaster

Part II: Outside Observers of Istanbul
Amalgamated Observations: Assessing American Impressions of Nineteenth-Century Constantinople and its Peoples
Kent Schull
Istanbul and the Formation of an Arab Teenager’s Identity. Recollections of a Cadet in the Ottoman Army in 1914 and 1916–17
Malek Sharif
Hispanic Observers of Istanbul
Pablo Martín Asuero

Part III: Jewish Communities
The Autobiographical Writings of the Constantinople Judezmo Journalist David Fresco as a Clue toward His Attitude to Language
David M. Bunis
Istanbul’s Jewish Community through the Eyes of a European Jew. Ludwig A. Frankl in his Nach Jerusalem
Yaron Ben-Naeh

Part IV: Armenian and Bulgarian Christian Communities
A Stroll through the Quarters of Constantinople: Sketches of the City as Seen through the Eyes of the Great Satirist Hagop Baronian
Rachel Goshgarian
From Short Stories to Social Topography: Misak Koçunyan’s Life Landscapes
Aylin Koçunyan
"Bulgar Milleti Nedir?" Syncretic Forms of Belonging in Mid-Nineteenth-Century Istanbul.
Darin Stephanov
Twenty Years in the Ottoman Capital: The Memoirs of Doctor Hristo Tanev Stambolski of Kazanlik (1843-1932) from an Ottoman Point of View
Johann Strauss

Index

Editor(s)
Biography
Christoph Herzog is Professor of Turcology at the University of Bamberg, Germany. He studied Middle Eastern and modern European history at Freiburg, Germany and in Istanbul. His research interests focus on late Ottoman history, especially on the history of the Arab provinces, intellectual history and biographical studies.

Richard Wittmann is the Associate Director of the German Orient-Institut Istanbul. He studied law, Islamic Studies and Turcology in Munich, Berlin, and Cambridge, Mass., where he earned his PhD in Middle Eastern Studies and History from Harvard University. He specializes in the Islamic legal and social history of the Ottoman Empire, as well as narrative sources for the study of the Middle East.

Depicting the Late Ottoman Empire in Turkish Autobiographies
Images of a Past World
By Philipp Wirtz
First Published 2017
ISBN 9781472479327
Published March 16, 2017 by Routledge
176 Pages - 1 B/W Illustrations
Hardback
   
Book Description

The period between the 1880s and the 1920s was a time of momentous changes in the Ottoman Empire. It was also an age of literary experiments, of which autobiography forms a part. This book analyses Turkish autobiographical narratives describing the part of their authors’ lives that was spent while the Ottoman Empire still existed. The texts studied in this book were written in the cultural context of the Turkish Republic, which went to great lengths to disassociate itself from the empire and its legacy. This process has only been criticised and partially reversed in very recent times, the resurging interest in autobiographical texts dealing with the "old days" by the Turkish reading public being part of a wider, renewed regard for Ottoman legacies.

Among the analysed texts are autobiographies by writers, journalists, soldiers and politicians, including classics like Halide Edip Adıvar and Şevket Süreyya Aydemir, but also texts by authors virtually unknown to Western readers, such as Ahmed Emin Yalman.

While the official Turkish republican discourse went towards a dismissal of the imperial past, autobiographical narratives offer a more balanced picture. From the earliest memories and personal origins of the authors, to the conflict and violence that overshadowed private lives in the last years of the Ottoman Empire, this book aims at showing examples of how the authors painted what one of them called "images of a past world."

Table of Contents

Note on transliteration, dates and names

Acknowledgements

Introduction

I Why write Autobiography?

II Origins, Backgrounds and Beginnings

III Presenting Ottoman Childhoods

IV Education: Reminiscences of School

V End of Empire: Revolution, Unrest and War

VI Post-Ottoman Autobiography for Western Audiences

Conclusion: Remembering lost Ottoman Worlds

Appendix: Glossary of Key Authors

Bibliography

Index

Author

Biography
Philipp Wirtz studied the history, languages and cultures of the Middle East in Frankfurt am Main, Bamberg and London. He holds a PhD from the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS), University of London and teaches Middle East history at SOAS and the University of Warwick.

Book | Ottoman Women Builders The Architectural Patronage of Hadice Turhan Sultan

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Ottoman Women Builders
The Architectural Patronage of Hadice Turhan Sultan
By Lucienne Thys-Senocak
First Published 2007
ISBN 9781138264229
Published November 11, 2016 by Routledge
346 Pages
Available on Taylor & Francis eBooks

Paperback
   
Book Description

Examined here is the historical figure and architectural patronage of Hadice Turhan Sultan, the young mother of the Ottoman Sultan Mehmed IV, who for most of the latter half of the seventeenth century shaped the political and cultural agenda of the Ottoman court. Captured in Russia at the age of twelve, she first served the reigning sultan's mother in Istanbul. She gradually rose through the ranks of the Ottoman harem, bore a male child to Sultan Ibrahim, and came to power as a valide sultan, or queen mother, in 1648. 

It was through her generous patronage of architectural works-including a large mosque, a tomb, a market complex in the city of Istanbul and two fortresses at the entrance to the Dardanelles-that she legitimated her new political authority as a valide and then attempted to support that of her son. Central to this narrative is the question of how architecture was used by an imperial woman of the Ottoman court who, because of customary and religious restrictions, was unable to present her physical self before her subjects' gaze. 

In lieu of displaying an iconic image of herself, as Queen Elizabeth and Catherine de Medici were able to do, Turhan Sultan expressed her political authority and religious piety through the works of architecture she commissioned. Traditionally historians have portrayed the role of seventeenth-century royal Ottoman women in the politics of the empire as negative and de-stabilizing. But Thys-Senocak, through her examination of these architectural works as concrete expressions of legitimate power and piety, shows the traditional framework to be both sexist and based on an outdated paradigm of decline. Thys-Senocak's research on Hadice Turhan Sultan's two Ottoman fortresses of Seddulbahir and Kumkale improves in a significant way our understanding of early modern fortifications in the eastern Mediterranean region and will spark further research on many of the Ottoman fortifications built in the area. Plans and elevations of the fortresses are published and analysed here for the first time. 

Based on archival research, including letters written by the queen mother, many of which are published here for the first time, and archaeological fieldwork, her work is also informed by recent theoretical debates in the fields of art history, cultural history and gender studies.

Table of Contents

Contents: Introduction; 
From concubine to Valide: Turhan Sultan's rise through the harem hierarchy; Ottoman women/other women; 
Defending the Dardanelles: the fortress of Seddulbahir and Kumkale and the legacy of Turhan Sultan; 
Building the capital: the Yeni Valide mosque complex of Istanbul; 
The pillar of the state: architecture, agency and self representation; 
Glossary; 
Appendices; 
Bibliography; 
Index.

Author
Biography
Lucienne Thys-Senocak is Assistant Professor in the History Department at Koc University, Istanbul, Turkey. She also teaches in the graduate program of Anatolian Civilizations and Cultural Heritage Management at the university and is currently directing the restoration project of Hadice Turhan Sultan's Ottoman fortress at Seddülbahir, located on the Gallipoli Peninsula in Turkey.

Reviews
'Painstakingly and exhaustively researched ... the archival work and architectural analysis are first-rate; and the fieldwork on the two military installations must have been a heroic achievement. The arguments are wholly persuasive and are presented in clear, elegant prose that manages to avoid trendy jargon... The author is clearly comfortable with the intricate world of Ottoman court culture and still poorly known architectural history. I believe the book will provoke a lively debate ... This study is novel, original, timely, and important-a superb achievement.' Heghnar Watenpaugh, University of California, and author of The Image of an Ottoman City

'Lucienne Thys-Senocak has given us a fascinating study of architectural patronage by Hadice Turhan Sultan, mother of Sultan Mehmed IV. Through her fortifications on the Dardanelles and her mosque and market in the commercial heart of Istanbul, this remarkable woman advanced the strength and piety of the empire. Hidden from public view, she proclaimed to the world her own presence and power. An eye-opening comparison with patronage in western Europe, Ottoman Women Builders reveals unexpected possibilities in the lives of elite women in the seventeenth century.' Natalie Zemon Davis, Henry Charles Lea Professor of History Emeritus at Princeton University and author of Trickster Travels: A Sixteenth-Century Muslim Between Worlds

'Ottoman Women Builders was written with a broad audience of early modern scholars and students in mind. Its clear prose and helpful translations, together with a clearly organized text, makes an otherwise specialized topic accessible to various disciplines... [It] is an important contribution to the growing field of Ottoman studies, although nonspecialists will find it equally valuable in its myriad uses as an important tool for comparative studies. Thys-Senocak's work will be a valuable text for students and specialists of European history, art and architecture, women's studies, military history, and Islamic history, art, and architectural history at large.' Renaissance Quarterly

'This book represents a major contribution to the study of imperial female patronage and to architectural history as a whole.' Journal of The Society of Architectural Historians

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New Turkes
Dramatizing Islam and the Ottomans in Early Modern England
By Matthew Dimmock
Copyright Year 2005

ISBN 9780754650225
Published March 23, 2005 by Routledge
264 Pages
Hardback

Early Modern England was obsessed with the 'turke'. Following the first Ottoman siege of Vienna in 1529 the printing presses brought endless prayer sheets, pamphlets and books concerning this 'infidel' threat before the public in the vernacular for the first time. As this body of knowledge increased, stimulated by a potent combination of domestic politics, further Ottoman incursions and trade, English notions of Islam and of the 'turke' became nuanced in a way that begins to question the rigid assumptions of traditional critical enquiry. New Turkes: Dramatizing Islam and the Ottomans in Early Modern England explores the ways in which print culture helped define and promulgate a European construction of 'Turkishness' that was nebulous and ever shifting. By placing in context the developing encounters between the Ottoman and Christian worlds, it shows how ongoing engagements reflected the nature of the 'Turke' in sixteenth century English literature. By offering readings of texts by artists, poets and playwrights - especially canonical figures like Kyd, Marlowe and Shakespeare - a bewildering variety of approaches to Islam and the 'turke' is revealed fundamentally questioning any dominant, defining narrative of 'otherness'. In so doing, this book demonstrates how continuing English encounters, both real and fictional, with Muslims complicated the notion of the 'Turke'. It also shows how the Anglo-Ottoman relationship - which was at its peak in the mid-1590s - was viewed with suspicion by Catholic Europe, particularly the apparent ritual and devotional similarities between England's reformed church and Islam. That the 'new turkes' were not Ottoman Muslims, but English Protestants, serves as a timely riposte to the decisive rhetoric of contemporary conflicts and modern scholarly assumption.

Table of Contents

Contents: Introduction; 
The 'Turke' and 'Turkishness' in England, 1529-71; 
Receiving 'great affection' from 'the Turke': 
Anglo-Ottoman relations and the stage; 
George Peele and English perspectives on 'Alcazar'; 
'Mighty hath God and Mahomet made thy hand': 
Tamburlaine and Islam; 
'The troublers of all Christendome': dramatizing the Ottomans in the 1590s; Conclusion: 'All of our nation that knowe Turkie': 
the Ottomans and English culture; 
Bibliography; 
Index.

Author
Dr Matthew Dimmock is Professor Of Early Modern Studies (English), Director Of Research And Knowledge Exchange (School of English) School of English at the University of Sussex, UK.

"Early Modern English Literature and History, including notions of 'otherness' which concern cultural, racial and religious difference - particularly in reference to Islam. Christian and more recently 'Western' depictions of the Prophet Muhammad and their history. One of my recently completed research students worked on witchcraft and the book trade with AHRC funding; another studied early modern English perceptions of Persia and sectarian divisions within Islam with a scholarship from the Pakistan Higher Education Commission. Of my current research students, one works on early modern conceptions of 'trash'; another on English perceptions of the Qur'an between 1649 and 1734; and another on the early modern drama collection at Petworth House. I would be very interested to hear from any prospective students who wish to study in these or related fields."

Publications

Reviews

'This timely and compelling book takes a fresh look at the Elizabethan drama to show how the encounter with the 'Turke' achieved its vital position at the heart of English cultural identity. An essential read for anyone wanting to understand the complexity of Britain's cultural relationship to the Islamic tradition today.' Professor Lisa Jardine, Queen Mary, University of London 'Matthew Dimmock's study New Turkes forms a solid and significant contribution to [...] existing scholarship. It is an innovative piece of work which approaches the subject matter from a fresh perspective, fills in many of the existing gaps and reassesses current research... New Turkes has much to offer and makes a valuable contribution to the field with readings that are both complex and illuminating. Dimmock steers his way sensibly through a mass of primary sources while maintaining a good balance between the reading of the plays and that of other primary evidence.' English 'New Turkes is an important contribution to Anglo-Ottoman studies, and to our understanding of religious polemic and interfaith relations in the early modern era.' Renaissance Quarterly 'The present work represents a valuable addition to the fairly new field of study - literary Orientalism.' The Muslim World 'Dimmock's study is subtle, perceptive, and written with meticulous attention to detail. A superb analytical inroad into the intimate relations between politics, propaganda, mercantilism, and performing arts, it provides the reader with deep insight into the extent to which the articulation of national identity is a response to and manipulation of cultural and religious differences... Students of English drama, premodern 'Orientalism', and construction of self-identity will doubtless find it enriching and stimulating.' Sixteenth Century Journal ’... impressive range of documentary sources... New Turkes has been meticulously researched and provides a valuable inventory of printed primary source mate

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Ottoman Warfare, 1500-1700
By Rhoads Murphey[1]
Copyright Year 1999
ISBN 9781857283891
278 Pages

Ottoman Warfare is an impressive and original examination of the Ottoman military machine, detailing its success in Europe, North Africa, and the Middle East. Focusing primarily on the evolution of the Ottoman military organization and its subsequent impact on Ottoman society in a period of change, the book redresses the historiographical imbalance in the existing literature, analyzing why the Ottomans were the focus of such intense military concern.Several books have been written on the fiscal, technological, tactical, and political dimensions of Ottoman military history; little has been attempted, however, to recreate or evoke the physical and psychological realities of war as experienced by Ottoman soldiers. Rhoads Murphey seeks to rectify this imbalance, favoring operational matters and providing a detailed study of a number of campaigns: we are offered, for example, vivid descriptions of life in the trenches with the diggers at Baghdad in 1638, who dug a total of five miles at 50 yards a day. Murphey's analysis does not focus on the Ottoman's success or failure in particular campaigns per se; he focuses on understanding the actual process of how the Ottoman military machine worked.This long-awaited work will become the definitive study of Ottoman warfare in the early modern period, and will be invaluable to those studying the Ottoman Empire and early modern European history in general.


Studies on Ottoman Society and Culture, 16th–18th Centuries
By Rhoads Murphey[1]
Copyright Year 2007
ISBN 9780754659310
340 Pages

The studies presented in this collection are concerned most particularly with the material conditions of life in the mature Ottoman state of the 16th-18th centuries. They range from the evaluation of sources of livelihood and conditions in the workplace on the one hand, to notions of domesticity and organization of the private sphere on the other, and deal with the provinces, in both the Balkans and in Asia, as much as with Istanbul. At the same time the volume aims to illuminate Ottoman imperial institutional forms and norms as they existed in the high imperial era before the rapid change and transformation associated with late imperial times when the empire was more exposed both to global economic forces and external political pressures. This concentration on the relatively stable conditions that prevailed in the empire throughout the bulk of the early modern era (ca. 1450-ca. 1750) provides the reader with an opportunity to assess Ottoman institutional development and observe social and economic organization in their relatively 'pure' state before the double impact of industrialization and increasing Westernization in the late nineteenth century.

Table of Contents
Contents: Preface; 
Part 1 Cultural Relations and Exchange of Ideas: 

Ottoman medicine and transculturalism from the 16th through the 18th century; 
Westernisation in the 18th-century Ottoman empire: how far, how fast?; 
Bigots or informed observers? A periodization of pre-colonial English and European writing on the Middle East; 
The Ottoman attitude towards the adoption of Western technology: the role of the efrenci technicians in civil and military applications. 

Part 2 Urban Living: 

Provisioning Istanbul: the state and subsistence in the early modern Middle East;
 Communal living in Ottoman Istanbul: searching for the foundations of an urban tradition; 
Disaster relief practices in 17th-century Istanbul: a brief overview of organizational aspects of urban renewal projects undertaken in the aftermath of catastrophic fires; 
The city of Belgrade in the early years of Serbian self-rule and dual administration with the Ottomans: vignettes from Rashid's History illuminating the transformation of a Muslim metropolis of the Balkans. 

Part 3 Population Groups, Population Movements, Production and Organisation of Labour: 

Some features of nomadism in the Ottoman empire: a survey based on tribal census and judicial appeal documentation from archives in Istanbul and Damascus; 
Ottoman census methods in the mid-16th century: 3 case histories; The conceptual and pragmatic uses of the 'summary' (idjmal) register in 16th-century Ottoman administrative practice; Population movements and labor mobility in Balkan contexts: a glance at post-1600 Ottoman social realities; 
Silver production in Rumelia according to an official Ottoman report circa 1600; 
Tobacco cultivation in northern Syria and conditions of its marketing and distribution in the late 18th century; 
The construction of a fortress at Mosul in 1631: a case study of an important facet of Ottoman military expenditure; 
Index.

Reviews


'... this work is extremely useful for scholars studying administrative practices as well as economic and societal interactions within the Ottoman Empire. The articles are well written and are arranged to complement each other. it makes this work much more valuable than just the sum of its parts. The use and analysis of primary source documents in all of the articles greatly enhances the value of this work and makes the bibliography and citations of each article extremely valuable for scholars of this period.' Sixteenth Century Journal.

[1] Rhoads Murphey, Department of History | Honorary Senior Research Fellow

BA (Columbia), MA, PhD (Chicago).">My training in the field of Turkish and Ottoman Studies was completed under the expert guidance of three acknowledged masters of the discipline in London with Victor Menage, in New York with Tibor Halasi-Kun and in Chicago with Halil Inalcik where I remained for 7 years (1973-1979). After a ten year-stint (1982-1991) at Columbia University in New York, serving two departments as both language instructor and historian, in 1992 I started a new career at Birmingham with responsibility for coverage of Turkish history and culture at the Centre for Byzantine, Ottoman and Modern Greek Studies. The result of this transatlantic transplantation has been the widening of my intellectual and academic horizons to encompass the wider Mediterranean and Balkan worlds and the opportunity of pursuing new avenues of research that were closed to me as a younger practitioner in academia."

Books

R. Murphey. 2009 Essays on Ottoman Historians and Historiography (Istanbul: Eren Yayıncılık)
R. Murphey. 2008. Exploring Ottoman Sovereignty: Tradition, Image and Practice in the Ottoman Imperial Household, 1400-1800 (London: Continuum Books)
R Murphey. 2007. Studies on Ottoman Society and Culture, 16th - 18th Centuries, Aldershot, Hampshire, Ashgate

Chapters in collective works

R. Murphey. 2010. “Ottoman Military Organisation in South-eastern Europe, 1420s-1720”, in F. Tallet and D. J. Trim (eds.), European Warfare, 1350-1750 Cambridge: Cambridge University Press), pp. 135-158
R. Murphey.2009. “The garrison and its hinterland in the Ottoman East, 1578-1605” in A.C. S. Peacock (ed.), The Frontiers of the Ottoman World: Proceedings of the British Academy, Volume 156 (London: British Academy, 2009), pp. 353-370
R. Murphey. 2009. “Syria’s “Underdevelopment” under Ottoman Rule: Revisiting an Old Theme in the Light of New Evidence from the Court Records of Aleppo in the Eighteenth Century” in J. Hathaway (ed.), The Ottoman Lands in the Ottoman Era Minneapolis, MN 2009[Minnesota Studies in Early Modern History, No. 2], Chapter 9, pp. 209-230
R. Murphey. 2007. A Comparative Look at Ottoman and Habsburg Resources and Readiness for War (In Guerra y sociedad en la Monarquia Hispánica, I & II, 75-102). Maffi GH-D (Editor), Ediciones Laberinto, Madrid

Article | The Precarious Intimacy of Honor in Late Ottoman Accounts of Para-militarism and Banditry

July 10, 2020, 12:55 pm

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The Precarious Intimacy of Honor in Late Ottoman Accounts of Para-militarism and Banditry LINK 
Tolga Uğur Esmer
https://doi.org/10.4000/ejts.4873


Abstract
This essay sets up a dialogue between the self-narrative of an irregular cavalryman (deli) Deli Mustafa that recounts the campaigns he took part in between 1801/2 and 1825 and the corpus of Ottoman archival sources written about Kara Feyzi, an irregular soldier (sekbân) and bandit leader who marshaled a successful, trans-regional organized crime network that pillaged Ottoman Rumeli from 1793 to 1823. It does so in order to tell a larger story about how imperial governance came to depend on wide-spread networks of violence for defending and policing the Empire but became imbricated in their criminal activities during this period of Ottoman history. Together, Kara Feyzi and Deli Mustafa’s stories shed light on much larger interpretative and moral communities forged upon the same kinds of “texts,” narrative strategies, group experiences, exchange of material and symbolic resources, or simply a concept like honor woven throughout the narratives discussed below.

This essay builds on recent historiography that revisits honor as a discourse that imperial officials, subjects, warriors, irregulars, and bandits all invoked in everyday relations as well as crisis. Rather than emphasizing honor as the mechanism of social organization in the absence of the reaches of the modern state as it featured in twentieth-century anthropology of the Mediterranean, this essay illuminates the ways in which the discourse of honor (and its relational components) mediated the integration of individuals, groups, and local communities into much larger entities such as trans-regional networks and structures of the state. As it will be argued, the reliance of imperial governance on the trans-regional networks of violence to police and defend empire resulted in a precarious intimacy that conventionalized the unconventional, insubordinate behavior of vast echelons of Ottoman society, making violent behavior a marker of prestige and masculine aesthetic—indeed an enduring legacy of the Ottoman past from Serbia to Syria.

Keywords :honor, Mediterranean, interpretative community, masculine ethos, Ottoman Empire, Balkans, Greek Revolution, self-narrative, ego-document, narrative strategies, irregulars, Kabudlı Vasfî Efendi, Kara Feyzi, imperial governance, networks of violence

Outline
The Trope of Unemployment and Trans-Regional Networks of Violence
Precarious Intimacy: Conflicting Loyalties, Deception, and “Licit” Practice
Conclusion

Gaspare Trajano Fossati restoration of Hagia Sophia

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The most important stage in reaching the mosaics today is the restoration of Gaspare Trajano Fossati[1]. During the restoration carried out during the reign of Sultan Abdülmecid, Fossati cleaned and polished the marble coatings on the walls. He started to work between the vaults and arches by gradually scraping the whitewash painted by the Ottoman. After the layers, old Byzantine mosaics appeared. Italian architect Fossati, who came across the first mosaic, asked the sultan of the time, Sultan Abdülmecid, to Hagia Sophia and asked for his opinion. Mosaics began to be unearthed by the decision of Sultan Abdulmecid. While uncovering the mosaics, scaffolds were built in the building and the embroidery was renewed, and 8 mosque sets known as the biggest calligraphy plates of the Islamic world written by the famous calligrapher Kazasker Mustafa İzzet Efendi were hanged on the main pillars. In addition, the 35th verse of Surat an-Nur was engraved in this dome.

Fossati completed these studies in 1849 and opened the mosque in Ramadan. The Italian architect asked for help from the Russian tsar to make a photo album work to document the mosaics of Hagia Sophia, but stopped working when he could not get the help he requested. He continued his photo album with plates showing the interior and exterior views of Hagia Sophia and the surroundings of the building, and printed it in London to present the album to Sultan Abdülmecid. There is a title page on the first page of the album stating the help of Sultan Abdülmecid in this album with 25 plates. Different stances, internal and external appearances of the period Hagia Sophia are documents in the album. A few sheets from Gaspare Trajano Fossati's Hagia Sophia Album:

[1] The Fossati brothers, Gaspare (7 October 1809 — 5 September 1883) and Giuseppe (1822-1891), were Swiss-Italian architects. They completed more than 50 projects in Turkey during the Tanzimat era. They belonged to the Morcote branch of the Fossati, a prominent Ticinese family with mentions in the historical record going back to the 14th century. Gaspari was a superb draftsman, and a master of renovations. He is most noted for his renovation of the Hagia Sofia in Constantinople. Born in Ticino, Gaspari and Giuseppe Fossati were born into a notable family of artisans from Morcote in the Ticino region. Their ancestors included architects, artists and engineers.[1]

The brothers finished primary and middle school in Venice and studied architecture at the Brera Academy in Milan. During his period at the Academy, Gaspari won many prizes. Between 1829 and 1831, Gaspare produced many lithographs of Rome, and produced a catalogue for Leon XII. In around 1833, Gasapari began working for the architectural team of Luigi Rusca in Saint Petersburg, and in 1837, he married Rusca's daughter. (Rusca had died in 1822, but his nephew carried on with Rusca's projects in Saint Petersburg.)[2]

At the end of 1836, Gaspare was appointed to Constantinople (modern-day Istanbul), becoming the official court architect and agreed to draw up plans for the Russian Embassy in Constantinople. He recruited his brother-in-law, Alessandro Rusca, and his own 17 year old brother, Guissepe Fossati. He set sail from Odessa, arriving in Constantinople on 20 March 1837. The Fossati brothers' time in Constantinople would mark the beginning of a very productiver period, and Gaspare would enjoy a distinguished career there.[3]

Between 1841 and 1843, the Fossati brothers built the brick Bab-ı Seraskeri Hospital (Bekirağa Bölüğü) and Liman İskelesi Karakolu in Eminönü for the Ottoman Administration. They were appointed to renovate Arzuodası at Babıali in 1844, and to build important buildings in Sultanahmet such as Dârülfünun (university) (1845-1846), Hazine-i Evrak, and Mekteb-i Sanayi (1846-1848). They also built the Church of SS Peter and Paul between 1841 and 1843.[4]

In 1847, Sultan Abdülmecid appointed them to renovate the Hagia Sophia. They completed the restoration in two years, utilizing more than eight hundred workers. They were able to document a larger number of Byzantine mosaics whose precise location within the Hagia Sophia today have not been fully documented since many were either painted over or destroyed often without recording their original location. The drawings of the Hagia Sophia mosaics are kept in the Cantonal Archive of Ticino.[5] Sultan Abdülmecid allowed the brothers to also document any mosaics they might discover during this process which were later archived in Swiss libraries.[6]

The Telgrafhane-i Amire building was built by Giuseppe Fossati in 1855. Upon the death of Reşit Paşa in 1858, the Fossati brothers built his mausoleum in the corner of the graveyard in the Bayezit complex. They also renovated Venedik Palace (today the house of the Italian Ambassador) in 1853, and the Dutch Embassy in Beyoğlu in 1854. They built the Spanish (1854) and Iranian (1856) embassies in Istanbul and the Ottomon University, adjacent to the Hagia Sofia. In addition, they built three Italian theaters. One of them was the Naum Theatre, which was built in Galatasaray in 1846, and destroyed by a fire in 1870.

In 1858, the Fossati brothers returned to Switzerland. They built their homes in Morcote in the Turkish style. They are buried in Morcote.

Works in Constantinople
Russian Embassy (1837)
Dârülfünun (1846)
Hazine-i Evrak Building (1846)
Hagia Sophia restoration (1847–49)
Bekir Ağa Bölüğü (1841-1843; now the Faculty of Political Sciences at Istanbul University)
Reşid Paşa Palace (1847)
Lamartine (1850)
Old Darülfünun building (1854)
Hünkâr Dairesi (1855; now the Social Facility at Istanbul University)
Ottoman Ministry of General Education (1865), now the TGC Press Media Museum

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The forest fire that started in Istanbul Heybeliada in the evening hours, was taken under control 3 hours later with the intense efforts of the teams and the people of the island. The Governorate announced that the fire started at two different points and a large-scale investigation was launched. 
 fire.Mavi Boncuk |

Yangın: fire[1] EN; fromTR yan+gIn → yan-

Oldest source: "ateş, hararet" [ Hızır Paşa, Müntehab-ı Şifa (c.1410 ]

Old TR yaltır-/yaltrı- (parlamak, ışık saçmak) < *yaltız. ETü fiilden Türkiye Türkçesinde yıldız sözcüğüne kıyasla türetilmiş olması daha muhtemeldir. 

[ Kubbealtı  Lugati] 1. Bir şeyin yanmasından ileri gelen ve etrâfa yayılıp zarara yol açan büyük ateş: “Yangın sigortası.” Geçenlerde Galata’da bir yangın oldu (Ahmed Midhat Efendi). Bu yangının asıl sebebi bir türlü anlaşılamadı (Ömer Seyfeddin). Asırlar içinde uğradığı istîlâlar, üst üste yangınlar ve yağmalar şehirde geçmiş zamanların pek az eserini bırakmıştır (Ahmet H. Tanpınar). 

2. halk ağzı. Ateş, hastalık ateşi. 

3. mec. Gönülde uyanan ve insanın bütün benliğini kaplayan güçlü duygu, arzu, istek, ıztırap vb.. 

4. i. ve sıf. halk ağzı. Âşık, tutkun, sevdâlı kimse: Âlem bilir ben yâre yangınım / Cihan da bilir ben yâre tutkunum (Şarkı). Evet, bu bapta bütün cihanın yangınlarına salâ okurum. İştiyâkımın hiçbir haddi yok (Ahmed Vefik Paşa). 

5. i. ve sıf. mec. Acılı, dertli, yanık: Ben kendimi elden yangın sanırdım / Dahi benden beter yangın neler var (Karacaoğlan). Neye Türk’ün canı yangın, neye millet geridir / Anladık biz bunu az çok senelerden beridir (Mehmet Âkif’ten). İki geyik bir derede su içer / Dertli gider dertlilerle dert açar / Bu ne yangın sevdâ imiş tez geçer (Türkü). 

Yangın çıkarmak: Bir yangına sebep olmak, bir yeri tutuşturmak. 

Yangın kulesi: Şehirlerde çıkan bir yangını görüp haber verebilmek için yapılmış, üzerinde nöbetçi bulunan yüksek kule [Yangın köşkü de denirdi]: “Beyazıt yangın kulesi.” 

Yangın merdiveni: 1. İtfâiyecilerin yangınlarda kullandıkları seyyar merdiven. 2. Binâların dışında tehlike ânında binâyı terketmek için kullanılan merdiven. 

Yangın oku: Daha çok deniz savaşlarında kullanılan, fitili ateşlenerek atılan ve saplandığı yelken bezini tutuşturan ok [Ateş oku, neft oku da denir]. 

Yangın söndürücü: Yangın söndürmek için kullanılan ve içinde ateşi etkisiz duruma getiren bir madde bulunan silindir şeklindeki metal tüp. 

Yangın yeri: Yangın geçirip arsa hâline gelmiş, üzerinde bir şey kalmamış yer. Yangın yerine dönmek: Perîşan ve karmakarışık duruma gelmek: Filistin’deki siyonist teşkîlâtını örnek tutarak kuracağım modern yurt bir yangın yerine dönebilir (Refik H. Karay). 

Yangına körükle gitmek: Yatıştıracak yerde gerginliği, uzlaşmazlığı arttıracak şekilde davranmak: Bir söyleyerek yangına körükle gitmiştim (Reşat N. Güntekin). Tahrik edici haber ve manşetlerle yangına körükle gidiyoruz, görmüyor musunuz? (Rauf Tamer). 

Yangına vermek: Bilerek yakmak, tutuşturmak. 

Yangından çıkmış gibi: Perîşan durumda. Yangından mal kaçırır gibi: Gereksiz yere büyük bir telâş ve acele ile, alelacele, gümrükten mal kaçırır gibi.

Alev: flame[2] EN ; from TR yal-+ yan-;

Oldest source: yalav [ Codex Cumanicus (1300) ]; ˁalav [ Danişmend-Name (1360) ]

alav/alev [ Evliya Çelebi, Seyahatname (1680 yılından önce) ]

Anadolu ağızlarında yalaz, yalım, yalağı, yalağız, yalavı, yalaf biçimleri yaygındır. Esasen Türkçe bir kelime olduğu halde /l/ sesinin inceltilmesi Farsça etkisi veya Farsçadan ikincil alıntı gösterir.

[ Kubbealtı  Lugati] (alav; yalav; oldTR yal-mak “alevlenmek” ) older use as alav. 

1. Yanan maddelerin üzerinde yukarıya doğru uzanan parlak, ışıklı dil, alaz, yalaz, yalım, şûle: Abdullah Efendi, kızıl alevlerin ve dumanların kepenkler arasından ve çatıdan fışkırdığını görüyordu (Ahmet H. Tanpınar). 

2. teşmil. Ateş, harâret: Okudukça gözlerimden sanki yüzüme, göğsüme doğru damla damla alev parçaları saçıldı (Nâmık Kemal). Şilte ve yorgan tutuşmuş gibi vücûdumu alevler içinde hissediyordum (Peyâmi Safâ). 

3. Redhouse. Mızrak ucuna takılan küçük bayrak, flama. 

Alev alev yanmak: 1. Alevler içinde yanmak: “Ahşap köşk alev alev yanmaya başladı.” 2. mec. (Hastalık sebebiyle) Vücut harâreti yükselerek ateşler içinde yanmak. 

Alev almak: 1. Tutuşmak, ateş almak: “Perdeler alev aldı.” 

2. mec. Telâşlanmak, heyecâna kapılmak: Bir defa alev aldılar mı bir daha önlerine geçmenin imkânı kalmaz (Yâkup K. Karaosmanoğlu). 

Alev bacayı sarmak: (İş, mesele) Önlenemeyecek bir durum almak, ateş bacayı sarmak. 

Aslında Türkçe olan alev, Osmanlı Türkçesi’nde bâzan ‘alev (ﻋﻠﻮ) şeklinde yazılmış ve bu kelime ile Farsça kurala göre terkipler yapılmıştır: Alev-gir: Alevlenmiş. Alev-gûn: Alev rengi. Alev-hiz: Alevlenen, parlayan. Alev-nâk: Alevli. Alev-riz: Alev saçan. 

Duman: smoke[3] EN; oldTR tuman 

Oldest source: tuman "sis, bulut" [ Irk Bitig (900 yılından önce) : üzä tuman turdı, asra toz turdı [yukarıda sis, aşağıda toz durdu] ] "sis, bulut" [ Divan-i Lugat-it Türk (1070) ] "yanan nesnelerden çıkan gaz" [ Meninski, Thesaurus (1680) 17. yy'dan itibaren anlam değiştiren tütün sözcüğünün yerini almıştır.

[ Kubbealtı  Lugati]  (Eski Türk. tuman) 1. Yanan bir maddeden çıkan, içinde tamâmıyle yanmamış katı zerreler ve buğu bulunan gaz: Yenikale tarafından dumanlar belirdi (Aka Gündüz). Bu grafiklerde bacalardan süzülen dumanlar bile hesaplı çizilmiştir (Refik H. Karay).
2. Sis veya tozların havada meydana getirdiği bulanıklık, sis, pus.
3. argo. Esrar, esrarlı sigara: Uşağın olayım abi, ne olur bir duman ver bana (Reşat E. Koçu). Malta’da hâfızın biri duman dağıtıyor, yumulun (Kemal Tâhir’den).


[1] fire (n.)

Old English fyr "fire, a fire," from Proto-Germanic *fūr- (source also of Old Saxon fiur, Old Frisian fiur, Old Norse fürr, Middle Dutch and Dutch vuur, Old High German fiur, German Feuer "fire"), from PIE *perjos, from root *paewr- "fire." Current spelling is attested as early as 1200, but did not fully displace Middle English fier (preserved in fiery) until c. 1600. From Old French fu, from Latin focus (“hearth”), which in Late and Vulgar Latin replaced the Classical Latin ignis (“fire”). Also From Old French feüz, fadude (“one who has accomplished his destiny”), from Vulgar Latin *fatutus, from Latin fatum (“destiny”).

Feuer: middle high German viur , vi (u) who , old high German fiur , West Germanic * fewur , Indo-European * pehwr / phwnos "fire", occupied since the 8th century. Related forms are the proto- Germanic * fōr , the West Frisian fjoer  → fy and the Dutch vuur  → nl . Just like the Hittite paḫḫur  → hit , the Umbrian pir and the Greek πῦρ  (pỹr)  → grc , all these forms come from Indo-European * pehwr (fire).

PIE apparently had two roots for fire: *paewr- and *egni- (source of Latin ignis). The former was "inanimate," referring to fire as a substance, and the latter was "animate," referring to it as a living force (compare water (n.1)).

Brend child fuir fordredeþ ["The Proverbs of Hendyng," c. 1250]

English fire was applied to "ardent, burning" passions or feelings from mid-14c. Meaning "discharge of firearms, action of guns, etc." is from 1580s. To be on fire is from c. 1500 (in fire attested from c. 1400, as is on a flame "on fire"). To play with fire in the figurative sense "risk disaster, meddle carelessly or ignorantly with a dangerous matter" is by 1861, from the common warning to children. Phrase where's the fire?, said to one in an obvious hurry, is by 1917, American English.

Fire-bell is from 1620s; fire-alarm as a self-acting, mechanical device is from 1808 as a theoretical creation; practical versions began to appear in the early 1830s. Fire-escape (n.) is from 1788 (the original so-called was a sort of rope-ladder disguised as a small settee); fire-extinguisher is from 1826. A fire-bucket (1580s) carries water to a fire. Fire-house is from 1899; fire-hall from 1867, fire-station from 1828. Fire company "men for managing a fire-engine" is from 1744, American English. Fire brigade "firefighters organized in a body in a particular place" is from 1838. Fire department, usually a branch of local government, is from 1805. Fire-chief is from 1877; fire-ranger from 1909.

Symbolic fire and the sword is by c. 1600 (translating Latin flamma ferroque absumi); earlier yron and fyre (1560s), with suerd & flawme (mid-15c.), mid fure & mid here ("with fire and armed force"), c. 1200. Fire-breathing is from 1590s. To set the river on fire, "accomplish something surprising or remarkable" (usually with a negative and said of one considered foolish or incompetent) is by 1830, often with the name of a river, varying according to locality, but the original is set the Thames on fire (1796). The hypothetical feat was mentioned as the type of something impossibly difficult by 1720; it circulated as a theoretical possibility under some current models of chemistry c. 1792-95, which may have contributed to the rise of the expression.

[A]mong other fanciful modes of demonstrating the practicability of conducting the gas wherever it might be required, he anchored a small boat in the stream about 50 yards from the shore, to which he conveyed a pipe, having the end turned up so as to rise above the water, and forcing the gas through the pipe, lighted it just above the surface, observing to his friends "that he had now set the river on fire." ["On the Origins and Progress of Gas-lighting," in "Repertory of Patent Inventions," vol. III, London, 1827]

fire (v.) c. 1200, furen, "arouse, inflame, excite" (a figurative use); literal sense of "set fire to" is attested from late 14c., from fire (n.). The Old English verb fyrian "to supply with fire" apparently did not survive into Middle English. Related: Fired; firing.

Meaning "expose to the effects of heat or fire" (of bricks, pottery, etc.) is from 1660s. Meaning "to discharge artillery or a firearm" (originally by application of fire) is from 1520s; extended sense of "to throw (as a missile)" is from 1580s. Fire away in the figurative sense of "go ahead" is from 1775.

The sense of "sack, dismiss from employment" is recorded by 1877 (with out; 1879 alone) in American English. This probably is a play on the two meanings of discharge (v.): "to dismiss from a position," and "to fire a gun," influenced by the earlier general sense "throw (someone) out" of some place (1871). To fire out "drive out by or as if by fire" (1520s) is in Shakespeare and Chapman. Fired up "angry" is from 1824 (to fire up "become angry" is from 1798).

see also: feu/ (fjuː) / a feudal tenure of land for which rent was paid in money or grain instead of by the performance of military service. the land so held, a right to the use of land in return for a fixed annual payment (feu duty)

1 feu m (plural feux)

fire
(cigarette) lighter
traffic light feu Noun, masculine

(a) (Declension: pl feux) fire in a forest, house; prendre ~ to catch fire; mettre ~ à qch to set fire to sth, set sth on fire; en ~ building on fire, burning; burning cheecks; avoir du ~ to have a light (for a cigarette); donner du ~ à qn to give sb a light (for a cigarette); (fig) parler avec ~ to speak with fire;

~ d'artifice firework; ~x d'artifice fireworks (display); ~ de camp campfire; ~ follet will-o'-the-wisp; ~ de joie bonfire

(b) signal light; aux ~x at the (traffic) lights;

~ anti-brouillard fog lights, fog lamps; ~ arrière rear light, tail light; ~ de croisement dipped headlights; ~ de détresse hazard warning lights; ~ orange amber (lgiht); ~ de position sidelight; ~ de recul reversing lights; ~ rouge red light; traffic light, (set of) traffic lights; ~x de route headlamps or headlights on full beam; ~x de signalisation traffic lights, traffic signals; ~x de stationnement parking lights; ~ de stop brake light; ~x tricolores traffic lights; ~ vert green light; (fig) go-ahead; pleins ~x spotlight

(c) ring on a cooker; sur le ~ on the stove; faire cuire à ~ doux/vif to cook over a slow/fast heat; to cook in a slow/fast oven

(d) (Mil) action; gun fire, gunfire; faire ~ to fire; "au ~!""fire!"; ~ (à volonté)! fire (at will)!; coup de ~ (gun)shot; recevoir un coup de ~ to be shot;

~x croisés crossfire

(e) (Slang) gun, shooter (Slang)

2 feu Adjective
late person; mon ~ oncle my late uncle; la ~e reine the late queen
Also: deceased, the late Elle était la sœur de feu Jean Dupont

3 feu Adverb

 ~ Monsieur X the late Mr X, Mr X deceased; ~ mon oncle my late uncle.

Foyer: Borrowed from French foyer (“hearth, lobby”), in turn from Vulgar Latin *focārium, from Late Latin focārius, from Latin focus (“hearth”). Cognate with Spanish hogar (“home”).



[2]  flame (n.) Middle English flaume, also flaumbe, flambe, flame, flamme, mid-14c., "a flame;" late 14c., "a flaming mass, a fire; fire in general, fire as an element;" also figurative, in reference to the "heat" or "fire" of emotions, from Anglo-French flaume, flaumbe "a flame" (Old French flambe, 10c.), from Latin flammula "small flame," diminutive of flamma "flame, blazing fire," from PIE *bhleg- "to shine, flash," from root *bhel- (1) "to shine, flash, burn."



The meaning "a sweetheart, object of one's passion" is attested from 1640s; the figurative sense of "burning passion" was in Middle English, and the nouns in Old French and Latin also meant "fire of love, flame of passion," and, in Latin "beloved object." The Australian flame-tree is from 1857, so called for its red flowers.



flame (v.) Middle English flaumen, also flaumben, flomben, flamben, flamen, flammen, c. 1300 (implied in flaming "to shine (like fire), gleam, sparkle like flames;" mid-14c. as "emit flames, be afire, to blaze," from Anglo-French flaumer, flaumber (Old French flamber) "burn, be on fire, be alight" (intransitive), from flamme "a flame" (see flame (n.)).



Transitive meaning "to burn, set on fire" is from 1580s. Meaning "break out in violence of passion" is from 1540s; the sense of "unleash invective on a computer network" is from 1980s. Related: Flamed; flaming. To flame out, in reference to jet engines, is from 1950.



GER die Flamme  pl.: die Flammen



[3] smoke (n.1) late Old English smoca (rare) "fumes and volatile material given off by burning substances," related to smeocan "give off smoke," from Proto-Germanic *smuk- (source also of Middle Dutch smooc, Dutch smook, Middle High German smouch, German Schmauch), from PIE root *smeug- "to smoke; smoke" (source also of Armenian mux "smoke," Greek smykhein "to burn with smoldering flame," Old Irish much, Welsh mwg "smoke").



There is no fyre without some smoke [Heywood, 1562]

The more usual noun was Old English smec, which became dialectal smeech. Abusive meaning "black person" attested from 1913, American English. Smoke-eater "firefighter" is c. 1930. Figurative phrase go up in smoke "be destroyed" (as if by fire) is from 1933. Smoke-alarm first attested 1936; smoke-detector from 1957.



smoke (v.) Old English smocian "to produce smoke, emit smoke," especially as a result of burning, from smoke (n.1). Meaning "to drive out or away or into the open by means of smoke" is attested from 1590s. Meaning "to apply smoke to, to cure (bacon, fish, etc.) by exposure to smoke" is first attested 1590s. In connection with tobacco, "draw fumes from burning into the mouth," first recorded 1604 in James I's "Counterblast to Tobacco." Related: Smoked; smoking. Smoking gun in the figurative sense of "incontestable evidence" is from 1974.




smoke (n.2) "cigarette," slang, 1882, from smoke (n.1). Also "opium" (1884). Meaning "a spell of smoking tobacco" is recorded from 1835.

In Memoriam | Adalet Ağaoğlu (1929 - 2020)

July 14, 2020, 8:41 am

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Prominent Turkish author Adalet Agaoglu died on Tuesday at the age of 91. She is described as the most prolific authors of 20th century Turkish literature.

“We lost Adalet Agaoglu this morning,” wrote Turkish literary critic Semih Gumus on Twitter. “She was one of the most important writers of our literature. Her novels were very special,” Gumus said sharing a photo of the Turkish novelist along with her husband who died in 2018. Turkey’s prestigious Bogazici University said: “We have lost the great name of our literature, the valuable writer Adalet Agaoglu, who has an honorary Ph.D. from Bogazici University. She will always live with her works.”

The award-winning writer was born in 1929 in the Turkish capital Ankara. She studied French Language and Literature at Ankara University"Her first novel, Lying down to Die, was published in 1973 and soon became a hit, later becoming a trilogy with the publication of A Wedding Night (1979) and No (1989),” according to Bogazici University. “Agaoglu’s second novel, Thin Rose of My Thoughts (1976), was pulled off the shelves at the fourth edition after charges were filed against her for ‘humiliating and deriding armed forces’. She was eventually acquitted after a two-year trial,” the university said.

In 2010, Agagolu donated her personal archive to the university which has been kept in a room designed under her supervision. This room also contains her personal objects such as her study-desk and typewriter, her correspondence and the first editions of her books. Also, a human rights defender, Agaoglu’s writings focused on social issues and their impacts on individuals through sarcasm and monologues.

Mavi Boncuk |


Adalet Ağaoğlu (née Sümer; 23 October 1929 – 14 July 2020)[1] was a Turkish novelist and playwright, considered one of the foremost novelists of 20th-century Turkish literature.[2] She also wrote essays, memoirs, and short stories.

She was born in Nallıhan, Ankara Province on 23 October 1929.[3][4]

As an author, a playwright and a human rights activist, she became one of the most prized novelists of Turkey. Once considered to be one of the most important living authors in Turkey a revered intellectual, her tightly constructed prose is a balance between a realistic milieu of Turkey which she knows firsthand and the broader, more humanistic elements of social pressure and gender prejudice. In an unfamiliar urban world, her fictional newcomers to modernity struggle with age-old issues complicated by perplexing political, religious, economic and social forces.

She was rewarded with numerous honors besides the literary awards she won in the fields of novel, short story and drama. For her perception of subtle and overt changes in modern Turkish society and her writing entitled "Modernism and Social Change", Adalet Ağaoğlu received the "Turkish Presidency Merit Award" in 1995. In 1998, Ağaoğlu received "Honorary Ph.D." from Anadolu University followed by the "Ph.D. of Humane Letters" from the Ohio State University.

Theatre and radio drama
Yaşamak – 1955
Evcilik Oyunu – 1964
Sınırlarda Aşk – 1965
Çatıdaki Çatlak – 1965
Tombala – 1967
Çatıdaki Çatlak 1967
Sınırlarda Aşk-Kış-Barış 1970
Üç Oyun: Bir Kahramanın Ölümü, Çıkış, Kozalar 1973
Kendini Yazan Şarkı 1976
Duvar Öyküsü 1992
Çok Uzak-Fazla Yakın 1991

Novels
Ölmeye Yatmak – 1973
Fikrimin İnce Gülü – 1976
Bir Düğün Gecesi – 1979
Yazsonu – 1980
Üç Beş Kişi – 1984
Hayır... – 1987
Ruh Üşümesi – 1991
Romantik Bir Viyana Yazı – 1993

References
 [1] Profile of Adalet Ağaoğlu
 [2] "Nihat Duğancı, Adalet Ağaoğlu'nun Romanları ve Romancılığı, Çanakkale Onsekiz Mart Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Çanakkale, 2006". Archived from the original on 2016-04-06. Retrieved 2014-07-24.
[4] McGraw-Hill Encyclopedia of World Drama: An International Reference Work in 5 Volumes. 
 (2 ed.). Verlag für die Deutsche Wirtschaft AG. 1984. p. 31. ISBN 978-0-07-079169-5. Retrieved 1 March 2010.

Stolen Artifacts from Turkey | A Primer

July 15, 2020, 7:20 am

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Mavi Boncuk |

AN ARRAY OF ARTIFACTS FROM THE ANCIENT CIVILIZATIONS OF ANATOLIA AND THE MORE RECENT OTTOMAN EMPIRE ARE ON EXHIBIT IN SEVERAL GREAT MUSEUMS AROUND THE WORLD.

And some of those artifacts were spirited abroad without official permission, in other words by smuggling. Now, through the efforts of the Turkish Ministry of Culture and Tourism over the last ten years, more than 4,000 of those artifacts large and small have been returned to Turkey. Among the important items returned in the last year are the Boğazköy sphinx and the top half of the 2nd century Weary Herakles statue. Among the other monuments whose return is being sought are the Altar of Zeus in Berlin and a tile panel from the Tomb of Sultan Selim II at the Louvre.

LOUVRE (PARIS)
TILE PANEL FROM THE TOMB OF SULTAN SELIM II[1]

The intact panels not in need of repair are thought to have been transported to Paris and added to the Louvre Museum collection during a restoration in 1882-1883 by Albert Sorlin Dorigny, who was engaged for the task. Efforts to retrieve the missing sections have been under way since 2006.


PERGAMON MUSEUM (BERLIN)
ALTAR OF ZEUS

This monument was discovered by Carl Humann, a German engineer tasked with road construction in the Bergama region in the 1870’s. Artifacts recovered by German archaeologists were transported to Berlin under Humann’s contract with the Ottoman government. Work has commenced on framing a new policy for the recovery effort, which has been under way since 1991.

APHRODISIAS - STATUE OF THE OLD FISHERMAN

The torso of the statue of the Old Fisherman, the head and legs of which are at the Aphrodisias Museum in Geyre, are at the Pergamon Museum in Berlin.


VICTORIA & ALBERT MUSEUM (LONDON)
HEAD OF EROS

Efforts have been under way since 2010 to recover the head of Eros believed to belong to the lid of the Sidamara Sarcaphagus in the Istanbul Archaeological Museum.


[1]In 1892, a French dentist then living in Istanbul, Albert Sorlin Dorigny, somehow got permission from the Sultan to restore various tiles in Istanbul. In context of this process, one of the panels was taken to France by Dorigny and he brought fakes to Istanbul. In other words, Dorigny stole original 60 tiles and replaced them with the fakes. Now in 21th century, although truth revealed and this theft case has been enlightened, famous Louvre Museum still holds these stolen objects captivated. 

PANNEAU MURAL DU TOMBEAU DE SELIM II

Situé à l'origine dans l'enceinte du musée de Sainte-Sophie à Constantinople, cet élément ornemental du tombeau de Selim II 1574 est acheté par le Louvre, en 1895, à Albert Sorlin Dorigny, chirurgien-dentiste et collectionneur. Il est soupçonné d'avoir remplacé le panneau originel par une copie, prétextant sa restauration. Ces contrefaçons porteraient la marque des ateliers de Choisy-le-Roi. La demande de restitution, non effective à ce jour, émane du ministère turc de la Culture et du Tourisme.

La dernière phase du style d'Iznik, qui débute vers 1550 - 1560, estllustrée par ces panneaux. Elle correspond à une explosion de l'utilisation des revêtements de carreaux de céramique comme élément du décor intérieur. La palette de cette phase comporte, comme dans les périodes antérieures, les bleus cobalt et turquoise. S'y ajoutent le fameux rouge d'Iznik, dont les nuances vont du corail au brique, puis le vert émeraude. Panneaux et frises de revêtement Seconde moitié du XVIe siècle Turquie, Iznik Céramique siliceuse, décor peint sur engobe et sous glaçure transparente Panneau aux médaillons fleuris polylobés : OA 3919/ 2-268 Panneau à décor de fleurs composites: OA 3919/ 2-297 Panneau aux bouquets : OA 3919/ 2-247d Panneau à décor saz : OA 7455 Panneau aux tiges ondulantes fleuries : OA 3919/ 2-247b Panneau à décor saz : OA 3919/ 2-287 Panneau aux bouquets : OA 3919/ 2-277 Panneau à la mandorle : OA 3919/ 2-247e Panneau aux réseaux fleuris : OA 3919/ 2-271 Excepté le panneau (OA 7455) légué par la baronne Alphonse Delort de Gléon en 1912, toutes les autres pièces proviennent de la collection d'Albert Sorlin-Dorigny et ont été acquises par le musée en 1895 Département des Arts de l'Islam

Profile | Paul B. Henze

July 15, 2020, 1:10 pm

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Paul B. Henze, a former CIA and National Security Council specialist in psychological operations who wrote a compelling and provocative book arguing that the Soviet Union had engineered an attempted assassination of Pope John Paul II, died May 19 at a rehabilitation center in Culpeper, Va.

He was 86 and died of complications after a series of strokes.

Mr. Henze was a CIA station chief in Turkey [1] and Ethi­o­pia during the 1960s and ’70s and served in the Carter administration as a deputy to National Security Adviser Zbigniew Brzezinski.[*]

After retiring from government service near the end of President Jimmy Carter’s term, Mr. Henze became a consultant for the Rand Corp., a think tank. He wrote widely about the history and politics of Ethi­o­pia and Central Asia in mainstream publications and several books.

[*] [For more on Henze's life and work, read this eulogy by former U.S. National Security Advisor Zbigniew Brzezinski, which he prepared for delivery at a memorial service for Henze held in northern Virginia on July 17, 2011.]

Mavi Boncuk | 

Paul Bernard Henze (29 August 1924, Redwood Falls – 19 May 2011, Culpeper) was an American broadcaster, writer and CIA operative. He was involved with Radio Free Europe and wrote The Plot to Kill the Pope which advocated the view that the Bulgarians were involved in an assassination attempt on John Paul II in 1981.[2]

Henze encouraged Zbigniew Brzezinski in the formation of the Nationalities Working Group in 1978, of which Henze was appointed head.[3] Influenced by his friend Alexandre Bennigsen, this group advocated the promotion of islamism as a tool for undermining Soviet hegemony in Central Asia.

Perhaps his best-known book was his first, “The Plot to Kill the Pope” (1983), an investigation into the 1981 attempted assassination of Pope John Paul II, who was shot four times while addressing a crowd at St. Peter’s Square in Vatican City. 

A Turk, Mehmet Ali Agca, was convicted of the shooting and spent 19 years in an Italian prison. Mr. Henze argued that Agca, who offered several contradicting explanations for his actions, had been part of a conspiracy involving the Bulgarian and Soviet secret police. His conclusion was the result of an exhaustive examination into Agca’s connections with suspected terrorist organizations. 

Using a wide range of sources across Europe, Mr. Henze, who spoke fluent Turkish, reconstructed the would-be assassin’s journey to St. Peter’s via Iran, Bulgaria and Germany. 

The so-called “Bulgarian connection” was endorsed by the CIA. But in 1991, former agency analyst Melvin A. Goodman told the Senate Intelligence Committee that high-ranking CIA officials had pressured staff to conclude that the Soviet KGB had ordered the pope’s assassination. “The CIA had no evidence linking the KGB to the plot,” Goodman said.

[1] 

FOREIGN RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES, 1977–1980, VOLUME XXI, CYPRUS; TURKEY; GREECE
[Page 65]

15. Memorandum From Paul B. Henze of the National Security Council Staff to the President’s Assistant for National Security Affairs (Brzezinski)1
Washington, October 15, 1977

SUBJECT
Review with Clark Clifford of Recent Developments in the Greece-Turkey-Cyprus Situation
Clark Clifford asked that you and the President be informed of what he told me during an hour’s review on 14 October 1977 of his recent involvement in the Greece-Turkey-Cyprus situation.

He feels the climate for recent talks was greatly improved because there had been no flare-up of Greek-Turkish tension in the Aegean during the summer. Last spring the Greeks were all talking of war with the Turks. Bitsios never used this word during his talks last week with Vance and Clifford. Clifford’s net impression from talks with Bitsios is that the Greeks are no longer gripped by fear of Turkey and therefore more amenable to real bargaining after their elections, but that they have little enthusiasm for a settlement and would just as well stall indefinitely. Kyprianou made a poor impression on Clifford; he regards him as a pawn. With Makarios gone, he feels, initiative for a Cyprus settlement must all come from Athens and Ankara and both countries must keep their respective communities in Cyprus moving constructively.

The real change in the situation is on the Turkish side. After a lot of unproductive talk in larger sessions, Vance, Clifford and Caglayangil met alone for nearly two hours and Caglayangil let his hair down.2 He said his government had made a firm decision to move to settle the Cyprus problem and get the DCA approved. (This is confirmed by CIA reporting.)3 He said they were compelled to do this because of their worsening economic situation and the drain on their resources Cyprus caused. He said Demirel felt politically stronger now and felt he could keep his coalition partners under control. As soon as the Greek elections are over (20 November), Caglayangil said the Turks would start moving. (They have a National Security Council meeting scheduled for 17 November.) Concessions involving territory, constitutional arrangements and reduction of troops in Cyprus were talked about and though [Page 66]details and timing were left for the future, Clifford feels the Turks are serious and that there is, at last, some hopefulness in the situation.

During his Washington visit early this week, Caglayangil used Ardeshir Zahedi as intermediary for getting together with the hard core of the Greek lobby. He had breakfast with Brademas, Sarbanes, Eagleton and Rosenthal on 11 October. Clifford met with this group the next day and thinks he detected some slight “give” in their position, especially Sarbanes, who has been the most anti-Turkish of all. Clifford is going to sound out a wide range of other Senators and Congressmen in the next couple of weeks. Until he does that he does not want to recommend tactics for handling the DCA. He is thinking of another mission to the area in early December. The Turks made clear to him that he would be welcome.

Clifford is going at this job with zest, wisdom and patience and obviously intends to stick with it until he succeeds. I came away feeling we are very fortunate to have got him involved.

Source: Carter Library, National Security Affairs, Staff Material, Horn/Special, Box 1, Chron File: 10–11/77. Secret. Outside the System. Sent for information.↩
See Document 100.↩

Not further identified.↩

[2]. Golden, Jill; Yamada, Rachel. "Inventory of the Paul B. Henze papers". Online Archive of California. California Digital Library. Retrieved 16 October 2018.

[3].Kalinovsky, Artemy M. (2015). "Encouraging Resistance: Paul Henze, the Bennigsen school, and the crisis of détente". Reassessing Orientalism: Interlocking Orientologies during the Cold War. Retrieved 16 October 2018.

Born in Redwood Falls, Minn., Paul graduated from St. Olaf College and, following service in the U.S. Army in Europe, completed a master's program in Soviet studies at Harvard.

In 1952 he joined RFE as deputy political advisor in Munich to William E. Griffith. Until 1958, Paul helped shape the concept of full-service substitute or surrogate broadcasting. Having taught himself shorthand, Paul chronicled many internal RFE discussions in its formative years, some of which are available for viewing in the Hoover Institution archives at Stanford University.

Later, in a number of government positions, especially as a National Security Council staff member responsible for international broadcasting during the Carter administration, Paul was an unfailing supporter of RFE/RL.

Over the last decade, while pursuing scholarly interests in Turkey, the Caucasus, and especially Ethiopia, Paul's interest in RFE/RL was rekindled. He helped us celebrate RFE/RL’s continuing legacy in Budapest, Warsaw and Prague. He was honored by the government of democratic Poland and traveled with founding Polish Service director Jan Nowak-Jezioranski around the country. Paul even contributed a chapter on RFE's early years to the volume "Cold War Broadcasting" (Central European University Press, 2010).

When I turned to writing "Radio Free Europe and Radio Liberty: The CIA Years and Beyond," my book about RFE/RL (Wilson Center Press and Stanford University Press, 2010), Paul provided invaluable insights into RFE’s early years. During our many conversations at his Virginia farm he also made available volumes of private correspondences he'd had with RFE leadership during his tenure.

From his material, I learned how Paul had helped counter irresponsible suggestions made in the wake of the June 1953 East German uprising that RFE should promote violent unrest in Eastern Europe. In one letter, Paul vented his frustration at the "stupid" and "hair-brained" advice of some officials who thought RFE should advocate sabotage in Eastern Europe. Disparaging them as "psychological warriors," he wrote that "our exiles here will never carry out the kind of orders the PW-boys want to give."

In his section for "Cold War Broadcasting," Paul wrote that "Radio Free Europe was an experiment" that "by the end of the 1950s... had evolved into a semi-permanent feature of the East European political and social landscape."


That did not just happen. Paul Henze and his Munich associates – Americans and exiles alike – made it so. With his passing, we celebrate Paul Henze’s many accomplishments and adventures and we especially honor his lifelong contribution to RFE/RL.

A. Ross Johnson was a senior executive of RFE/RL from 1988 to 2002, serving as director of Radio Free Europe, director of the RFE/RL Research Institute, and acting president and counselor of RFE/RL. Johnson is the author of "Radio Free Europe and Radio Liberty: The CIA Years and Beyond" (2010) and co-edited, with R. Eugene Parta, "Cold War Broadcasting: Impact on the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe" (2010).

SOURCE

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Word origin | Dorse, Cemse

July 16, 2020, 6:34 am

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Dorse: marka Dorsey[1] Trailer Amerikan kamyon kasası imalatçısı \ 1911
Oldest source:
"TIR tipi kamyon kasası, semi treyler" [ m (1977) : çok az kullanılmış çekici-dorse-tente komple teslim ]

Cemse: marka GMC [2] General Motors Corporation motorlu taşıt markası
Oldest source:
"GMC (marka)" [ c (1948) : kamyon Cemse markalı ve 1942 model olup motör No.su ]
"askeri personel taşıma aracı" [ m (1954) : cemse arabasını idare eden şöför er Şefik, manevra yapmak isterken, 3111 plakalı otobüsle çarpışmış ]

[1]  By 1930, Dorsey engineers had developed the company’s first commercial freight trailers. Dorsey’s sales increased every year, even during the depression, and by the end of the decade truckers coast-to-coast identified the trade name “Dorsey” with durability and safety.

It all started in a converted livery stable located in Elba, Alabama. Pete and Henry Dorsey opened a small machine shop to repair the power saws, boilers and trucks of the booming timber business. They soon started designing and building their own products.


Like many businesses, Dorsey was pushed into military construction in WWII and the Korean War. Their success led to contracts building trailers for rocket systems in the 1960s. As time went on, the company gradually transitioned from logging trailers to flatbed and van trailers. They were also one of the first companies to introduce aluminum construction, adding corrosion resistance and increasing payloads. 2007 marked a new chapter in Dorsey Trailer history. The company was bought by Pitts Enterprises, a nearby company that specializes in logging and construction trailers. Together with Pitts’ other manufacturers, they build a full line of semi trailers to fit every need. 

After a short interlude of peace in the late 1940’s, military production was resumed during the Korean Conflict. The plant was relocated and expanded to meet military and commercial demands.

(pictured in 1954 with Turkish Army soldiers)

[2] The GMC CCKW also known as "Jimmy" was a 2½-ton 6x6 U.S. Army cargo truck that saw heavy service in both World War II and the Korean War. The original "Deuce and a Half", it formed the backbone of the famed Red Ball Express that kept Allied armies supplied as they pushed eastward after the Normandy invasion.[2] The CCKW came in many variants, including open or closed cab, long wheel base (LWB 353) and short (SWB 352), and over a score of specialized models. It began to be phased out with the deployment of the 6×6 M35 in 1950, but remained in active U.S. service until the mid-1960s. It is related to the Chevrolet G506, built at the same factory.

The CCKW came in many variants, including open or closed cab, long wheelbase (LWB) CCKW-353 and short (SWB) CCKW-352, and over a score of specialized models, but the bulk were standard, general purpose, cargo models. A large minority were built with a front mounted winch, and one in four of the cabs had a machine-gun mounting ring above the co-driver's position.

The GMC CCKW began to be phased out, once the M35 series trucks were first deployed in the 1950s, but remained in active U.S. service until the mid-1960s. Eventually, the M35 series, originally developed by REO Motors, succeeded the CCKW as the U.S. Army's standard 2 1⁄2-ton, 6x6 cargo truck.

The name CCKW comes from GMC model nomenclature:

"C", designed in 1941
"C", conventional cab
"K", all-wheel drive
"W", dual rear axles
"X", experimental chassis / non-standard wheelbase (first 13,188 units)

The M939 Truck is a 5-ton 6×6 U.S. military heavy truck. The basic cargo versions were designed to transport a 10,000 pounds (4,500 kg) cargo load over all terrain in all weather. Designed in the late 1970s to replace the M39 and M809 series of trucks, 

Film | Hive by Eylem Kaftan

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Hive 2019 ‘Kovan’ Directed by Eylem Kaftan[1]

Fiction, Turkish; English sub., Turkey, 2019, Colour, 93’

Director: Eylem Kaftan
Producer: Canol Balkaya, Eylem Kaftan
Screenplay: Eylem Kaftan 
DoP: Serdar Ünlütürk
Editing: Erkan Erdem
Cast: Meryem Üzerli, Feyyaz Duman, Hakan Karsak

Synopsis

Ayşe returns to her hometown in northeastern Turkey to nurse her gravely ill mother. Before she dies, Ayse’s mother tells her that she will leave Ayse her much loved bee hives to manage. Ayse’s modern life has moved her away from the mountains of her childhood – a life in which the bees and their honey were central. But she puts her city life on hold to manage the bees, which provide a distraction from her grief. Ayse slowly starts to work with the local bee keeper to manage the hives but finds the lessons of her childhood are buried deep and the hives are more difficult to manage than she remembers. Ayse’s failure to pay needful attention to local advice sees her mothers bee hives seriously damaged, if not lost forever. What’s more a Caucasian bear becomes a real threat to her hives and her life.


[1] Eylem Kaftan is a journalist and filmmaker based in İstanbul, Turkey. Kaftan completed a B.A. in Philosophy at Boğaziçi University . She completed an M.A in film and video at York University in 2002, where she worked as a teaching assistant and wrote her thesis on the identity crisis in post-1980 Turkish cinema. Her first documentary, Faultlines, investigates the aftermath of the earthquake which hit Turkey in 1999. It won Best Short Film and the Jury Prize at the Planet Indie Film Festival in Toronto. 

Eylem then wrote and directed Vendetta Song[*] (2005) produced with DLI Productions in co-production with the National Film Board of Canada. This film about her personal journey into the honour-killing of her aunt in Turkey has received several awards including CIDA Prize for Best Canadian Documentary at Hot Docs; the Quebec Film Critics Association Award; Best Documentary

It was broadcast on Vision TV and Télé-Québec and has received several awards including CIDA Prize for Best Canadian Documentary on International Development at Hot Docs; the Quebec Film Critics Association Award for Best Medium Length Documentary; Best Documentary, Calgary International festival; and Best Documentary, Female Eye Film Festival. 

Her third documentary Bledi, This is Our Home tells the story of the non-status Algerians in Canada.

Eylem has contributed to several Canadian documentaries on social and political issues ranging from immigration and women’s rights to mental illness and culture shock. 

Eylem is also working on her new documentary on Kurdish youth. 

In 2010, Kaftan made a documentary series for Aljazeera documentary channel, called the Dreamcatchers. 

Between 2011-2013 she worked for Al Jazeera Turkish and produced several short documentaries and three 44-minute films, which were shown at   Al Jazeera English channel. The Passion and Penalty is a film about the matchfixing scandal in Turkish football. Sarajevo, My Love is (http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nmuqWmALnjoa) a film about a Serbian general who defended Sarajevo during the siege of the city. Seeing isn't Everything which is about four blind people living in İstanbul. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=N9KsI5SSmnk 

In 2014 Kaftan produced short docs Al Jazeera Plus channel. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=O69_tFa5K9E     https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qV2yC-SjD5s

She made The emptiness in me, which is  about three non-Turkish sufis. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2dEJC79WHGM

She also worked as a presenter for a TV series for TRT Documentary on ‘urban farmers’, called Biçiftlik https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hDEWpOSfvDo

Her latest film is about the massacre in Rabia hospital  in Egypt called Massacre in Rabia made for Al Jazeera English https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8BEp3hZl69I

Kaftan also works for the national newspaper Vatan as a freelance writer.


[*] Vendetta Song NFB LINK
Eylem Kaftan 2005 | 52 min 

 This short documentary follows Montreal filmmaker Eylem Kaftan as she travels to Turkey in an attempt to unravel the 30-year-old mystery of her aunt Guzide's murder. As she searches for clues and closure, she encounters antiquated customs in a Kurdish culture she's never known. She knows that her aunt was the victim of a senseless vendetta killing and as she ventures from village to village she pieces together the woman’s final days and closes in on the identity of her killer. 

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July 16, 2020, 11:41 am

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July 21, 2020, 2:27 pm

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Google Doodle marked the 51st anniversary of the Apollo 11 moon landing on Monday by honoring Dilhan Eryurt, a Turkish astrophysicist and NASA scientist. 

Mavi Boncuk |

Turkey on July 20 remembered Dilhan Eryurt[1], the first Turkish woman to work for U.S. space agency NASA, and an astrophysicist honored for helping humans set foot on the moon.

Born on Nov. 29, 1926 in Izmir, on the Turkish Aegean, Eryurt took an early interest in mathematics, and at Istanbul University studied both math and astronomy.

After graduating from the university in 1946, Eryurt worked as an honorary assistant for two years and then was assigned to establish an Astronomy Department at Ankara University in the Turkish capital. After graduate studies at the University of Michigan in the US, in 1953 she completed her doctorate at the Ankara University Astrophysics Department, where she became an associate professor.

In 1959, Eryurt went to Canada for two years with a scholarship from the International Atomic Energy Agency. She then went to the U.S. and worked for the Soroptimist Federation of America at Indiana University, and on the identification of stellar models at the university’s Goethe Link Observatory. After this experience, Eryurt worked at NASA's Goddard Institute for Space Studies. She collaborated with Alastair G. W. Cameron on research on solar evolution.

From 1961 to 1973, she was the first Turkish woman to work at NASA and the only woman astronomer working there during that period.At the Goddard Institute, research by Eryurt found that the sun was actually much brighter and warmer in the past before cooling to its current level.

In 1969 she was awarded the Apollo Achievement Award for her work contributing to the Apollo 11 mission's first moon landing and subsequent lunar visits by providing NASA engineers with crucial information for modeling the solar impact on the lunar environment.

After completing a two-year research study at the Goddard Institute, Eryurt continued to work at there as a senior researcher. The institute sent her to the University of California to work on a study on the formation and development of main-sequence stars.

In 1968, in Turkey, she organized the first National Astronomy Congress with the support of the Scientific and Technological Research Council of Turkey (TUBITAK).

In 1973, she returned to Middle East Technical University in Ankara and founded the Astrophysics Branch of the Physics Department. In 1977, she was awarded the TUBITAK Science Award. In 1988, she served as chair of the Physics Department for six months, and then became dean of the Faculty of Science and Letters for five years.

Eryurt retired in 1993 after a distinguished and dedicated career in astrophysics.


On Sept. 13, 2012, Eryurt passed away at age 86 due to a heart attack.

[1] His father, Abidin Ege, was a deputy of Denizli and the Undersecretary of Agriculture at that time. He is in Izmir to establish the High Agricultural School, which forms the foundations of today's Ege University in Bornova. Because of his father's profession, they settle from Izmir to Istanbul and a few years later from Istanbul to Ankara. He completes primary school in Ankara Mimar Kemal Primary School, then graduates from Ankara Girls High School with a certificate of appreciation. As he finished Ankara Girls High School for three consecutive years with a letter of appreciation and entered the pride list, the Minister of Education of the time, Hasan Âli Yücel, gave him the speech, and he added the following note: is that you provide great services and bring great benefits and dignity to humanity on your way. ”

In Memoriam | Seyfi Dursunoğlu (1932-2020)

July 22, 2020, 9:52 am

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Seyfi Dursunoğlu, better known as Turkey’s most famous drag queen “Huysuz Virjin” (Grumpy Virgin), died on July 17 in hospital in Istanbul due to complications from pneumonia brought by COPD.. He was 87.

In 2007, Radio and Television Supreme Council (RTÜK) announced that his program could no longer be broadcast on television channels and that he would no longer revive the character of Huysuz Virjin but he presented the dance program Huysuz'la Dans Eder misin? on Show TV in 2012. In the same year, he joined Benzemez Kimse Sana as a judge which aired on Star TV. On the program's final episode, he appeared as Huysuz Virjin and said "This is my last kanto", implying that he could not sing kanto again due to his age. He later announced that he would donate ₺15 million of his property to the Association for the Support of Contemporary Living.

Mavi Boncuk |

Dursunoğlu, a household name who had captured the hearts of many, had been in intensive care for three days. He was hospitalized for 15 days for pneumonia and had been suffering from chronic obstructive pulmonary disease (COPD), Acıbadem Altunizade Hospital said in a written statement.

From the 1970s until the 2000s, Dursunoğlu produced entertainment programs for television in Turkey with his character Huysuz Virjin and has become a well-known entertainment figure in the country. Huysuz Virjin was a witty, but often grumpy, character who had a kinky sense of humor. The character was very much loved by the nation. But Huysuz began appearing less frequently after the mid-2000’s.

Born in 1932, Dursunoğlu was born into a religious family in the Black Sea province of Trabzon. He and his family later moved to Istanbul, where he started studying at the Heybeliada Military Marine High School at the request of his father. Later dropping out of that school, he transferred to Boğaziçi High School. He then went on to study English Language and Literature at university but had to quit school because of financial problems.

After completing his military service as a reserve officer in Istanbul’s Tuzla and Hadımköy districts, he became a civil servant with the Turkish Social Security Authority (SSK) for 18 years. He quit his monotonous job and created the legendary Huysuz Virjin character in 1970. First, he started performing in small clubs, but as his reputation grew within the entertainment world, he began receiving offers from larger clubs. He shared the stage with Turkey’s largest soloists at the İzmir Fair every year in Turkey’s western province.

Filmography

Television
Gülünüz Güldürünüz (1976)
Huysuz ve Tatlı Kadın (1997-1998)
Huysuz Şimdi Hostes (1998)
Huysuz Show (1998)
Tatlı ve Huysuz Show (2002)
Turkstar (2004)
Huysuz'la Görücü Usulü (2008)
Dans Eder misin? (2005-2011)
Benzemez Kimse Sana (2012-2015)
Huysuz'la Yılbaşı Özel (2018)

Cinema
Sarhoş (1977)
Nokta ile Virgül Paldır Küldür (1979)
Melek Yüzlü Cani (1986) - Seyfi
Avrupa Yakası (2005) - Süheyla (50 episodes)
İmkansız Aşk (2006) - Komşu (3 episodes)