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Transcript | Why Turkey doesn't use the word 'genocide' for Armenia

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Mavi Boncuk | 

Why Turkey doesn't use the word 'genocide' for Armenia

by Soner Cagaptay and Hrach Gregorian
PBS Newshour
April 24, 2015


The Turkish government has rejected the term "genocide" to describe the mass killing of Armenians 100 years ago, a stance that has sparked criticism and protest. For two perspectives on the history and meaning today, Jeffrey Brown talks to Soner Cagaptay of the Washington Institute for Near East Policy and Hrach Gregorian of American University.

TRANSCRIPT

JEFFREY BROWN: Some perspective now on history and today.

Hrach Gregorian is an adjunct professor at American University and president of the Institute of World Affairs, a nonprofit organization that focuses on conflict analysis and post-conflict peace-building. And Soner Cagaptay is the director of the Turkish Research Program at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy. He's the author of the recent book "The Rise of Turkey: The Twenty-First Century's First Muslim Power."

Welcome to both of you.

Let me start with you, Hrach Gregorian.

1915, I just want to fill in a little bit of the history. The Ottoman Empire is collapsing. What led specifically to the killing of so many Armenians?

HRACH GREGORIAN, American University: Well, I think there was a general feeling that the Armenians were not to be trusted.

And even before that, there was a policy of Turkification by the young Turks dating back to 1908. And the Armenians were viewed as a threat to Turkish identity and Turkish security. And there were orders to rid the country of the community.

JEFFREY BROWN: For Turks, this history is tied to the creation — the end of the Ottoman Empire and the creation of the modern Turkish state.

SONER CAGAPTAY, The Washington Institute for Near East Policy: Precisely.

This was the — World War I, when the Ottoman Empire collapsed. And as the empire was collapsing, the government of the empire at that time decided to move the Armenians from eastern Turkey, where they lived, into Syria, so from one part of the empire to another part.

And the idea would be that they will away from the advancing Russian armies. The fear was that the Armenians would work with the Russian armies to undermine the empire. What happened next was a disaster. Thousands of — hundreds of thousands of people died, sometimes of famine and disease, but usually in the hands of irregulars, Kurdish irregulars and others who carried out attacks. And I think that's really the pain — the core of the issue.

JEFFREY BROWN: Well, so to the core of the issue, is the extent of the killing disputed, or is it the intent, the intent, that word genocide?

HRACH GREGORIAN: Right. Right. It's the intent. It's not the extent.

The intent was to rid the country of Armenians. And it wasn't a benign movement. It was under duress. And there was killing all along the way, killing and rape and pillaging and all kinds of massacres committed.

JEFFREY BROWN: And, again, is it a question of semantics over the word genocide?

SONER CAGAPTAY: A lot of people point at the sheer number of people who were killed and say that clearly this constitutes genocide. That includes many Armenians and people outside of Turkey.

But if you went to Turkey and asked the Turks what they thought, they would say that, while so many people died, you don't see the Wannsee Conference equal of the smoking gun, the premeditated nature of this act.

And, therefore, the difference between being that of manslaughter and murder, that this is really not where — a case where intent is clear, I think that's an argument that many Turks believe, as we saw earlier. But, of course, the question is, every death is a pain. And I think the Turkish government ought to apologize to the Armenians, so we can move forward.

JEFFREY BROWN: But the Turks do not dispute the number of Armenians, of victims?

SONER CAGAPTAY: The numbers are — I think there are people who will debate exactly what the precise number was, which is hard to say. The Armenian Patriarchate has different numbers. The Ottoman government has different numbers.

But that's not really the issue, I think. As we said earlier, it's not the extent of the death. It's how they happened and whether they were premeditated that is at the crux of the issue.

JEFFREY BROWN: What's your reading on why this has stayed in dispute for so long? What are the stakes here?

HRACH GREGORIAN: I think the stakes are quite substantial for the Turkish — for the Armenian people.

It's a traumatizing event. It's a defining event. And until it's acknowledged and apologies are rendered, it will remain a defining moment. I think, for the Turkish government, there are three factors that prevent it from acknowledging and apologizing. The first is, it's a shameful act and no government wants to admit to it.

The second is, there is some concerned about reparations and land claims. And the third is, there are — there are substantial nationalists, right-wing nationalists in Turkey that are violently opposed to such acknowledgment.

JEFFREY BROWN: And how strong are these factors? For example, the reparations issue, who's pushing for that? What kind of claims would there be?

HRACH GREGORIAN: Yes. I think it's difficult to know exactly.

I think, for the majority of Armenians now, 100 years hence, some of these claims, particularly the lands, are overblown. I don't see Armenians living in Paris and New York and Los Angeles wanting to claim lands in Eastern Anatolia. It's a symbolic thing, I think, more than anything else.

JEFFREY BROWN: What about as it's seen from the Turkish side?

SONER CAGAPTAY: One issue is that these events happened in 1915, when the Ottoman Empire existed, and that empire exists no more. There is a new country called modern Turkey.

And a lot of Turks have a difficulty connecting their new country to an old empire. Although Turkey is out of the Ottoman Empire, there is no direct legal continuity. And people refute that. That's one.

Second, many Turks, when you ask them about how they feel about the death of Armenians, they will say, maybe that happened, but you should also remember that 40 percent of Turks — Turkey is a country of 77 million people — have parents, 40 percent of parents who were expelled from the Balkans and from Russia because of their religion and brutalized during the process.

So, they fail to understand why there's so much attention singularly on the Armenian suffering and not their own suffering. So perhaps the narrative has to be for the Turkish side, also about acknowledging their suffering, given that millions and millions of them were brutalized in the hands of Russians and the Balkan states.

JEFFREY BROWN: I wonder now, over 100 years later, do you see changes in the world attitude? You certainly see more world leaders speaking up recently. Do you see some, any possible changes of attitude here?

HRACH GREGORIAN: Well, I think there's a greater propensity to acknowledge that this was an act of genocide.

Pope Francis having used that word explicitly, I think, is very important. And the fact is, Turkish newspapers today, one of the most important that my colleague will probably refer to, in bold Armenian letters, basically said, you know, we must acknowledge this.

JEFFREY BROWN: So, there are shifts happening?

SONER CAGAPTAY: I agree. I think we're moving forward.

There are some really good positive signs. The Turkish prime minister expressed remorse for the descendants of the Armenians of the Ottoman Empire. There was a pretty important ceremony today in Istanbul at the Armenian Patriarchate attended by minister of cabinet of the Turkish government. That's a first.

A Turkish newspaper which is as old as the republic itself, identified, therefore, with the very nature of the Turkish government or state, came out with an Armenian headline. There were Armenian demonstrators and ceremonies held in Istanbul today. These are things that could not have happened 10 years ago or even five years ago.

So, I think we are really at the crux of a better term of a relationship of Turks and Armenians, and slow movement, but nevertheless moving forward.

JEFFREY BROWN: All right, very interesting, living History, right?

Soner Cagaptay and Hrach Gregorian, thank you both very much.

SONER CAGAPTAY: Thank you.

HRACH GREGORIAN: Thank you.
by Soner Cagaptay and Hrach Gregorian
PBS Newshour
April 24, 2015

The Turkish government has rejected the term "genocide" to describe the mass killing of Armenians 100 years ago, a stance that has sparked criticism and protest. For two perspectives on the history and meaning today, Jeffrey Brown talks to Soner Cagaptay of the Washington Institute for Near East Policy and Hrach Gregorian of American University.

TRANSCRIPT

JEFFREY BROWN: Some perspective now on history and today.

Hrach Gregorian is an adjunct professor at American University and president of the Institute of World Affairs, a nonprofit organization that focuses on conflict analysis and post-conflict peace-building. And Soner Cagaptay is the director of the Turkish Research Program at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy. He's the author of the recent book "The Rise of Turkey: The Twenty-First Century's First Muslim Power."

Welcome to both of you.

Let me start with you, Hrach Gregorian.

1915, I just want to fill in a little bit of the history. The Ottoman Empire is collapsing. What led specifically to the killing of so many Armenians?

HRACH GREGORIAN, American University: Well, I think there was a general feeling that the Armenians were not to be trusted.

And even before that, there was a policy of Turkification by the young Turks dating back to 1908. And the Armenians were viewed as a threat to Turkish identity and Turkish security. And there were orders to rid the country of the community.

JEFFREY BROWN: For Turks, this history is tied to the creation — the end of the Ottoman Empire and the creation of the modern Turkish state.

SONER CAGAPTAY, The Washington Institute for Near East Policy: Precisely.

This was the — World War I, when the Ottoman Empire collapsed. And as the empire was collapsing, the government of the empire at that time decided to move the Armenians from eastern Turkey, where they lived, into Syria, so from one part of the empire to another part.

And the idea would be that they will away from the advancing Russian armies. The fear was that the Armenians would work with the Russian armies to undermine the empire. What happened next was a disaster. Thousands of — hundreds of thousands of people died, sometimes of famine and disease, but usually in the hands of irregulars, Kurdish irregulars and others who carried out attacks. And I think that's really the pain — the core of the issue.

JEFFREY BROWN: Well, so to the core of the issue, is the extent of the killing disputed, or is it the intent, the intent, that word genocide?

HRACH GREGORIAN: Right. Right. It's the intent. It's not the extent.

The intent was to rid the country of Armenians. And it wasn't a benign movement. It was under duress. And there was killing all along the way, killing and rape and pillaging and all kinds of massacres committed.

JEFFREY BROWN: And, again, is it a question of semantics over the word genocide?

SONER CAGAPTAY: A lot of people point at the sheer number of people who were killed and say that clearly this constitutes genocide. That includes many Armenians and people outside of Turkey.

But if you went to Turkey and asked the Turks what they thought, they would say that, while so many people died, you don't see the Wannsee Conference equal of the smoking gun, the premeditated nature of this act.

And, therefore, the difference between being that of manslaughter and murder, that this is really not where — a case where intent is clear, I think that's an argument that many Turks believe, as we saw earlier. But, of course, the question is, every death is a pain. And I think the Turkish government ought to apologize to the Armenians, so we can move forward.

JEFFREY BROWN: But the Turks do not dispute the number of Armenians, of victims?

SONER CAGAPTAY: The numbers are — I think there are people who will debate exactly what the precise number was, which is hard to say. The Armenian Patriarchate has different numbers. The Ottoman government has different numbers.

But that's not really the issue, I think. As we said earlier, it's not the extent of the death. It's how they happened and whether they were premeditated that is at the crux of the issue.

JEFFREY BROWN: What's your reading on why this has stayed in dispute for so long? What are the stakes here?

HRACH GREGORIAN: I think the stakes are quite substantial for the Turkish — for the Armenian people.

It's a traumatizing event. It's a defining event. And until it's acknowledged and apologies are rendered, it will remain a defining moment. I think, for the Turkish government, there are three factors that prevent it from acknowledging and apologizing. The first is, it's a shameful act and no government wants to admit to it.

The second is, there is some concerned about reparations and land claims. And the third is, there are — there are substantial nationalists, right-wing nationalists in Turkey that are violently opposed to such acknowledgment.

JEFFREY BROWN: And how strong are these factors? For example, the reparations issue, who's pushing for that? What kind of claims would there be?

HRACH GREGORIAN: Yes. I think it's difficult to know exactly.

I think, for the majority of Armenians now, 100 years hence, some of these claims, particularly the lands, are overblown. I don't see Armenians living in Paris and New York and Los Angeles wanting to claim lands in Eastern Anatolia. It's a symbolic thing, I think, more than anything else.

JEFFREY BROWN: What about as it's seen from the Turkish side?

SONER CAGAPTAY: One issue is that these events happened in 1915, when the Ottoman Empire existed, and that empire exists no more. There is a new country called modern Turkey.

And a lot of Turks have a difficulty connecting their new country to an old empire. Although Turkey is out of the Ottoman Empire, there is no direct legal continuity. And people refute that. That's one.

Second, many Turks, when you ask them about how they feel about the death of Armenians, they will say, maybe that happened, but you should also remember that 40 percent of Turks — Turkey is a country of 77 million people — have parents, 40 percent of parents who were expelled from the Balkans and from Russia because of their religion and brutalized during the process.

So, they fail to understand why there's so much attention singularly on the Armenian suffering and not their own suffering. So perhaps the narrative has to be for the Turkish side, also about acknowledging their suffering, given that millions and millions of them were brutalized in the hands of Russians and the Balkan states.

JEFFREY BROWN: I wonder now, over 100 years later, do you see changes in the world attitude? You certainly see more world leaders speaking up recently. Do you see some, any possible changes of attitude here?

HRACH GREGORIAN: Well, I think there's a greater propensity to acknowledge that this was an act of genocide.

Pope Francis having used that word explicitly, I think, is very important. And the fact is, Turkish newspapers today, one of the most important that my colleague will probably refer to, in bold Armenian letters, basically said, you know, we must acknowledge this.

JEFFREY BROWN: So, there are shifts happening?

SONER CAGAPTAY: I agree. I think we're moving forward.

There are some really good positive signs. The Turkish prime minister expressed remorse for the descendants of the Armenians of the Ottoman Empire. There was a pretty important ceremony today in Istanbul at the Armenian Patriarchate attended by minister of cabinet of the Turkish government. That's a first.

A Turkish newspaper which is as old as the republic itself, identified, therefore, with the very nature of the Turkish government or state, came out with an Armenian headline. There were Armenian demonstrators and ceremonies held in Istanbul today. These are things that could not have happened 10 years ago or even five years ago.

So, I think we are really at the crux of a better term of a relationship of Turks and Armenians, and slow movement, but nevertheless moving forward.

JEFFREY BROWN: All right, very interesting, living History, right?

Soner Cagaptay and Hrach Gregorian, thank you both very much.

SONER CAGAPTAY: Thank you.

HRACH GREGORIAN: Thank you.

Gallipoli | Command Under Fire

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Mavi Boncuk |

Lecture April 28, 2015 Gallipoli | COMMAND UNDER FIRE |YouTube Videos (raw unedited)

Lecture videos in 5 Parts including QandA.
PART 1 | 
PART 2 | PART 3 | PART 4 |  PART 5 |  

Erickson Interview | Today’s Zaman April 17, 2015 (Full size PDF attached)
PDF text of interview

Lecture April 28, 2015 Gallipoli | COMMAND UNDER FIRE[1] by Edward J Erickson

Recorded for Silk|ROAD by Erju Ackman Will be released this afternoon on YouTube)


May1 Posters

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Mavi Boncuk |



Mavi Boncuk |

May 1 posters by Orhan Taylan[1], Tan Oral 1978 DİSK, Şekip Davaz 1978 DİSK and Canol Kocagöz 1976 DİSK / Turizm-İs and two designs by unknown artists.1976 DİSK / Tekstil and 1978 DİSK / Genel-İş.

[1] Orhan Taylan was born in Samsun, of an artist mother in 1941. Graduated Robert College(1960) and the Fine Arts Academy of Rome(1965). First solo painting exhibition in 1968. Took leading positions in artists' organizations (1975-1978). Organized mural painting symposiums and executed several murals(1976-80) His paintings were exhibited in London, Amsterdam and Moscow within "Turkish Highlights" exhibitions between 1988 and 1990.


Ülker | The Pleiades

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(Pictured) A Great Bull (auroch) painted image (#18 (fourth bull), main hall, right wall) in the "Hall of Bulls" in the Lascaux cave in France. Pleiades over the shoulder in a Palaeolithic star map. SOURCE

Mavi Boncuk | 

In Turkish the Pleiades are known as Ülker[1]or Ürker. According to the Middle Turkic lexicographer Kaşgarlı Mahmud, writing in the 11th century, ülker çerig refers to a military ambush (çerig meaning 'troops in battle formation'): "The army is broken up into detachments posted in various places," and when one detachment falls back the others follow after it, and by this device "(the enemy) is often routed." Thus ülker çerig literally means 'an army made up of a group of detachments', which forms an apt simile for a star cluster. 

The Pleiades is a cluster of seven stars that the Greeks called the Seven Sisters. They are also a part of Taurus the bull constellation, where they lie on the shoulder. of the bull.[image of God in the shape of a bull kidnapping virgins. Zeus and Europa]. It is said that when Europa died, Zeus transformed her into a star complex and he himself took again the shape of the white bull to merge in the complex. The Taurus Constellation is believed to be the form of Zeus. 

This myth is depicted in the 2-euro coin of the European Union to pay attribute to the Godmother of Europe. 

Zeus saw Phoenician king of Tyre, Agenor's daughter Europa gathering flowers and immediately fell in love with her. Zeus transformed himself into a white bull and carried Europa away to the island of Crete. He then revealed his true identity and Europa became the first queen of Crete. Agenor, meanwhile, sent Europa's brothers, Cadmus and Cilix in search of her, telling them not to return without her. The search was unsuccessful. Cilix eventually settled down in Asia Minor. The land was called Cilicia after him.

In Japan, the Pleiades are known as 昴 Subaru which means "coming together" or cluster in Japanese, and have given their name to the car manufacturer whose logo incorporates six stars to represent the five companies that merged into one. In Chinese constellations they are 昴 mao, the Hairy Head of the white tiger of the West.

[1] Ülker or Arabic ثريا (Süreyya) M45, Yedi Kız Kardeş|Seven Sisters; Persian/Indian (Peren or Pervin); Two ancient Hebrew words, kesil and kimah, have been translated as Orion and Pleiades respectively. 

Book | The Fall of the Ottomans: The Great War in the Middle East

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he last thing the people of the Ottoman empire needed in autumn 1914 was another war. In the six years leading up to that calamitous year they had seen a sultan deposed and their immense and immensely inefficient army battered. In several bruising wars, they had ceded Libya to Italy and all their European territories – including what is now Bulgaria, large chunks of Greece, Bosnia, Serbia and Albania – to independence. Now their Young Turk leaders were siding with Germany, because the Kaiser looked most likely to help them regain some of that lost territory, or at least avoid the dismantlement of the empire. The consequences of that decision – the great war that shaped the Middle East, the conflict that made the war global – form the grand tale that Eugene Rogan tells in his latest book. http://www.theguardian.com/books/2015/mar/01/fall-of-the-ottomans-eugene-rogan-review http://www.orinst.ox.ac.uk/staff/iw/erogan.html Mavi Boncuk |In 1914 the Ottoman Empire was depleted of men and resources after years of war against Balkan nationalist and Italian forces. But in the aftermath of the assassination in Sarajevo, the powers of Europe were sliding inexorably toward war, and not even the Middle East could escape the vast and enduring consequences of one of the most destructive conflicts in human history. The Great War spelled the end of the Ottomans, unleashing powerful forces that would forever change the face of the Middle East. In The Fall of the Ottomans, award-winning historian Eugene Rogan brings the First World War and its immediate aftermath in the Middle East to vivid life, uncovering the often ignored story of the region’s crucial role in the conflict. Bolstered by German money, arms, and military advisors, the Ottomans took on the Russian, British, and French forces, and tried to provoke Jihad against the Allies in their Muslim colonies. Unlike the static killing fields of the Western Front, the war in the Middle East was fast-moving and unpredictable, with the Turks inflicting decisive defeats on the Entente in Gallipoli, Mesopotamia, and Gaza before the tide of battle turned in the Allies’ favor. The great cities of Baghdad, Jerusalem, and, finally, Damascus fell to invading armies before the Ottomans agreed to an armistice in 1918. The postwar settlement led to the partition of Ottoman lands between the victorious powers, and laid the groundwork for the ongoing conflicts that continue to plague the modern Arab world. A sweeping narrative of battles and political intrigue from Gallipoli to Arabia, The Fall of the Ottomans is essential reading for anyone seeking to understand the Great War and the making of the modern Middle East.

Profile | Dr. Mehmet Perincek

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Mehmet Bora Perinçek (born September 19, 1978) is a Turkish historian, political scientist, and professor. 

Mavi Boncuk | 

Dr. Mehmet Perincek

Dr. Mehmet Perincek was born in 1978 in Istanbul. After primary and high school education in Istanbul he received a grant to study in Nizhny Novgorod in Russia.  Upon his return he graduated from Istanbul University Law School and started as a researcher on Ataturk reforms and Turkish Reform History at the same university.  His PhD thesis was Turkish-Soviet military relationships in Eastern Front from the Russian archives: 1919-1922.

Between 2005 -2006 Perincek did research at the Institute of  International Relations in Moscow University. Between 2010-2011 he continued his research at the Institute of Asian and African Countries at the same university.

For the last 15 years Dr. Perincek has been doing research on Turkish-Soviet Relations and Armenian issue and has published numerous essays and eight books:

Ataturk's contacts with the Soviets-based on Russian archives
Turkish Armenian conflicts through Boryan's views
150 Documents on the Armenian issue from the Russian archives
Euro-Asian approach in Turkey: Theory and Practice
Secret documents of Turkish-Russian diplomacy
Kurdish rebellions in the Russian archives
Young Turk Revolution at Stambulskie Novosti
The adventures of Armenian nationalism with new documents: From Dashnaks to Asala 

Dr. Mehmet Perincek's books were also published in Russian, German, Persian and Azeri Turkish. Dr. Perincek frequently gives lectures at international symposia, appears in international TV programs. He is fluent in Turkish, Russian, German and English and also translates poetry and literary works from Russian to Turkish.

Mehmet Perincek comes from a renowned political family in Turkey: His father  Dogu Perincek, challenged the Swiss law on Armenian genocide denial in 2007, was found guilty in Swiss court. Senior Perincek  later took the case to European Court of Human Rights which reversed the Swiss ruling by stating that   "Mr. Dogu Perincek was making a speech of a historical, legal and political nature in a contradictory debate" and that his freedom of expression was violated by the Swiss law.

His mother Sule Perincek is a longtime political activist and is involved in the formation of a new political party in Turkey.


Word Origin | Mayıs

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The fifth month of the Gregorian calendar. 

Mavi Boncuk |

Mayıs: mayıs [ Aşık Paşa, Garib-name, 1330] nitekim şol görklü mayıs yağmuru/ kim içinde gizlidür taŋrı nuru

from GR Máios [1] μάιος name of a month from Latin Maius  Ozbek Maia Büyük Hanım TR; old lady EN, Mayıs başında bayramı kutlanan Roma tanrıçası TR; festival of Roman Godess  from Latin *mag-ia
→ maksi+ FR/EN maxi, Latin maximus Latin magnus IndoEuropean *mag-no- IndoEuropean *meg- from same root: Latin magnus (big), maius/maior (bigger), maximus (biggest), magister (important title). oldGR megás/megálos, Sans maha, Persian mēh, Kurdish mezin, Armenian medz[2] մեձ (big, great).

[1] May:  fifth month, early 12c., from Old French mai and directly from Latin Majus, Maius mensis "month of May," possibly from Maja, Maia, a Roman earth goddess (wife of Vulcan) whose name is of unknown origin; possibly from PIE *mag-ya "she who is great," fem. suffixed form of root *meg- "great" (cognate with Latin magnus). Replaced Old English þrimilce, month in which cows can be milked three times a day. May marriages have been considered unlucky at least since Ovid's day. May-apple attested from 1733, American English.
A female given name, pet name for Mary and Margaret, reinforced by the month and plant meaning. 

 [2] Medz Yeghern: From the Western Armenian pronunciation of Armenian Մեծ Եղեռն (Mec Ełeṙn, literally “Great Crime”). Synonymous with Հայոց ցեղասպանություն (Hayocʿ cʿełaspanutʿyun, “Genocide of Armenians”) to refer to the Armenian Genocide the way Shoah is used by Jews to refer to the Holocaust.

Eastern Question | Karl Marx (1854) and 1908 Coup

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Marxism and The "Eastern Question". A simple question of Western political ambitions and colonial imperialism...

In European history, The "Eastern Question" encompasses the diplomatic and political problems posed by the "Sick man of Europe" (the Ottoman Empire), as it steadily weakened decade after decade. This gave rise to national aspirations (especially in Greece, Serbia and the rest of the Balkans), and the goal of the Russians to dominate the Balkans. The expression does not apply to any one particular problem, but instead includes a variety of issues raised during the 18th, 19th and 20th centuries, including instability in the European territories of the Ottoman Empire. 

The Eastern Question is normally dated to 1774, when the Russo-Turkish War (1768–1774) ended in defeat for the Ottomans. As the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire was believed to be imminent, the European powers engaged in a power struggle to safeguard their military, strategic and commercial interests in the Ottoman domains. Imperial Russia stood to benefit from the decline of the Ottoman Empire; on the other hand, Austria-Hungary and Great Britain deemed the preservation of the Empire to be in their best interests. The Eastern Question was put to rest after World War I, one of whose outcomes was the collapse and division of the Ottoman holdings among the victors.

Mavi Boncuk |

"...Constantinople having surrendered by capitulation, as in like manner has the greater portion of European Turkey, the Christians there enjoy the privilege of living as rayahs, under the Turkish Government. This privilege they have exclusively by virtue of their agreeing to accept the Mussulman protection. It is, therefore, owing to this circumstance alone, that the Christians submit to be governed by the Mussulmans according to Mussulman law, that the patriarch of Constantinople, their spiritual chief, is at the same time their political representative and their Chief Justice. Wherever, in the Ottoman Empire, we find an agglomeration of Greek rayahs; the Archbishops and Bishops are by law members of the Municipal Councils, and, under the direction of the patriarch, [watch] over the repartition of the taxes imposed upon the Greeks. The patriarch is responsible to the Porte as to the conduct of his co-religionists. Invested with the right of judging the rayahs of his Church, he delegates this right to the metropolitans and bishops, in the limits of their dioceses, their sentences being obligatory for the executive officers, kadis, etc., of the Porte to carry out." Karl Marx in New-York Herald Tribune 1854 

"..Revolutions are infectious. The revolutions of 1848, 1917, 1989, and 2011 all went global. Russia’s 1905 Revolution was no exception. It set off a wave of revolutions, notably in Persia (1906), Turkey (1908), Mexico (1910), and China (1911). That in Turkey in 1908 began a process which would transform the Middle East over the next two decades...For this, the people of the former Ottoman Empire would pay a terrible price, as their leaders led them into the inferno of a modern industrialized world war. ." By Neil Faulkner


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May 1 | Ottoman Worker Classes

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"... No significant workers' strike occurred in Anatolia during these years. Anatolia was the main field of struggle for National Independence War at this time. Various celebrations were held at Labor Days. The British occupied Istanbul on March 16, 1920. Unions in Istanbul did not celebrate Labor Day. England and Greece Occupation Forces and the government of the two countries were protested in Labor Day celebrations in the Trabzon and the surrounding provinces (GÜZEL, 1996:120)..."

Mavi Boncuk | 

DEVELOPMENT OF THE WORKER CLASS IN THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE
A. Baran Dural, PhD, Associate Professor at the TC Trakya University, Turkey
Uner Ertem, Lecturer at the TC Trakya University, Turkey

Abstract:
When the Ottoman economy and social structure is examined in the historical process, it is seen that managements working according to the capitalist market requirements or intensively producing goods didn‟t exist or, if any, their effects on the market were at a minimum level. The emergence of the worker class in the Ottoman Empire was first seen in the construction sector, mining and military. However; in real terms, the worker class emerged in the agricultural managements founded in the second half of the 19th century by the foreign investors in the Aegean Region. In the same periods, the railroad constructions underway used to provide additional income for many people. The government officials became stipendiary after the Tanzimat (the political reforms made in the Ottoman Empire in 1839). The formation of the worker class, the re-structuring of labor life during the Late- Ottoman Era will be discussed in this article. 

Read more...

"... Unsurprisingly, the source of the bourgeoisie in the Ottoman Empire and of the expansion of capitalism into Ottoman lands was in its relations with the capitalist West. Again unsurprisingly, it was the extremely large and significant non-Muslim minority, with its closer relations to the West, which first introduced capitalist relations to Ottoman society. The development of the non-Muslim bourgeoisie in the Ottoman Empire was directly tied to Western capital, trade and patronage. The non-Muslim traders and shopkeepers of the pre-capitalist period, while not a particularly significant part of non-Muslim communities, became increasingly important by enlarging their businesses and accumulating capital in an environment where most of the riches came from the land and agriculture." 
Osmanlı Devletinde Toplumsal Mücadeleler.” Sosyalizm ve Toplumsal Mücadeleler Ansiklopedisi, Vol 6. Istanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 1988. p. 1783 

SOURCE : Socialism and the workers’ movement in the Ottoman Empire

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Silkreeling workers1892


The Left Wing of the Turkish Communist Party

Word Origin | Medrese, Külliye,Yerleşke, Kampüs

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Joseph Jacques Ramée's original plan for Union College in Schenectady, New York, the first comprehensively planned campus in the United States

First used to describe the grounds of the College of New Jersey (now Princeton University) during the 18th century.  Some other American colleges later adopted the word to describe individual fields at their own institutions, but "campus" did not yet describe the whole university property. A school might have one space called a campus, one called a field, and another called a yard. The tradition of a campus did not start in America, but with the medieval European universities where the students and teachers lived and worked together in a cloistered environment.  It was the notion of the importance of the setting to academic life that migrated to America, and early colonial educational institutions were based on the Scottish and English collegiate system. Sometimes the lands on which company office buildings sit, along with the buildings, are called campuses.

Mavi Boncuk |


Medrese:"Madrasa" (Arabic: مدرسة‎, madrasah, pl. مدارس, madāris, Turkish: Medrese) is the Arabic word for any type of educational institution, whether secular or religious (of any religion). Variously transliterations appear: madrasah, madarasaa, medresa, madrassa, madraza, medrese, etc. In the West, the word usually refers to a specific type of religious school or college for the study of the Islamic religion, though this may not be the only subject studied. Not all students in madrasas are Muslims; there is also a modern curriculum. In Arabic the word madrasa simply means "school" and does not imply a political or religious affiliation, radical or otherwise.

Külliye[1]: Campus EN [2];A kulliye كلية is a complex of buildings, centered around a mosque and managed within a single institution, often based on a vakıf (foundation), and composed of a medrese (religious school), a darüşşifa (clinic), kitchens, bakery, hammam (bathhouse), other buildings for various charitable services for the community and further annexes. The term is derived from the Arabic word kull (meaning ‘the whole’, ‘all’).
The tradition of külliye is particularly marked in Turkish architecture, within Seljuk – particularly Ottoman Empire and also Timurid architectural legacies.Kül1: oldTR kül; ash EN
Kül2: from AR  kull كلّ   tam, bütün, tamlık, bütünlük, bütünsellik from Hebrew/Aramaic kll כלל tam olma, bütün olma, mükemmel olma = Akadian k

Yerleşke: YTü: yerleşke "kampüs" [ Milliyet - gazete, 1979]
yerleşkemizin çeşitli yerlerinde görevlendirilmek üzere teknik personel alınacaktır
from TR  yerleş- +gA

Kampüs: kampüs [ Milliyet - gazete, 1963]
from EN campus[1] 1. garnizon, açık alanda kurulan askeri kışla (ABD), 2. askeri garnizon tarzında üniversite alanı  from Latin campus ordugâh; kamp TR
Not: İkinci anlamda sadece ABD'de Princeton üniversitesi için kullanılan bir deyim iken 1945'ten sonra yaygınlık kazanmıştır.

[1] "The first Ottoman Medrese was created in İznik in 1331 and most Ottoman medreses followed the traditions of sunni Islam."... "When an Ottoman sultan established a new medrese, he would invite scholars from the Islamic world—for example, Murad II brought scholars from Persia, such as ʻAlāʼ al-Dīn and Fakhr al-Dīn who helped enhance the reputation of the Ottoman medrese". This reveals that the Islamic world was interconnected in the early modern period as they travelled around to other Islamic states exchanging knowledge. This sense that the Ottoman Empire was becoming modernised through globalization is also recognised by Hamadeh who says: "Change in the eighteenth century as the beginning of a long and unilinear march toward westernisation reflects the two centuries of reformation in sovereign identity."İnalcık also mentions that while scholars from for example Persia travelled to the Ottomans in order to share their knowledge, Ottomans travelled as well to receive education from scholars of these Islamic lands, such as Egypt, Persia and Turkestan. Hence, this reveals that similar to today's modern world, individuals from the early modern society travelled abroad to receive education and share knowledge and that the world was more interconnected than it seems. Also, it reveals how the system of "schooling" was also similar to today's modern world where students travel abroad to different countries for studies. Examples of Ottoman madrasas are the ones built by Mehmed the Conqueror. He built eight madrasas that were built "on either side of the mosque where there were eight higher madrasas for specialised studies and eight lower medreses, which prepared students for these." The fact that they were built around, or near mosques reveals the religious impulses behind madrasa building and it reveals the interconnectedness between institutions of learning and religion. The students who completed their education in the lower medreses became known as danismends. This reveals that similar to the education system today, the Ottomans had a similar kind of educational system in which there were different kinds of schools attached to different kinds of levels. For example, there were the lower madrasas and then the specialised ones and for one to get into the specialised area meant that they had to complete the classes in the lower one in order to adequately prepare themselves for higher learning.
This is the rank of madrasas in the Ottoman Empire from the highest ranking to the lowest: (From İnalcık, 167).
1.Semniye
2. Darulhadis
3. Madrasas built by earlier sultans in Bursa.
4. Madrasas endowed by great men of state.

Although Ottoman madrasas had a number of different branches of study, such as calligraphic sciences, oral sciences, and intellectual sciences they primarily served the function of an Islamic center for spiritual learning. "The goal of all knowledge and in particular, of the spiritual sciences is knowledge of God." Religion, for the most part, determines the significance and importance of each science. As İnalcık mentions: " Those which aid religion are good and sciences like astrology are bad." However, even though mathematics, or studies in logic were part of the madrasa's curriculum, they were all centred around religion. Even mathematics had a religious impulse behind its teachings. "The Ulema of the Ottoman medreses held the view that hostility to logic and mathematics was futile since these accustomed the mind to correct thinking and thus helped to reveal divine truths"– keyword being divine. İnalcık also mentions that even philosophy was only allowed to be studied so that it helped to confirm the doctrines of Islam." Hence, madrasas – schools were basically religious centers for religious teachings and learning in the Ottoman world. Although scholars such as Goffman have argued that the Ottomans were highly tolerant and lived in a pluralistic society, it seems that schools that were the main centers for learning were in fact heftily religious and were not religiously pluralistic, but centered around Islam. Similarly, in Europe "Jewish children learned the Hebrew letters and texts of basic prayers at home, and then attended a school organized by the synagogue to study the Torah." Wiesner-Hanks also goes on to mention that Protestants also wanted to teach "proper religious values." This goes on to show that in the early modern period, Ottomans and Europeans were similar in their ideas about how schools should be managed and what they should be primarily focused on. Thus, Ottoman madrasas were very similar to present day schools in the sense that they offered a wide range of studies; however, the difference being that these studies, in its ultimate objective, aimed to further solidify and consolidate Islamic practices, and theories.

[2] campus (n.)  "college grounds," 1774, from Latin campus "a field," probably properly "an expanse surrounded" (by woods, higher ground, etc.), from proto IE *kampos "a corner, cove," from root *kamp- "to bend" (cognates: Lithuanian kampus "corner," Polish kępa "cluster of trees or brush"). The word derives from a Latin word for "field" FR: campus universitaire 
GE: das Hochschulgelände, der Campus  Pl.: die Campus, das Universitätsgelände; on campus: im Universitätsbereich, auf dem Universitätsgelände.

Camp1: "place where an army lodges temporarily," 1520s, from French camp, from Italian campo, from Latin campus "open field, level space" (also source of French champ; see campus), especially "open space for military exercise." 

Camp2: "tasteless," 1909, homosexual slang, of uncertain origin, perhaps from mid-17c. French camper "to portray, pose" (as in se camper "put oneself in a bold, provocative pose"); popularized 1964 by Susan Sontag's essay "Notes on Camp." Campy is attested from 1959. 

A later reborrowing of the Latin word, which had been taken up in early West Germanic as *kampo-z and appeared originally in Old English as camp "contest, battle, fight, war." This was obsolete by mid-15c. Transferred to non-military senses 1550s. Meaning "body of adherents of a doctrine or cause" is 1871. 

Quadrangle (n.) late 14c., from Old French quadrangle (13c.) and directly from Late Latin quadrangulum "four-sided figure," noun use of neuter of Latin adjective quadrangulus "having four quarters," from Latin quattuor "four" (see four) + angulus "angle" (see angle (n.)). Meaning "four-sided court between buildings" is from 1590s.

Quad 1820 as a shortening of quadrangle (n.) in the building sense (in this case "quadrangle of a college," Oxford student slang); 

Quod  "prison," c. 1700, a cant slang word of unknown origin; perhaps a variant of quad in the "building quadrangle" sense.

The Armenian Genocide: Concepts and Comparative Perspectives

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Mavi Boncuk |

The Armenian Genocide: Concepts and Comparative Perspectives

Sunday, 26 April 2015

Boğaziçi University| Uçaksavar Kampüsü, Garanti Kültür Merkezi
Ayhan Şahenk Salonu

PROGRAMME

10:30–12:00 Panel I—Concept

Moderator: Vangelis Kechriotis (Tarih Vakfı and Boğaziçi University)
A. Dirk Moses (European University Institute, Florence)
“The Concept of Genocide and the Foundation of the Post-War Order”
Pınar Dost-Niyego (independent researcher)
“Perceptions of the Holocaust in Turkey: Use/Misuse of the Holocaust Paradigm in Regard to the Armenian Genocide”
Uğur Ümit Üngör (Utrecht University)
“Recent Trends in Mass Violence Research and the Armenian Genocide”

13:30–15:30 Panel II—Realization

Moderator: Seda Altuğ (Boğaziçi University)
Mehmet Polatel (Koç University)
“Dispossession and Property Transfer during the Armenian Genocide”
Keith David Watenpaugh (University of California, Davis)
” ‘Satılık çocuk var mı?': Genocide and the Forced Transfer of Armenian Children, 1915–1922″
Norman M. Naimark (Stanford University)
“The Armenian Genocide in Comparative Perspective”
Cathie Carmichael (University of East Anglia)
“De-Ottomanization and Genocide in Bosnia”

16:00–17:30 Panel III—Memorialization

Moderator: Ayfer Bartu Candan (BoğaziçiUniversity)
Jay Winter (Yale University)
“Languages of Suffering: Martyrdom in the Armenian Genocide and in the Holocaust”
Fatma Müge Göçek (University of Michigan, Ann Arbor)
“Denial of Violence: Ottoman Past, Turkish Present and the Collective Violence against the Armenians, 1789–2009″
Melissa Bilal (Columbia University)
“Inhabiting the Otherwise: Transmission of Armenian Communal-Historical Knowledge under Surveillance”

17:30–18:30 Closing Session

Robert Fisk (Independent newspaper, UK),
Ayhan Aktar (Istanbul Bilgi University),
Sebouh D. Aslanian (University of California, Los Angeles)
Bülent Bilmez (Tarih Vakfı and Istanbul Bilgi University)

Article | Mediating Boundaries: Mediterranean Go-Betweens and Cross-Confessional Diplomacy in Constantinople, 1560-1600

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Mavi Boncuk | Mediating Boundaries: Mediterranean Go-Betweens and Cross-Confessional Diplomacy in Constantinople, 1560-1600 (Journal of Early Modern History)

Emrah Safa Gürkan | İstanbul 29 Mayıs University 


By drawing on documents from European archives, this article addresses everyday aspects of diplomacy in sixteenth-century Constantinople. It focuses on how various go-betweens mediated political, cultural, religious and linguistic boundaries in the encounters between Ottoman grandees and European diplomats. By doing so, it shifts the focus from the office of the ambassador to a large number of informal diplomatic actors (Jewish brokers, dragomans, renegades, go-betweens, etc.) with different areas of competence, functioning in diverse networks of contact and exchange. Moreover, it accentuates the importance of Constantinople as a space of encounter between diverse ethnic and religious communities as well as a Mediterranean-wide center of diplomacy and espionage. The essay calls for a reevaluation of Eurocentric views that associate the birth and development of modern diplomacy only with Christian Europe and revises the historiography on Ottoman diplomacy by concentrating on vernacular diplomacy rather than the rigid theoretical framework drawn by the Islamic Law

Bolywoodization of a Turkish Coca Cola Ad

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Mavi Boncuk |

 and the inspiration...
 

Tahrir

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14 Agustos 1964 Mehmed Ali Munir Sr. passed away.

Mavi Boncuk | 1320-1321 yillarinda Osmanli devleti sinirlari içinde yaptirilan umumi tahrir (Genel Nüfus
Yazimi) yoluyla nüfus kütükleri tesis edilmiştir. Bu kütüklerin tutuluş biçimini gösteren ve
sürekliliklerini sağlayan yasa ise 1330 yilinda Sicilli Nüfus Kanunu adiyla çikartilmiştir.
Bu kütüklerde:
1- Türk vatandaşlari kayitlidir.
2- Kayitlar ikamet edilen yer itibariyle tesis edilmiştir.
3- Kayitlarda soy esasi göz önünde bulundurulmuştur.
4- Kütükte her aileye bir hane (bölüm) ayrilmiştir.
5- Kişinin dini, meslek ve sanati yazilmiştir.
6- Yazimda Arap harf ve rakamlari kullanilmiştir.
7- Takvim olarak hicri-kameri ve hicri-şemsi takvim kullanilmiş, daha sonra rumi takvim
esas alinmiştir.
8- Nüfus kaydi mahkeme karariyla düzeltilebilmiş veya değiştirilebilmiştir. İstisnai olarak
“mahlas” alinmiştir.
9- Doğum, ölüm ve nakil olaylari için köy veya mahalle muhtarlari yetkili kilinmiş ve
bunlarca verilen ilmuhaberler esas alinmiştir
10- Evlenme ve boşanma olaylari için imam, papaz veya hahamlar yetkili kilinmiş ve
bunlarca verilen ilmuhaberler esas alinmiştir.
Ancak, Atatürk devrimleri, bu eski Osmanli kütüklerini de önemli bir şekilde etkilemiş ve dizi
halinde çikartilan yasalar, kütüklerdeki gereksiz bilgilerin atilmasina ve eksikliklerin
tamamlanmasina neden olmuştur. Örneğin:
• Medeni Kanun: Evlenme işlemlerini,
• Umumi Hifzissihha Kanunu: Ölüm işlemlerini,
• Yeni Harf ve Rakamlar Kanunu: Kütük yazimini,
• Efendi, bey, paşa gibi lakap ve unvanlari kaldiran Kanun: Gereksiz bilgilerin çikartilip
atilmasini,
• Soyadi Kanunu: Aileyi tanitan bir soyadin alinmasini,
• Bati Takviminin Kabulü Hakkindaki Kanun: Tarihlerin ve özellikle doğum tarihlerinin
yazimini,
• Köy Kanunu: Doğum, ölüm işlemlerinde muhtarlarin bildirimini yeni usullere
bağlamiştir.
Ancak yeni usuller ileriye dönük uygulama getirdiğinden, o tarihe kadar eksik olan künyeler
bu eksikliklerini sürdürmüşlerdir. Örneğin 1934 yilinda yürürlüğe konulan bir soyadi
kanunundan önce ölmüş olanlarin .Soyadi Sütunu. halen boştur. Bu çeşit eksiklikleri bugün
bile doldurmaya olanak yoktur.
Bununla birlikte, son yillarda nüfus ve vatandaşlik işlerini yeni ve çağdaş bir anlayiş içerisine
iten 1543 Sayili Genel Nüfus Yazimi Kanunu, 1587 Sayili Nüfus Kanunu eksik nüfus
kütüklerinin Türkçe.ye çevrilerek yenilenmesini böylece eski lakaplarin kaldirilmasini, Hicri
ve Rumi tarihlerin Miladi tarihe çevrilmesini öngörmüş olduğundan geriye dönük iyileştirme
ve geliştirme uygulamalari yapmak mümkün olabilmiştir.

Nevruz Cuisine | Nergisleme

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Mavi Boncuk |Nergisleme from Nevin Halici



MALZEMELER
3 yumurta (katı haşlanmış, doğranmış)
1 /2 su bardağı yeşil soğan (ince kıyılmış)
½ su bardağı maydanoz (ince kıyılmış)
1 tatlı kaşığı kırmızı pul biber
yeterince tuz

Yapılışı
Bütün malzemeleri karıştır, tabağa düzenle.

Not: Asıl tarifede limon zeytinyağı yok ama dilerseniz üzerine gezdirebilirsiniz.

61 Numaralı Tebliğ

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Mavi Boncuk |

61 NOLU TEBLİĞ

M.B. Komitesi İrtibat Bürosunun (61) numaralı tebliğidir:
1- Ord. Prof. Dr. Sedat Tavat, Amiral Bristol Hastahanesi Dahiliye Servisi Şefi Dr. Nevzat Yeginsu ve Yassıada Garnizon Hastahanesi tabiplerinden Dr. Galip Bozalioğlu, Dr. Ahmet Karahaliloğlu, Dr. Zeki Kebapçıoğlu ve Dr. Sedat Yürütgen'den müteşekkil heyet tarafından düşük Başvekil Adnan Menderes'in sıhhi muayenesi yapılmış sıhhi durumunun tamamen normale döndüğü raporla tesbit edilmiştir.

2- Yüksek Adalet Divanınca verilen ve Milli Birlik Komitesince tasdik edilen idam cezası hükmü infaz edilmiştir. Tebliğ olunur.

Sırât-ı Müstakîm

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1908-1925 arasında haftalık yayınlanan İslami dergi. Kurucuları Ebulula Mardin, Eşref Edip'tir. İstanbul, Ankara, Kastamonu, Kayseri, Trabzon'da yayınlandı. Derginin fikir babası Mehmet Akif'tir. Dergi sık sık kapatıldı, yazarları yargılandı. 641 sayı çıktı, 183. sayıdan sonra Sebilürreşad adını aldı.

Yazarları arasında Mehmet Akif, Muhammed Abduh, Abdülaziz Çaviş, Bereketzade İsmail Hakkı, Babanzade Ahmet Naim, Ferit Kam, Mehmet Fahrettin, İzmirli İsmail Hakkı, Tahirül Mevlevi, Aksekili Ahmet Hamdi, M.Şemseddin, Manastırlı İsmail Hakkı, Bursalı Mehmet Tahir, Akçuraoğlu Yusuf, Ahmet Ağaoğlu vardır.

Derginin genel politikası İslam Birliği, İslam ahlakı, Kuran ve Sünnete dönüş, Avrupa'nın sadece teknolojisinin alınması üzerinedir.


See also:
Istanbul Under Allied Occupation, 1918-1923 By Bilge Criss
Mavi Boncuk |
Sırât-ı Müstakîm 1326
Din, felsefe, edebiyat, hukuk ve ulûmden bahs haftalık risaledir.
Birinci sene/ 20 Teşrînsânî 1324- 9 Zilkade 1326 Pencşenbe / Aded: 10

Word origin | Haydut, Hayta, Eşkiya

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Hajduk, 1703

Mavi Boncuk |


Irredentism

Haydut: bandit, brigand, robber.
haydut [xvii Men, Peç] Macar piyade askeri
[xviii] eşkiya, başıbozuk from Hungarian hajdúk[1] [pl.] hajdú başıbozuk piyade, akıncı

Serbian/Albanian hajduk, Romanian haiduc, Bulgarian haidut (eşkiya, başıbozuk

little devil, little dickens.

Hayta: hooligan, hobo, bum

(a) goof-off; (a) ne'er-do-well, (a) good-for-nothing, (a) no-count.
» (someone) who is a goof-off; ne'er-do-well, good-for-nothing, no-count.

Eşkiya:

(pl.) Şakiler. Yol kesenler. Asiler. Allah'a veya kanunlara isyan edip kötülük yapanlar. Haydutlar, anarşistler, âsiler. Hak ve kanunlara baş kaldıranlar, Allahın emirlerine karşı gelenler.

The brigand is supposed to derive his name from the Old French brigan, which is a form of the Italian brigante, an irregular or partisan soldier. There can be no doubt as to the origin of the word bandit, which has the same meaning. In Italy, which is not unjustly considered the home of the most accomplished European brigands, a bandito was a man declared outlaw by proclamation, or bando[dubious – discuss], called in Scotland "a decree of horning" because it was delivered by a blast of a horn at the town cross. The brigand, therefore, is the outlaw who conducts warfare after the manner of an irregular or partisan soldier by skirmishes and surprises, who makes the war support itself by plunder, by extorting blackmail, by capturing prisoners and holding them to ransom, who enforces his demands by violence, and kills the prisoners who cannot pay.

Brigandage as resistance

In certain conditions the brigand has not been a mere malefactor. "It is you who are the thieves", was the defence of the Calabrian who was tried as a brigand by a French court-martial during the reign of Joachim Murat in Naples.
Brigandage may be, and not infrequently has been, the last resource of a people subject to invasion. The Calabrians who fought for Ferdinand I of the Two Sicilies, and the Spanish irregular levies, which maintained the national resistance against the French from 1808 to 1814, were called brigands by their enemies.

In the Balkan peninsula, under Turkish rule, the brigands (called klephts by the Greeks and hayduks or haydutzi by the Slavs) had some claim to believe themselves the representatives of their people against oppressors. The only approach to an attempt to maintain order was the permission given to part of the population to carry arms in order to repress the klephts. They were hence called armatoli. As a matter of fact the armatole were rather the allies than the enemies of the klephts.

[1] Hajduk is a term most commonly referring to outlaws, brigands, highwaymen or freedom fighters in Southeastern Europe, and parts of Central and Eastern Europe. In Balkan folkloric tradition, the hajduk (hajduci or haiduci in the plural) is a romanticised hero figure who steals from, and leads his fighters into battle against, the Ottoman or Habsburg authorities. They are comparable to the English legend of Robin Hood and his merry men, who stole from the rich (which as in the case of the hajduci happened to be also foreign occupants) and gave to the poor, while defying unjust laws and authority.


  • Armenian fedayi, guerillas and irregulars (1880s–1920s)
  • Bushrangers, bandits in Australia (1850s–1900s)
  • Kachaks, Albanian bandits and rebels (1880s–1930)
  • Klepht, Ottoman Greek bandits and rebels
  • Haidamaka, pro-Cossack paramility (18th century)
  • Rapparee, Irish guerillas (1690s)
  • Uskoks, Habsburg irregulars (1520s–1618)
  • Zeybeks, Ottoman irregulars (17th to 20th c.)

MAVI BONCUK Archives Download 2

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Gallipoli 1915.pdf

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TURKS AND US NAVY GREAT WAR.pdf

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SPRING 1918: ARMENIAN TERRORISM AND THE TURKO-MOSLEM GENOCIDE IN AZERBAIJAN Camil Hasanli*(Azerbaijan)
THE ANGLO-AMERICAN OIL CONTROVERSY IN IRAN 1919-1924
Mamed ABBASOV* (Azerbaijan)

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20070213turkey.pdf

THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION
TURKEY 2007: HIGH STAKES IN A DEFINING YEAR
Washington, D.C. | Tuesday, February 13, 2007
MODERATOR: MARK R. PARRIS, Director, Turkey 2007
Visiting Scholar, The Brookings Institution
PANELISTS: FEHMI KORU Senior Columnist Yeni Safak (Turkey)
SOLI OZEL Department of Political Science Bilgi University, Istanbul
MURAT YETKIN Columnist, Radikal (Turkey)

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1951 | Return of the Exile

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Mavi Boncuk |
From the Magazine | Foreign News
Return of the Exile

Posted Monday, Jul. 9, 1951

Carloads of funeral wreaths preceded the flag-draped coffin through Istanbul's streets to the Monument of Eternal Liberty. Turks by the thousands marched in the long cortege that followed, and lined the streets with heads bowed in reverence. All of Turkey paused for a moment last week as the long-dead bones of Midhat Pasha were brought home from exile for proper burial in his native land. Said a spectator: "This is a day not for sorrowing, but for rejoicing."

A Reformer's Progress. Turkey today is largely the creation of the "Young Turk" movement, whose Kemal Atatürk made a modern nation out of the ancient "sick man of Europe." Midhat was a "Young Turk"—in spirit at least—before Atatürk was ever heard of. He was born in 1822, the son of a Constantinople judge. At 29, he was made General Secretary of the State Council of well-meaning but pusillanimous Sultan Abdul Mejid. A sternly upright and able young man with compassionate and liberal convictions, Midhat was soon serving as a trouble-shooter in one tense corner after another of the sprawling Ottoman empire. His determined efforts to abolish slave labor, wipe out anti-Christian discrimination and establish schools and colleges went far to pacify Turkey's perennially rebellious Balkan provinces and to infuriate the Russians, who dreamed of a Balkan empire all their own.

But, like many a reformer, Midhat made enemies in high places during his years of service. Some time after Abdul Mejid died, the Russian ambassador at Constantinople used his friendship with the Queen Mother to get Midhat recalled from the Balkans. Midhat squared himself with the new Sultan, Abdul Aziz, and was soon appointed Grand Vizier of the Empire. From this lofty eminence he discov. ered that the Sultan was growing rich, at his country's expense, on bribes from a wealthy Austrian railroad man. Midhat appealed to the Sultan's conscience. The Sultan returned the bribes and sulkily fired Midhat. Soon afterwards, in 1876, Abdul Aziz was deposed by his nephew Murad V. Abdul Aziz promptly killed himself with a pair of scissors. Murad lasted three months; then he was deposed by his brother Abdul Hamid II.

Plot & Prison. Abdul Hamid was a devious, scheming tyrant who hated Reformer Midhat, chiefly because the latter had written a constitution for Turkey. The new Sultan reappointed Midhat as Grand Vizier and set an army of spies to watch him. Soon he had cooked up enough phony charges to banish Midhat and all his followers. Responding to diplomatic pressure, Abdul Hamid restored Midhat to imperial grace. In 1879, however, he had Midhat arrested for the "scissor-murder" of Abdul Aziz.

Midhat was tried in a green tent in the courtyard of Yildiz Palace, where he stood with nine others in a trench, facing his judges. Afraid to execute Midhat, the Sultan commuted his death sentence to life imprisonment in Taif, near Mecca. There the ex-Vizier contracted anthrax. The Sultan refused to allow a doctor to see him. When Midhat got over the disease unaided, the Sultan ordered his food poisoned. Jailers friendly to Midhat foiled that scheme as well. "We are face to face with . . . the blackest designs," Midhat wrote his family. "There's little hope we'll ever escape." Before the letter reached its destination, 62-year-old Midhat Pasha had been strangled by assassins; Abdul Hamid ordered his head sent to Constantinople, just to make sure.

The rest of Midhat stayed decently buried in Taif until it was returned to Turkey last week by express permission of Saudi Arabia's King Ibn Saud, who respectfully begged leave to foot half the bill for the funeral journey. "Now," said a deeply moved young officer as Midhat was placed in his new grave, "Turkey is vastly richer, for today it has both Midhat and Atatürk."

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