Mavi Boncuk |

Golden Boll Film Festival to kick off in September

The International Golden Boll Film Festival in the southern Turkish province of Adana will take place this year on Sept. 14-20, event organizers said on Aug. 5.

One of Turkey's most prestigious cinematic events, the 27th annual festival will be held under special measures due to the novel corona virus, said Zeydan Karalar, the mayor of Adana, which organizes the festival.

Karalar said that this year national feature film and national student film competitions will be held as part of the event.

The festival will feature discussions on cinema, he said, calling it “an art form that encourages people, increases the joy in life, makes us think.”

 Mavi Boncuk |

42. Kütüphane Haftası Etkinlikleri

Bab-ı Ali'de Yayınevleri

Nedret İşli[1]

19. yüzyılda Osmanlı İmparatorluğu'nun yönetim merkezi Babıâli, aynı zamanda Türk basınının da merkezi ve kalbidir. Divanyolu üzerindeki Sultan Mahmut Türbesi'nden başlayıp Sirkeci meydanına kadar kavisli bir şekilde inen bu cadde, bir orta noktada kırılır. Bu orta nokta Babıâli denilen, yani Osmanlı sadrazamlarının konağı, yönetim yeri olan, aynı zamanda da Paşakapısı denilen, valilik binasını orta merkez olarak alır. Sultan Mahmut Türbesi'nden, yani Divanyolu'ndan, köşeden başlayıp valiliğin uç noktasına, yani köşe noktasına kadar olan kısma eskiden Mahmudiye Caddesi adı verilmekte, valilikten aşağı ve Sirkeci'ye kadar olan kısmına da Babıâli denmektedir. Fakat bu iş 1934 yılında değişir. Osman Nuri Ergin yeni sokakların isimlendirilmesi ile ilgili görevlendirildikten sonra Sirkeci'den valiliğe kadar olan bölüme Ankara Caddesi, valilikten sonra Sultan Mahmut Türbesi, yani Divanyolu'nun başlangıç kısmına kadar olan yere de Babıâli Caddesi adını verir. Bu isimlendirmeye çok sinirlenen Reşat Ekrem Koçu İstanbul Ansiklopedisi'nin "Ankara Caddesi" maddesinde bunu sert bir dille, ağırca eleştirir.

19. yüzyılın sonundan, 1870'lerden itibaren bu caddede kitapçılar yer almaya başlar. Yüzyıl sonlarında bu kitapçılar önemlerini ve sayılarını çoğaltarak caddenin Türk basın yayın dünyasının en önemli merkezi haline gelmesini sağlarlar. 19. yüzyıl sonundan 20. yüzyılın sonuna kadar kitabevleri, matbaalar, gazete idarehaneleri, mücellitler, kırtasiyeciler, klişeciler velhasıl Babıâli Türk basınının kalbi olur. Reşet Ekrem Koçu "Büyük şehrin, dolayısıyla Türkiye'nin  fikir ve sanat merkez meşheri, İstanbul basının beşiği, bir politika kanalı, alimler, mütefekirler, müellifler, muharrirler, artisler güzergâhıdır. İstanbul'un büyük kitapçıları, en büyük kırtasiye mağazaları, mücellitleri, klişe atölyeleri, ilanat büro ve şirketleri, gazete ve mecmua bayileri, birkaç büyük matbaa, gazete ve mecmua idarehaneleri, bu caddenin iki kenarı boyunca sıralanmıştır" diye tanımlar Ankara Caddesi'ni. Gerçekten de bu bölgedeki kahvehaneler, berber dükkânları bile edebiyatla, siyasetle iç içedir. Nitekim İttihatçıların anılarından Sirkeci'deki berberde buluştukları, bazı hükümete yönelik işlerin oralarda fısıltılar halinde konuşulduğu bilinir. Yine burada ünlü Meserret Kıraathanesi'nde bir sürü insan hem Jön Türk neşriyatını el altından birbirlerine devreder, bir yandan da yine siyaset konuşurlar. Babıâli böyle hem siyasetle, hem yayın dünyası ile iç içe yaşayan bir mekândır.

Babıâli'nin ayrıntılı bir tarihi yazılamamıştır. Nitekim Türk basınının eskilerinden ve Babıâli'yi en iyi bilenlerden Münir Süleyman Çapanoğlu da "Basın tarihimiz yazılamamıştır" der ve Ahmet Rasim'in Vakit'te, Akşam'da ve bazı dergilerde, Ahmet Cevdet'in İkdam'da, Abdurrahman Adil'in İkdam ve Alemdar'da, Azim'de ve birkaç dergide yayımlanan basın tahine ait yazıları, hatıraları Arap harfleri ile çıkan gazete ve mecmuaların sütunlarında gömülü kaldığını, arada bir yeni harflerle çıkmış olan çıkan hatıralar ve notların da basın tarihini yazacaklar için kâfi olmadığını, eski Babıâli'yi bilenlere hatıraları yazdırmak, not almak, üstatların yazılarını gazetelerden dergilerden çıkarıp ayıklamak, yayımlamak gerektiğini ekler. Bu yazının yer aldığı kitabın yayımlandığı 1962 yılında hakikaten de çok sayıda yayıncı, gazeteci, eski kütüphane sahibi, eski kitabevi sahibi hayattadır.

Babıâli üzerine irili ufaklı çalışma yapanların başında Ahmet Rasim ve Ahmet Mithat Efendi gelir. Selim Nusret Gerçek, Server İskit, Münir Süleyman Çapanoğlu, Reşit Halit Gönenç, Orhan Koloğlu, Alpay Kabacalı, Ali Birinci, Nuri Akbayar, Yahya Erdem, Lütfü Seymen, Başak Ocak, Cem Atabeyoğlu, Cüneyt Okay, Naşit Baylav, Arslan Kaynardağ gibi araştırmacı ya da edebiyatçı, gazeteciler Babıâli ile ilgili çeşitli yayınlarda bulunmuşlardır. Fakat bu çalışmaların tümünü kapsayan topluca bir çalışma yoktur.

Babıâli kitapçıların yerleşmeye başladığı 1880'lerden günümüze, 1980'li yıllara kadar burada açılıp kapanmış yayınevlerinin, kitabevlerinin derli toplu tarihçelerine, kurucularının kimler olduğuna, aile bağları ve akrabalık derecelerine, ne zaman kapandıklarına, hangi zamanlarda ticari anlamda darboğazdan geçtiklerine dair hemen hemen hiçbir şey bulunmamaktadır. Bunlar sadece kıyıda köşede kalmış, notlar halinde, cımbızla toplanabilecek nitelikte belgelerde yer alır.

Babıâli Caddesi'nin 19. yüzyıldaki durumu hakkında Ahmet Rasim ve Ahmet Mithat Efendi çok güzel bilgiler sunarlar. gibi kitabı var. Kültür Bakanlığı tarafından yeni harflerle yayımlanan Muharrir, Şair ve Edip adlı kitapta çok ilginç bilgiler yer alır. Yine Ahmet Mithat Efendi'nin yazmış olduğu birkaç romanda hem Cağaloğlu'nun hem İstanbul'un diğer semtleri ile ilgili olarak çok güzel tasvirlere rastlanır. Bu kaynaklardan Babıâli Caddesi'nin açılışının 1865 yılında Hoca Paşa yangını sonrasına dayandığı anlaşılır. Islahat-ı Turuk komisyonu bazı binaları, evleri yıkarak caddeyi genişletir ve Babıâli Caddesi bu şekilde oluşur. İlk Babıâli kitapçısı hakkında Ahmet Rasim Vakit gazetesinde "Matbaa Tarihinden Bir Nokta" başlıklı bir makale yayımlar. Ahmet Rasim Efendi bir gün Babıâli'de otururken, Asır Kütüphanesi'nden Kirkor Faik Efendi'yle bir söyleşi yaparlar. Bunun üzerine Ahmet Rasim bize şu bilgileri aktarır: Babıâli'de ilk kitapçı dükkânı Toros isimli birine aittir. Dükkân, İkdam gazetesinin çıktığı İkdam Han'dadır. Ahmet İhsan Tokgöz ise Matbuat Hatıralarım adlı kitabında Mülkiye Mektebi'nde dersleri takip ederken, eski Babıâli yokuşunun matbuat hayatı ile son derece alakadar olduğunu, caddede Esat Efendi Kütüphanesi adlı tek bir Türk dükkânı bulunduğunu, sahibinin de hâkimlikte bulunmuş ulemadan olup Abdülhamid döneminde ara verdiği faaliyetine hürriyetin ilanıyla geri döndüğünü ve bu esnada Basiretçi Ali Efendi ile birleştiğini anlatır. Fakat her ikisinin de ömürleri vefa etmediğini, Esat Efendi kütüphanesi dışındaki kitapçıların da Ermeniler olduklarını ekler. Ahmet İhsan'ın bahsettiği Esat Efendi'nin bulunduğu tarihte Aleksan, Kaspar, Kirkor, Ohannes Efendiler kitapçılığa başlamış durumda gözüküyorlar. Bu bahsedilen tarih ise 1881 ile 1887 arasında bir yıl olmalıdır; çünkü Ahmet İhsan Bey Mülkiye Mektebi'nde 1881-1887 arasında okur. Dolayısıyla Babıâli'de ilk kitapçılık yapan kişi meselesi bu anılardan da pek ortaya çıkmamaktadır. Bir de bizim halen bildiğimiz saatli maarif takvimlerini yayımlamakta olan Maarif Kütüphanesi'nin sahibi Naci Kasım Bey'in babası Hacı Kasım Efendi'nin ilk Türk kitapçısı olmak gibi bir iddiası vardır. Çünkü bu bey 1862 yılında İran'ın Hoy kentinden İstanbul'a gelip hemen kitapçılığa başlar, fakat kitapçılığa başladığı mekân Babıâli'de değil, Beyazıt'ta Hakkaklar Çarşısı'ndadır. Daha sonra oğlu Naci Kasım Babıâli'de Maarif Kütüphanesi'ni kurar. Hüseyin Tutya da Yeni Şark Kütüphanesi'ni kurup 1970'li yıllara kadar Babıâli'de kitapçılık yapar. 1881 tarihli Annuaire Oriental'de İbrahim Hazım diye bir isme rastlanır. İbrahim Hazım Babıâli Caddesi 26 numarada, onun dışında Avedis Papazyan Babıâli Caddesi 18 numarada, Arekel Tozluyan Babıâli Caddesi 46 numarada görülür.

Bütün bu belgelerden ve notlardan çıkardığımız sonuca göre, Babıâli'deki ilk kitapçı bence Arakel Tozluyan Efendi'dir. Arakel Tozluyan Efendi 1875 yılında İstanbul'da Babıâli'de dükkânını açar ve çalışmalarını uzun zaman sürdürür. İşin başında daha yaptığı çok büyük bir hizmet, 1301 yılında (1884) yılında Matbaa-i Ebuziya'da Arakel Kütüphanesi kataloğunu bastırmış olmasıdır ki bu benim tespitlerime göre ilk ticari kitapçı kataloğudur. Babıâli kitapçılığının modern kitapçılık anlamında ve sahaflıktan ayrılan bütün ilk müteşebbisleri Ermenilerdir. Daha çok tömbekici, tütüncü dükkânlarında, kahvehanelerde, bir miktar Beyazıt'ta Sahaflar'daki dükkânlarda satılmakta olan matbaa baskısı kitaplar ancak bu ilk dönem Ermeni kitapçılar sayesinde modern anlamda bir ticari meta olarak karşımıza çıkar, vitrine çıkar, alınır satılır hale gelirler.

Bu Ermeni kitapçılarının çoğu gazete müvezziliğinden, gazete dağıtıcılığından gelmektedir. Eskiden çoğunlukla gazeteler sokaklarda, meydanlarda müvezziler aracılığıyla satılmakta, dağıtılmaktaydı, o yüzden bu müvezziler de çok önemliydi. Bu müvezziler aynı zamanda bu kitabevlerinde kitapçı oldukları zaman, gazetelerde abone ederek ya da posta yoluyla da bazı insanlara göndermek aracılığıyla gazeteciliğin gelişmesine hizmette bulunurlar.

İkinci bir grup olarak İran kökenli diye addettiğimiz Azeriler de Babıâli'de epey bir yer teşkil ederler. Maarif, Yeni Şark, Cemiyet gibi büyük yayınlar, büyük işler yapmış, yayın alanında isim olmuş bazı kitabevleri ve yayıncılar da Azeri kökenli, Acem denilen insanlardandır. İbrahim Hilmi Çığıraçan hakkında ciddi bir araştırma yapan Başak Ocak'ın tespitine göre Ermeni kitapçılar bilimsel ve edebi kitaplar ile okul kitapları piyasasını, İranlı kitapçılar da halk, medrese kitapları piyasasını ellerinde bulundurmaktadırlar. Bir de 1870'li yıllardan itibaren Beyazıt'ta, Hakkaklar Çarşısı'nda, Sahaflar Çarşısı'nda dükkân açan bazı kimselerin de daha sonra bu dükkânları kapatıp Babıâli'ye doğru kaydığını tespit ediyoruz ki, kitapçılık ağırlık merkezinin giderek Babıâli'ye doğru kaydığının bir göstergesidir bu.

1890'lardan başlayarak, 1900'lü yıllara doğru, yani Babıâli'de Ermeni ve İran kökenli kitapçıların ticari faaliyette bulunması sırasında birtakım Türk kitapçılar, müteşebbisler de bu faaliyetlere katılırlar. Bunların en başında yine Ahmed İhsan gelir. Servet-i Fünun mecmuasının sahibi ve yayımcısı olan Ahmed İhsan 1890 yılında bir arkadaşı ile birlikte Alem matbaasını satın alır ve yayıncılık işine başlar. Yine Hüseyin Kitapçı Babıâli'de önce İran kökenli bir kitapçı olan Şems Kütüphanesi'nde belli bir müddet çıraklık yapar, daha sonra kendisi Beyazıt'ta Zafer adıyla bir dükkân açar. Ardından o dükkânı kapatıp yeni köprünün başındaki dükkânlardan birini tutarak orayı İkbal Kütüphanesi yapar. Hatta bir ara bir İtalyan gemisi köprüdeki o dükkânların olduğu yere çarpar ve bütün kitaplar Haliç'te yüzmeye başlarlar. Bu tehlikelerden sonra Babıâli'nin üst tarafında bir dükkân kiralar ve yine 1970'li yıllara kadar kitapçılık faaliyetini sürdürür İkbal Kütüphanesi. 1896'da Tüccarzade İbrahim Hilmi Bey bir kütüphane açar. İlk ismi Kitaphane-i İslam ve Askeri olan bu dükkânda önce daha çok askerlere yönelik, İslami bazı eğitici kitaplar yayımlanır. Daha sonra adı Hilmi Kitabevi'ne çevrilir ve kitabevi, sahibinin ölüm yılı olan  1963'e kadar faaliyette Babıâli'de bulunur. Özellikle meşhur Hüseyin Rahmi Gürpınar'ın bütün eserlerinin tek yayıncısı konumundadır. 1962 yılında hastalıklı bir haldeyken bile bazı yazarlara, edebiyatçılara mektuplar yazarak onlarla yayın anlaşması imzalamak isteyen, bu işe gönül vermiş bir kişidir İbrahim Hilmi Çığıraçan.

İmparatorluğun sonundan Cumhuriyet'e doğru Babıâli'deki Türk kitapçıların sayısı hızla artar, bu arada Ermeni kitapçıların azaldığı görülür. Bir kısmının yokluğu hem yaşlılıktan hem de genç yaşta ölümlerden kaynaklanır, bir kısmı ise tam çözemediğimiz bir şekilde kitapçılığı bırakıp başka mesleklere döner. Bunlardan Kaspar Efendi kitapçılığı belli bir süre yaptıktan sonra, Bağlarbaşı'nda bir bakkal dükkânı açar ve burayı işletirken ölür. Bir de istisnai durum vardır: Suhulet Kütüphanesi ve Matbaası sahibinin Osmanlı'daki ismi Leon Lütfi olup daha sonra Müslüman olarak Semih Lütfi adını alır. Hanımı ve ailesi ise hayatlarına Ermeni olarak devam ederler. Semih Lütfi Kütüphanesi'nin kapanış tarihi 1980'li yıllardır, Semih Lütfi ise 1940'lı yıllarda ölür. Karısı, yani Aznif Hanım ise 1980'li yıllara kadar yayın yapmadan o kitapevini, sadece eski bastıkları kitapları satarak devam ettirir. Ben öğrenciyken Aznif Hanım Sirkeci'de kütüphanesinin içerisinde karanlık, tozlu bir kasanın başında oturur, sıradan verirdi satıştaki kitapları. Eğer bozuksa arkadaki kitaptan vermez, kovardı. Ölümünden sonra, bina çok değerli olduğu için kitaplar kimsenin gözünde değildi. Kitapları önce Kuleli'ye yolladılar, garnizonlara, çünkü depolarında dağıtılamamış, satılmamış on binlerce kitap vardı. Bunların Kuleli Askeri Lisesi vasıtasıyla bütün garnizonlara dağıtılması için bir teklifte bulunuldu. Askerler bir kısmını aldı götürdü. Daha sonra binanın bir an önce boşaltılması gerektiği için bu kez Edebiyat Fakültesi'ne haber verildi; onlar da bir müddet, bir miktar seçip götürdüler. Edebiyat Fakültesi'nde kütüphanenin 2-3 gün boyunca kapısının açılacağı ve kitapların istenildiği kadar alınabileceği şeklinde bir şaiya çıktı; gerçekten de içeri girip, istediğiniz kadar kitabı torbaya doldurup götürebiliyordunuz. Böylelikle kitaplar dağılabildiği kadar dağıldı, dağılamayanlar da maalesef kâğıtçıya, hurdacıya gitti.

Babıâli yayıncılığının en zor dönemi bana göre 1928 yılıdır, çünkü 1928 yılının sonlarında ünlü harf devrimi dolayısıyla Babıâli'de bulunan bütün yayınevlerinin sermayeleri bir anda sıfıra inmiş olur. Depolarda binlerce eski yazı kitap vardı, bunların bir kısmı mektep kitapları, bir kısmı eğitime yönelik kitaplardır. Bunlar bir anda kullanılamaz, okutulamaz ve satılamaz hale gelir. Dolayısıyla 1982'deki bu sıkıntılı dönemde pek çok kitapçı, yayınevi maalesef kendini kurtaramamıştır. Fakat 1920'li yıllarda daha henüz yayıncılığa girmiş kitapçılar zarar görmemiştir, çünkü depolarındaki kitaplar eski harfli değildir. Bu durumu devlet birtakım önlemlerle düzeltmeye çalışır. 1928'de Latin alfabesi ile öğrenim yapılacak mektep kitaplarının basılması için bazı kitapçılara haklar tanınır. Fakat bu yine de kitapçıların zararlarını maalesef karşılayamaz. Dolayısıyla 1928'den sonra uzun zaman kitapçılarla devlet arasında birebir maddi anlamda bir alışveriş olur. Hatta maddi kayıpları o kadar fazladır ki 1932 yılında Ahmet Halit Kitaphanesi, Hilmi Kitaphanesi, Kanaat Kitaphanesi, ortak bir imza ile Türk Kitapçılığının Bugünkü Vaziyeti ve İstikbali başlıklı bir ortak rapor kaleme alarak kendilerince birtakım durum değerlendirmeleri yapar ve sorunlara bazı çözümler önerirler.

1880'li yıllardan 1940'lı yıllara kadar Babıâli'de dükkân açmış kişilerin, müesseselerin isimlerini ve dükkân numaralarını tespit edebildiğimiz en büyük kaynak Annuaire Oriental dediğimiz şark ticaret yıllıklarıdır. 1881'den 85'e kadar 3 kişinin adı geçer, daha sonra 1889 yılında 10 kitapçıya çıkar Babıâli'deki kitapçılar. Hemen hemen tamamı Ermenidir. 1889'da Artin Asaduryan, Biberciyan, Ohannes Ferit, Aleksan Kocabıyıkyan, Avedis Şamgoçyan, Kaspar Kayseryan, Kirkor Kayseryan, Karabet Keşişyan, H. Michel Arekel Tozluyan olarak aynı aynı kadro hemen hemen devam eder. 1896 yılında bunlardan farklı olarak Hüseyin Efendi ve İbrahim Hilmi Tüccarzade karşımıza çıkar. 1901'de Rauf Bey diye bir isimle karşılaşırız. Onun dışında bütün kadro aynıdır. Bu arada 1901'de Tefeyyüz diye bir isme rastlarız ki bu 1896 yılında Garabet Keşişyan'ın ölümünden sonra dükkânın devralınıp isim değişikliği yaşamasına dayanır. Tefeyyüz Kitaphanesi 1970'li yıllara kadar Babıâli Caddesi'nde faaliyette bulunur. 1913 yılında yine birtakım yeni isimler bu kitapçılara eklenir.

Sözünü ettiğimiz kitabevlerinin bazılarının tarihçelerine baktığımızda, örneğin Ahmet Halit Yaşaroğlu 1918 yılında Babıâli'ye gelir ve Talebe Defteri İdarehanesi adıyla bir idarehane açar ve Halit Fahri Ozansoy, Şükûfe Nihal, Orhan Seyfi Orhon gibi edebiyatçıların ilk şiir kitaplarını basar. Bir diğer adı da Halk Kütüphanesi'dir. Ve 1920'de mütareke yıllarında kapanır. Ahmet Halit Bey 1920'den 28'e kadar bir yandan da hocalık yapar ve 1928 yılında sadece Şişli Terakki Lisesi'ndeki tarih hocalığına devam eder, onun dışında resmi vazifeden ayrılır ve vefat ettiği 1951 yılına kadar kitabevinde bizzat çalışır. Hanımı da öğretmen ve yazardır; hatta Naime Halit alfabesi diye çok özel bir alfabe yayınlarlar. Latin alfabesini öğreten bu alfabe çok tutulur. 1951'den 1973 yılına kadar da Ahmet Halit Yaşaroğlu'nun Ayhan ve Yıldız Yaşaroğlu adlarındaki iki oğlu 1973 yılına kadar kitabevini sürdürürler.

Meşhur Arakel Efendi 1876'da Babıâli 46 numarada dükkânını açar ve bilhassa Ahmet Rasim, Halit Ziya gibi Osmanlı dönemi Türk edebiyatçılarının çok önemli eserlerini yayımlar. Muallim Naci ile birlikte Talim-i Kıraat ve Mekteb-i Edep diye okul kitapları hazırlar ki bunlar çok tutulup belki 100 kadar baskı yapar. Arakel Efendi 1912 yılında ölünce oğlu Leon Efendi bir müddet işi sürdürür, ama 1914 yılında kitabevi kapanır.

Yine Babıâli'de Cemiyet Kütüphanesi Hacı Kasım Efendi'nin oğulları tarafından kurulup daha çok popüler, folklorik, polisiye-roman, biraz müstehcen yayın, hikâyeler basar. Daha sonra her iki kardeş ayrı kitabevleri kurarak Cemiyet Kütüphanesi yayınlarına son verirler.

Gayret Kütüphanesi Kirkor Faik'in Asır Kütüphanesi'nde tezgâhtar olduğu dönemde, yanında yetiştirdiği Garbis Balamutoğlu adında birinin kurduğu bir kitabevidir. Garbis Balamutoğlu'nun kardeşi Misak Balamutoğlu da Zaman Kitaphanesi'ni kurar ve 1970'li yıllara kadar İstanbul'da kitapçılık yapar. Zaman Kitaphanesi 1930'lu yıllarda Osmanlı kıyafetleri ile ilgili Avrupa'da basılmış kitapları burada özel klişeciler sayesinde Türkçe'ye çevirttirip basar.

Hâlâ faaliyette olan İnkılap Kitabevi'nin kurucusu Garbis Fikri Bey de Kayserili bir Ermenidir. 1907'de Kayseri'de doğar ve Kumkapı'ya yerleşir. 1930 yılında Gedik Paşa Ortaokulu'ndan mezun olur. 1930 yılında bir arkadaşı ile birlikte Cumhuriyet kütüphanesi adıyla bir kitaphane açar, fakat kütüphaneyi 1932 yılında arkadaşına bırakır ve Ankara Caddesi'nde 157 numarada İnkılap Kitabevi'ni açar, 1932-54 arasında burada faaliyette bulunur. Daha sonra 1962 yılında Aka Eren diye bir yayıncıyla birleşir, İnkılap ve Aka Kitabevleri adını alır. Ağırlıklı olarak ders kitapları yayımlarlar. 1971 yılında Garbis Fikri Bey ölür, 1984 yılında Aka Kitabevi ile ayrılırlar ve İnkılap Kitabevi hâlâ bildiğiniz gibi yayınını sürdürmektedir. Nazar Fikri Bey, Garbis Bey'in oğlu işin başındadır ve 3. kuşak Arman Fikri Bey halen bu dede müessesesini sürdürmektedir.

Yine eskilerden ve önemli kitabevlerinden Kanaat Kitabevi'nin kurucusu İlyas Bayar, bir Musevidir. 1898 yılında Babıâli'de bu dükkânı açar; oğlu Aslan Bayar'ın ölümüyle 1994 yılında Kanaat Kitabevi tasfiye edilir ve kapanır. Maarif Kütüphanesi 1895'te kurulur. İlk yeri Hakkaklar Çarşısı'dır, daha sonra Babıâli'ye geçer ve hepimizin bildiği ünlü saatli maarif takvimlerini çıkartır; şu an halen Babıâli'de faaliyette olan belki de tek kitabevidir. Remzi Kitabevi 1926 yılında Beyazıt'ta Ümit Kütüphanesi adı altında kurulur ve burada ilk defa Ömer Seyfettin'in Yüksek Ökçeler isimli kitabı ile Rudolph Valentino'nun Aşk Maceraları isimli kitapları basılır eski harflerle. Daha sonra 1930 yılında Babıâli'ye geçer, orada da Nazım Hikmet'in Sesini Kaybeden Şehir isimli eserini basar ilk kez. Bu eser çok büyük yankı uyandırır.

Babıâli'de bir yeni kitapçı 1935 yılında Zekeriya Sertel'in kardeşi Kenan Yusuf Sertel tarafından kurulur. Kenan Yusuf Sertel aslında tahmin olunacağı üzere daha çok sol yayınlar yapar, fakat çok fazla siyasi fikri olan biri değil, aslında tüccardır. Nazım Hikmet'in, Sabiha Sertel'in bazı kitaplarını bastıktan sonra, Nazım Hikmet'in tutuklanması, propaganda adına sorgulamaların başlaması üzerine 1938 yılında dükkânını Nail Çakırhan'a devreder ve İzmir'de tütün tüccarlığına başlar. Nail Çakırhan ise 1-2 sene orayı idare eder ve o da bir başka gazeteciye, Mithat Sertoğlu'na kitabevini devreder. Yeni kitapçıda çok ilginç bir şey, Babıâli'de olmayan bir sistemle okurlara emanet kitap verilmesidir. Böylelikle satın alma gücü olmayan bazı insanların belli bir depozito vererek kitapları geri getirmek şartıyla okumasını sağlamaya çalışılır.

İsmini tespit edemediğimiz ya da ismini tespit edip de hikâyelerini söyleyemeyeceğimiz meçhul bir sürü kitapçıdan örneğin biri Çiftçi Kütüphanesi'dir. Sahibi Ahmet Akif Bey'in daha milli mücadele başlangıcında Atatürk'ün resimlerini bazı kartpostallara bastığı ve bunların izinsiz ve kaçak basılmalarından dolayı işgal kuvvetlerinin pek çok kereler bu kitaphaneyi bastığı, hatta Atatürk ile ilgili bu kartpostalları müsadere edip kartpostalların yakıldığı, imha ettirildiği notlar, bilgiler mevcuttur. O yüzden de Çiftçi Kütüphanesi'ne dair basılmış Atatürk kartpostallarının hemen hemen hiç görülmediği ya da çok nadir olduğu şeklinde bilgilerimiz vardır.

1980'li yıllara gelindiğinde birtakım kitabevleri faaliyetlerini sürdürürken bilhassa gazetelerin Babıâli'den ayrılmaları, üniversitelerin daha değişik yerlerde yaygınlık kazanmış olması, sadece İstanbul Üniversitesi'nin o bölgede varlığını sürdürmesi, diğerlerinin başka üniversitelerin de genişleyip yayılması dolayısıyla, Babıâli de artık bir kitap merkezi, yayınevi merkezi olmaktan çıkar. Bu yıllardan sonra artan bir ivmeyle yayıncılar da Beyoğlu tarafına, İstiklal Caddesi'ne, Taksim'e, Şişli'ye doğru yayılırlar. Babıâli yayıncılığı ve kitapçılığı her ne kadar tamamen bitmiş olmasa da -çünkü hâlâ birtakım dağıtım evleri oradadır- eski önemini eski merakını veya okuyucusunu kaybetmiş durumdadır.

Mavi Boncuk | 56th Antalya Golden Orange Film Festival begins!

The Antalya Golden Orange Film Festival, Turkey’s longest running film event, is counting down the hours to its 56th edition. Opening on October 26, the Festival will be based around the theme “Return to Roots” and screen a total of 66 films by 69 directors from 29 countries 

Presented by the Mayor of Municipal Antalya, Muhittin Böcek, the Antalya Golden Orange Film Festival is directed this year by Ahmet Boyacıoğlu, screenwriter, director, and co-founded of the Festival on Wheels. Cansel Çevikol Tuncer takes over as Executive Director and Başak Emre as the Festival’s artistic director. The Antalya Film Forum is headed by Olena Yershova Yıldız.

Breath (Soluk), dir. Özkan Yılmaz

Chronology (Kronoloji), dir. Ali Aydın

La Belle Indifference (Küçük Şeyler), dir. Kıvanç Sezer

Love, Spells and All That (Aşk, Büyü, Vs.), dir. Ümit Ünal

Not Knowing (Bilmemek), dir. Leyla Yılmaz

Omar and Us (Omar ve Biz), dir. Maryna Er Gorbach & Mehmet Bahadır Er

Steppe (Bozkır), dir. Ali Özel

The Adventures of Şukran the Lame (Topal Şükran’ın Maceraları), dir. Onur Ünlü

The Antenna (Bina), dir. Orçun Behram

Walnut Tree (Ceviz Ağacı), dir. Faysal Soysal

These films will compete across 14 categories for total prize money of TL 720 thousand, including the TL 250 thousand award for Best Film. The National Feature Film Competition Jury, chaired by Turkish director Zeki Demirkubuz, will decide on the winners. He is joined on the jury by cinematographer, Emre Erkmen, author and screenwriter, Latife Tekin, actor and screenwriter, Mert Fırat, and actor and producer, Şebnem Bozuklu.

The 56th Antalya Golden Orange Film Festival’s Honorary Awards will be presented to veteran actors, Selma Güneri and Ahmet Mekin. Güneri is known above all for her remarkable performances in Road without End (Bitmeyen Yol, 1965), I Live as Long as I Die (Ben Öldükçe Yaşarım, 1965) and The Last Birds (Son Kuşlar, 1966), which won her the Best Female Actor Award at the Antalya Golden Orange Film Festival in 1966. And Mekin, one of Turkish cinema’s outstanding male leads and character actors, has starred in countless classics from The Wedding (Düğün, 1973) to The Girl with the Red Scarf (Selvi Boylum, Al Yazmalım, 1977).

The Opening Ceremony will also mark the restoration of the Yıldırım Önal Tribute Award given by the Turkish Association of Contemporary Film Actors (ÇASOD) to an actor of excellence on both stage and screen. The award, which was withdrawn two years ago, will be presented on the opening night to Can Kolukısa. A stage actor who launched his film career in 1976 with Zeki Ökten’s King of the Doormen (Kapıcılar Kralı), Kolukısa went on to star in numerous high-profile films, including The Postman (Postacı, 1984), The Woman Who Must Be Hanged (Asılacak Kadın, 1985), You Sing Your Songs (Sen Türkülerini Söyle, 1986), Selamsiz’s Band (Selamsız Bandosu, 1987), Arabesque (Arabesk, 1988), Blue Exile (Mavi Sürgün, 1992) and Dreams, Reality and Cinema (Düş, Gerçek, Bir De Sinema, 1995). Alongside his film performances, Kolukısa is also a familiar face from popular television series such as Ivy Mansion (Asmalı Konak), Borders of Love (Yabancı Damat), Lady’s Farm (Hanımın Çiftliği), The Magnificent Century (Muhteşem Yüzyıl) and Wounded Love (Vatanım Sensin).

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  Dr. Vuslat Müller-Karpe

Karpe's funeral was buried in Kayalıpınar village upon his will after the funeral prayer.

Professor Dr. Andreas Müller Karpe left a bunch of roses on his wife's grave and threw soil. In addition to Karpe's son Sinan and his relatives, Yıldızeli District Governor Furkan Atalık, Provincial Director of Culture and Tourism Teoman Karaca and citizens attended the ceremony.

 NAVTEX (NAVigational TEleX), sometimes styled Navtex or NavTex,^[1] is an international automated medium frequency direct-printing service for delivery of navigational and meteorological warnings and forecasts, as well as urgent maritime safety information (MSI) to ships.

NAVTEX was developed to provide a low-cost, simple, and automated means of receiving this information aboard ships at sea within approximately 370 km (200 nautical miles) off shore.

A notice to airmen (NOTAM) is a notice filed with an aviation authority to alert aircraft pilots of potential hazards along a flight route or at a location that could affect the safety of the flight.^[1] NOTAMs are unclassified notices or advisories distributed by means of telecommunication that contain information concerning the establishment, conditions or change in any aeronautical facility, service, procedure or hazard, the timely knowledge of which is essential to personnel and systems concerned with flight operations.^[2] NOTAMs are created and transmitted by government agencies and airport operators under guidelines specified by Annex 15: Aeronautical Information Services of the Convention on International Civil Aviation (CICA). The term NOTAM came into common use rather than the more formal notice to airmen following the ratification of the CICA, which came into effect on 4 April 1947. Notices to airmen were normally published in a regular publication by each country's air authorities (e.g., in Flight magazine in the UK).^[3] A number of developments and amendments to the CICA have resulted in the more automated system available today.

A NOTAM is filed with an aviation authority to alert aircraft pilots of any hazards en route or at a specific location. The authority in turn provides a means of disseminating relevant NOTAMs to pilots.

Mavi Boncuk |

TCG Muavenet (DM 357)

TCG Muavenet / USS Gwin

Acquired:15 August 1971

Identification:DM 357

crippled by Sea Sparrow missiles fired from USS Saratoga on 1 October 1992, broken up for scrap

General characteristics

Displacement:2,200 tons

Length:376 ft 5 in (114.73 m)

Beam:14 ft (4.3 m)

Draft:15 ft 8 in (4.78 m)

Speed:34 knots (63 km/h; 39 mph)

Armament:

6 × 5 in (127 mm) guns

8 × 20 mm Oerlikon cannons

4 cp., 2 dct.

TCG Muavenet (DM-357) (previously USS Gwin, transferred in 1971) was a destroyer minelayer of the Turkish Navy crippled by two Sea Sparrow missiles fired from the aircraft carrier USS Saratoga during a NATO exercise in Saros Bay, Turkey in 1992, resulting in death and injury among its crew.

Sea Sparrow incident

During the autumn of 1992, the United States, Turkey, and several other NATO members participated in "Exercise Display Determination 1992", a combined forces naval exercise under the overall command of Admiral Jeremy Michael Boorda of the United States Navy. The forces of participating nations were assigned to either of two multinational teams. Vice Admiral T. Joseph Lopez of the United States Navy led the "Brown Forces," which included Saratoga. The opposing "Green Forces," including Muavenet were under the direct control of Admiral Kroon of the Netherlands.

During the "enhanced tactical" phase of the training exercises, the Brown Forces were to attempt an amphibious landing at Saros Bay in the Aegean Sea against the resistance offered by the Green Forces. Admiral Boorda ordered the units comprising each force to actively seek and "destroy" each other. Both task force commanders had full authority to engage the simulated enemy when and where they deemed appropriate and to use all warfare assets at their disposal to achieve victory.

During an exercise planning session on 1 October 1992, the Battle Group commander, Rear Admiral Philip Dur, ordered that a simulated attack on nearby opposition forces use Sea Sparrow missiles. Sea Sparrow missiles, an anti-aircraft defensive system, was not part of existing doctrine for fighting surface targets and had not been used before, either in exercises or in live combat operations against surface targets. The order was accepted by the Operations staff with the notation that the missile system would be "simulated" (meaning the missile stations would be unmanned). Just prior to midnight on 2 October 1992, when the exercise was scheduled to begin, Rear Admiral Dur asked whether the Sea Sparrows were ready to go for the exercise. He was told that the use of the missiles was going to be simulated for this exercise. Rear Admiral Dur then directed that the use of the Sea Sparrows was not to be simulated and that the missile team was to be on station for the exercise.

Without providing prior notice of the exercise, officers on Saratoga woke the enlisted Sea Sparrow missile team and directed them to conduct the simulated attack. According to U.S. Navy, certain members of the missile firing team were not told that the exercise was a simulation drill, rather than an actual firing event.

As the drill progressed, the missile system operator used language to indicate he was preparing to fire a live missile, but due to the absence of standard terminology, the supervisors failed to appreciate the significance of the terms used and the requests made. Specifically, the Target Acquisition System operator issued the command "arm and tune", terminology the console operators understood to require arming of the missiles in preparation for actual firing. The officers supervising the drill did not realize that "arm and tune" signified a live firing and ignored two separate requests from the missile system operator to clarify whether the launch order was an exercise. As a result, shortly after midnight on the morning of 2 October, Saratoga fired two Sea Sparrow missiles at Muavenet. The first missile struck in the bridge, destroying it and the Combat Information Center. The second missile struck in the aft magazine but did not detonate. The explosion and resulting fires killed five of the ship's officers and injured 22. Nearby US Navy ships responded in aid to the Turkish ship which was now without leadership. Fire and rescue teams boarded the ship and put out the fires in the bridge and the aft magazine preventing any secondary explosions.

Ships radar antenna, forward gun turrets, hedgehog launcher suffered from the shrapnel damage. The pieces of the second missile penetrated the forward gun turret, cabins of the supply officer and XO.

A fire started at the ammunition chamber of the Hedgehog system. The explosion of the Hedgehog rounds would have caused the loss of the ships

The sailors who actually fired the missiles were not punished, but the ship's commanding officer, Captain James M. Drager,[1] four officers and three enlisted men received admiral's non-judicial punishment, an action which effectively ended their US Navy careers.

USS Capodanno was given to Turkey by the United States Navy as part of the restitution for the accident and the vessel was renamed TCG Muavenet (F-250).

Lawsuit

On 29 September 1994, some of the Turkish Navy sailors serving aboard Muavenet instituted legal action against the United States government. The action encompassed two wrongful death claims and 299 personal injury claims. On 20 February 1997, the U.S. Court of Appeals affirmed a lower court ruling against them. Their conclusion was that:

This case presents a nonjusticiable political question because it would require a court to interject itself into military decision making and foreign policy, areas the Constitution has committed to coordinate branches of government.

[1] CAPT James M. Drager would retire and become vice president of corporate shipbuilding for Carnival Cruise lines from 1993–2005 and "Director, Ship Construction and Fleet Management" for Maritime Management International.

 Mavi Boncuk | 

With the Turk in wartime by Marmaduke Pickthall. 

Pickthall, Marmaduke William, 1875-1936.

Language(s):English

Published:London : J. Dent, 1914.

Subjects:Balkan Peninsula > Balkan Peninsula /History > Balkan Peninsula / History /War of 1912-1913.

Physical Description:xiii, 216 p. : ill. ; 21 cm.

Mavi Boncuk |

When militaries throughout the world need armored vehicles to deal with emerging threats, such as improvised explosive devices, they often look to Turkey.

The defense industry within Turkey has specialized in 4x4, 6x6 and 8x8 armored platforms, tracked infantry fighting vehicles as well as main battle tanks and weapon systems are manufactured by local private companies like FNSS, Otokar, BMC and Nurol Makina. Besides its National Security Forces use of them, these systems are exported to a wide range of users worldwide. 8x8 PARS, 6x6 PARS, 6X6 ARMA; 4x4 COBRA, EJDER YALCIN, VURAN; ALTAY MBT and KAPLAN Medium Tanks are the most remarkable product samples of Turkish Defense Industry competing at the global markets.

Since it joined the North Atlantic Treaty Alliance in 1952, Turkey has been a critical member of the organization. As western nations sought to contain the expansion of Soviet communism, the addition of Turkey delivered the alliance a foothold in the Middle East.

In the 1980s, several NATO allies began an effort to modernize their weapons systems, a movement Turkey joined enthusiastically. The country also sought to develop its own capability for weapons production to reduce its dependence on foreign manufacturers. In the years since, Turkey’s success as a developer of weapons systems has led it to become a key supplier around the world.

The Turkish defense industry started its journey with licensed production of armored combat vehicles (ACV’s) and today has access to more complex vehicles and systems such as armored amphibious rigs, antitank vehicles, medium and main battle tanks together with a wide range of turret solutions.

Public-private partnership

An essential element of Turkey’s success has been its ability to take advantage of contributions from government and private industry. The government’s Presidency of Defense Industries (SSB) was established in 1985, followed by the Turkish Armed Forces Foundation (TAFF) in 1987. Born of the merger of many similar foundations, TAFF holds majority shares of several key, private defense companies in Turkey:

· ASELSAN, which integrates and modernizes ground weapon systems and C4ISR

· ROKETSAN, which produces technologies for propelled ammunition, guided ammunition, advanced missile systems and ballistic solutions

· HAVELSAN, which provides software, training simulations and system integration

· ASPİLSAN and İŞBİR, which focus on power and energy systems (such as generators and batteries) for land operations

In addition, MKEK, a weapon and ammunition manufacturer, and ASFAT, which includes military factories, are both affiliated with the state but can carry out commercial activities. Established by SSB for design and production, STM is just one another critical company. Other private enterprises that have made a name in the firearms sector include: Kale, Sarsılmaz, Canik Arms and YDS.

“We manufacture products and services to meet the needs of the Turkish Armed Forces with the coordination of the Presidency of Defense Industries,” said Naki Polat, president of SSI. “The Turkish Armed Forces demand products and services that have superior capabilities, which require very challenging tests and trials.”

Key success in land systems

The value of stringent testing by Turkish defense manufacturers can be seen in the success of their land warfare systems. Development of these systems is aimed to address specific threats seen in combat operations. For example, in order to respond to armed pickup trucks used by terrorists, Nurol Makina produced the completely armored weapon platform NMS, a vehicle with a speed of greater than 140 km/h.

Engineers have also incorporated combat experience into their unique design of vehicles such as the Rapid Deployable Amphibious Wet Gap Crossing System (OTTER AAAB).

“Land systems are an area where we see the value of our investments in a concrete way, where foreign dependency is minimized and we have a wide product range,” said Ismail Demir, president of the Turkish defense procurement authority (SSB). “In the new generation of main battle tanks, armored combat vehicles, tactical wheeled armored vehicles that can be adapted to different missions, unmanned ground vehicles and other land systems we have developed, NATO operation requirements and standards have been taken into consideration from the beginning of the projects.”

Providing defense beyond Turkey’s borders

With its success in producing high-quality weapons systems for its own military, Turkey has advanced to exporting weapons systems to other countries. It supplies systems to countries in the Middle East and Far East as well as within NATO. The Turkish defense industry focuses not only on meeting the demands of warfighters but also on developing new products to address these needs quickly. With its joint production and technology transfer efforts to Kazakhstan, Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, Malaysia, UAE, Azerbaijan and Indonesia; defense industry of Turkey have also became a technology provider to various countries.

Now, companies are developing systems to deal with myriad warfighting scenarios, ranging from suicide bombings to underground and tunnel warfare to guided anti-tank weapons and defense.

“Next-generation threats make it mandatory to develop next-generation solutions.” said Demir. “When we look at these threats, we see that the active protection system is important, and we are working to be a leading country in this field. We also strive to be a similar pioneer for light, medium and heavy-class unmanned ground vehicles that NATO allies may increasingly need in the future.” 

Mavi Boncuk | THE LONG JOURNEY OF GRACIA MENDES [1]

Marianna D. Birnbaum [2]

The historical biography of a true Jewish heroine in her day, Gracia Mendes. Born in 1510 in Portugal, the book details this woman's extraordinary personality until her death in 1569 in Constantinople (today's Istanbul). Her life exemplified a perseverance by the Jewish culture to survive and triumph even in the worst of conditions. As a young girl, Gracia secretly married successful Jewish spice trader, Francisco Mendes. But at age 27 she became a widow, yet she went on to raise her children and run the family business all on her own. Her travels led her through Antwerp, Venice, Ferrara, Ragusa, and finally to Constantinople, from where the Ottoman Empire dominated former Byzantium territories and offered shelter for battered Conversos (converted Jews). The text recounting the last fifteen years of Gracia's life at the center of the Empire is particularly revealing. Birnbaum's biography has the unique distinction of being the first among many studies to pay tribute to a woman during this period. It is also one of the first titles to pay equal attention to the lives of the Conversos in Christian West Europe and in the Muslim East.

© Central European University Press, 2003, 156 p.

Acknowledgments

Chapter 1. Introducing the family

Chapter 2. A short history of the Conversos

Chapter 3. Life in sixteenth-century Antwerp

Chapter 4. Gracia in Venice

Chapter 5. Gracia and Jewish patronage in sixteenthcentury Ferrara

Chapter 6. In business with Ragusa

Chapter 7. The Ottoman Empire and the Jews

Conclusion

Appendix

Money, Prices, Values

From Dubrovnik to Constantinople

Select bibliography

Picture credits

Index

Index of places

Index of persons

Liste des illustrations

The genesis of this book must be explained. A short time ago, I was invited to write a biography of that extraordinarily romantic figure of Jewish history, Joseph Nasi, Duke of Naxos. Though the idea had never before entered my head, it fascinated me and the work proceeded with a rapidity which I found almost disconcerting. But, as the book began to take shape, it divided itself naturally into two sections. In the first, the predominant interest was not the Duke himself but his aunt, Doña Gracia, formerly Beatrice de Luna, mother of the Duchess -- his model, his first patroness and his constant inspiration. Gradually, her figure began to detach itself from the background and her features became clearer to me. I realized in the end that she was of importance in Jewish history, not as the harbinger of her nephew, but on her own account. Her adventurous career in her younger days, her heroic work to thwart the Inquisition and organize the flight of the Marranos from the Peninsula, the great part that she played in public and communal affairs, first in the Low Countries, then in Italy, then in Turkey, her masculine reactions whenever a report of persecution in any part of the world reached her ears, her single-minded leadership at the time of the holocaust at Ancona in 1556 mark her off as one of the outstanding figures of Jewish history, not of her own day alone, but of all time. What her nephew did during her life was almost entirely due . . .

[1] source: https://jwa.org/encyclopedia/article/nasi-dona-gracia

Doña Gracia Nasi (c. 1510–1569) was among the most formidable figures of the Sephardi world in the sixteenth century. Her dramatic (indeed melodramatic) life began in Portugal, where she was born into a Jewish family whose members had recently been forcibly baptized. It ended in Constantinople after a career that brought her renown as a shrewd and resourceful businesswoman, a leader of the Sephardi diaspora, and a generous benefactor of Jewish enterprises. She became known among her contemporaries simply as “La Señora.”

Little is known of her early life. She was descended from a distinguished Spanish Jewish family bearing the name “Nasi.” Her parents may well have been among the Spanish-Jewish exiles who left Spain for Portugal in 1492, only to be forcibly baptized in Portugal in 1497. In any case, the family assumed “de Luna” as its Christian name. The child who was to become Gracia Nasi was born around 1510 and was named Beatrice.

In 1528 Beatrice married Francisco Mendes Benveniste, a wealthy New Christian merchant in Lisbon, whose fortune derived from trade in the East Indies. With her husband’s death in January 1535, Beatrice was left a young widow with an infant daughter Ana (c. 1534–1599). It is noteworthy that in his will Francisco divided responsibility for the administration of his fortune between his wife and his brother (and business partner) Diogo (d. 1543), a fifty-year-old merchant in Antwerp who, since 1525, had been a leading figure in the Portuguese pepper and spice trade. Francisco evidently recognized his young wife’s intelligence and resourcefulness.

These were qualities that, as fate would have it, Beatrice would sorely need. At the time of Francisco’s death the very survival of the family was threatened by developments on the religio-political scene: On May 23, 1536, the pope ordered the establishment of a Portuguese Inquisition on the Spanish model. For the previous four decades, the Nasi and Mendes families had almost certainly maintained crypto-Jewish traditions while outwardly conforming to Catholicism. An arrest of its members by the Inquisition would probably have meant conviction and the confiscation of the family fortune.

It was under these circumstances that, shortly after her husband’s death, Beatrice Mendes left Lisbon with her daughter Ana and her younger sister Brianda (b. after 1510). After a brief stay in London, the Lisbon emigres joined Diogo Mendes in Antwerp, which at the time was the leading financial center of Europe. It was also, however, under Spanish rule, and thus within the jurisdiction of the Spanish Inquisition. Indeed, Diogo had had a brush with the Inquisition: he was arrested in 1532 and released only after intervention by the king of Portugal, João III (r. 1521–1557). The resettlement in Antwerp of the Lisbon members of the family probably had a temporary aim, namely to organize for removal to a more secure place and to transfer the family fortune.

Ties between the Mendes and de Luna family were reinforced in 1539, when Brianda de Luna married Diogo Mendes. A daughter born to them the following year was named Beatrice after her aunt. But Diogo died in the summer of 1543, greatly complicating matters. In accordance with his brother’s will, half the family property remained in Beatrice Mendes’ hands. But he, too, must have recognized Beatrice’s merits, for he made her the administrator of his own half of the fortune, on behalf of his widow Brianda and their daughter. This decision was no doubt intended to provide the wisest administration of the estate, but it led to a personal rift between the two sisters (Beatrice Mendes and Brianda Reyna Mendes) that would produce great difficulties in the years to come.

Beatrice Mendes’s ability to navigate dangerous political waters was soon tested. Charges of crypto-Judaizing were brought against her deceased husband (Francisco Mendes), undoubtedly with the aim of relieving the family of the bulk of its enormous fortune. She succeeded in having the charges withdrawn by negotiating the payment of a large bribe, along with the loan of an enormous sum, to the emperor Charles V (1500–1558). But other threats appeared as well, in the form of aggressive suitors seeking, with imperial support, her daughter Ana’s hand—the prize, of course, being her inheritance. Beatrice adroitly withstood pressures from court on this matter, until in 1544 she was able to organize the family’s flight to Venice.

The imperial government, angered by the family’s flight, retaliated by accusing the Mendes sisters of apostasy and placing an embargo on both the property they left behind in Antwerp and the debts owed to them. Beatrice’s nephew João Micas (Joseph Nasi, c. 1524–1579), on whom Beatrice Mendes increasingly relied, entered into lengthy negotiations to arrive at a settlement. With skillful maneuvering João was able to retrieve much of the embargoed property, though much was also lost. Then he, too, departed suddenly for Venice, arriving there in early 1546.

In Venice, the family took up residence on the Grand Canal. Beatrice and her family were almost certainly practicing Judaism clandestinely, but they continued to maintain a Catholic façade for strategic reasons as well as out of self-interest, the Jews of Venice being confined to a crowded and insalubrious ghetto. They must have been reassured by the fact that the Venetian authorities tended to turn a blind eye to the religious apostasy of converso emigrés from Spain and Portugal, except in rare cases when they were stirred to action. But this was a rare case, given the family’s great wealth. An opportunity for action presented itself when a dispute broke out between Brianda and Beatrice over Beatrice’s control of the family fortune. The quarrel was brought before the Venetian Giudici al forestier (tribunal for the affairs of foreigners). Probably aware of the possibility of the family’s flight to Constantinople, the tribunal ruled in two decisions, of September 1547 and December 1548 respectively, that Beatrice was to hand over half the Mendes fortune to the public treasurer of Venice, to remain there until her niece Beatrice (b. 1540) was eighteen.

By the time of the decision, however, Beatrice Mendes had already organized to move her family and property to Ferrara. The ruler of Ferrara, Ercole II, Duke of Este (1508–1559), was eager to have the Mendes family and their commercial assets in his territory. He therefore agreed to accept the terms of Diogo Mendes’s will, leaving Beatrice in control of the entire fortune. He received Beatrice and her daughter with honor in 1549; Brianda had no choice but to follow. In Ferrara, the family lived openly as Jews for the first time, and it was probably here that Beatrice became known as Doña Gracia Nasi. Brianda probably adopted the name Reyna. Somewhat confusingly, Gracia’s daughter Ana was also given the name Reyna, and Brianda’s daughter was given the name Gracia. However, this did not prevent the sisters’ struggle over the family fortune from continuing.

At the time of Gracia Nasi’s settlement in Ferrara, that city had a distinguished Sephardi colony, which included many ex-conversos from Portugal. In addition to managing the family firm, Gracia was soon an active supporter of the remarkable burst of literary and printing activity among Ferrara Jews. The most influential work to be produced was the famous Ferrara Bible (1553), a vernacular Spanish translation of the Hebrew Bible produced by Abraham Usque and Yom Tov ben Levi Athias. Two versions of this work were printed for different markets. It was an indication of the stature and influence which Gracia Nasi had already attained that the version intended for Jewish use was dedicated to her. The same year saw the publication in Ferrara of Samuel Usque’s epic work in Portuguese, Consolation for the Tribulations of Israel, intended for a Portuguese-speaking ex-converso public. It, too, was dedicated to Doña Gracia, whom Usque called “the heart within the body” of “our Portuguese [i.e., ex-converso] nation.” A lengthy passage of the book describes Gracia Nasi’s dedicated efforts to aid conversos fleeing Portugal and resettling in Italy or the Ottoman Empire. According to Usque, Gracia Nasi was instrumental in financing and organizing transportation and basic necessities for those in need. Presumably she made use of her network of commercial agents in Portugal and northern Europe to gather information and transmit funds.

By the time these works actually appeared in print, however, Gracia Nasi had already left Ferrara and returned to Venice. There, a visiting Turkish emissary mediated between the sisters and negotiated an agreement in June, 1552, which was ratified by the Venetian Senate. According to the agreement, Gracia Nasi handed over one hundred thousand gold ducats to the Venetian public treasurer, for safekeeping until Brianda’s twelve-year-old daughter Gracia reached the age of fifteen. Brianda received a relatively modest sum as a dowry and compensation.

With the atmosphere in Counter-Reformation Italy becoming increasingly hostile, the resolution of the sisters’ conflict came none too soon. Gracia Nasi and her daughter took the long-anticipated step of departing from Italy in August, 1552, accompanied by a large entourage. They arrived the following spring in Constantinople. Gracia Nasi, who had long since succeeded in transferring a substantial part of the family fortune to the Ottoman capital, took up residence not amid the large Jewish population of that city, but in the fashionable European quarter of Galata, where she lived in grand style. Still deeply committed to Jewish life, she quickly assumed a role of leadership in the Sephardi world of the Ottoman Empire, dispensing charity, continuing her aid to fugitives from the Iberian Peninsula, providing relief to Jewish captives and Jews in distress elsewhere, and supporting rabbinic scholars, hospitals, and synagogues throughout the Ottoman Empire. She established a yeshiva and synagogue in the Ottoman capital, the “academy of the Geveret” (she was also known by this epithet) and the “synagogue of the Señora,” respectively. In 1559, as the influx of ex-conversos continued, she supported the foundation of yet another synagogue.

Meanwhile Brianda, who had chosen not to leave for Constantinople, remained in Venice with her daughter. Gracia Nasi and her nephew were not, however, content with this arrangement. Amid much intrigue in noble circles in Venice to have Brianda’s daughter married to one of them, João Micas, aided by his brother Bernardo, took the daring step of abducting the girl in January 1553 and hastily marrying her in Ravenna. Thereupon, the Venetian authorities intervened and succeeded in having the girl returned to her mother in Venice. João Micas embarked on diplomatic efforts to have his “wife” and her fortune restored to him, but without success. Meanwhile, after lengthy proceedings, the Venetian authorities banished João Micas from Venice. Gracia Nasi sent a ship from Ragusa to Ancona to fetch him and his brother Bernardo, and they embarked for Constantinople in November 1553. After his arrival in Constantinople, João Micas – now Joseph Nasi—may have made further efforts to have his “marriage” to Gracia Nasi’s niece recognized in Europe. But several months later, when these efforts appeared doomed, he took quite a different course: he was circumcised, assumed the Hebrew name Joseph Nasi, and married Gracia Nasi’s daughter, Reyna (Ana).

In Constantinople, Gracia Nasi continued to manage the family’s commercial and shipping activities, with agents acting on her behalf in major commerical centers in Europe. Joseph Nasi, who became a trusted partner in this enterprise, quickly secured a powerful place at the court of the sultan Suleiman I (b. 1494, reigned 1520–1566). His wife Reyna Nasi in time became a forceful figure in her own right, known for her support of charitable works. But Gracia Nasi maintained a unique reputation as the very embodiment of passionate solidarity among the exiles.

The most ambitious of Gracia Nasi’s interventions on behalf of Jews was the boycott of the port of Ancona in 1556—one of the rare acts of organized Jewish resistance to persecution in the pre-modern period. For two decades, ex-conversos from the Iberian Peninsula had lived as openly practicing Jews in Ancona, an Italian town under papal rule, with explicit papal consent and protection from inquisitorial prosecution. (They were technically liable to such prosecution because, having been baptized, their practice of Judaism made them apostates and heretics in the eyes of the Church.) The popes who granted them protection did so in order to encourage trade between Ancona and the Ottoman Empire, a task for which the Portuguese Jews were particularly well-suited. Not surprisingly, four agents of Gracia Nasi were counted among the Jewish merchants active in the city.

However, in May, 1555, there was a fateful change at the Vatican: the first of the militant “Counter-Reformation popes,” Paul IV (1476–1559; Pope 1555), ascended to the papacy. Only two months later, the new pope took sudden action against the ex-conversos in Ancona. Overriding the guarantees granted them by his predecessors, he initiated inquisitorial proceedings against them. The entire community of Portuguese Jews in Ancona was placed under arrest. When news of the arrests reached Constantinople, Gracia Nasi was among the influential Jews who persuaded the sultan to intervene diplomatically. The sultan sent an envoy with a letter demanding the release of the arrested Jews, whom he claimed to be under Turkish protection. The pope, however, agreed to turn over only their confiscated property. Some of the prisoners were able to escape, apparently through bribery of an official, but more than fifty were tried and convicted. In the spring and summer of 1556, twenty-four were burned at the stake, including Jacob Mosso, Gracia Nasi’s agent in Ancona.

As a protest and punitive measure, some of the arrested merchants, who had escaped to Pesaro, initiated the idea of a Jewish commercial boycott of Ancona and a diversion of the Ancona commerce to Pesaro. But to carry out such an enterprise required organization, and it was the Nasi family that had the means and the activist spirit to spearhead it. Gracia Nasi and her nephew Joseph exerted pressure for compliance with the boycott by Ottoman Jewish merchants and sought rabbinic support. However, there were delicate issues involved, and the risks were difficult to assess. The question of whether the boycott should be supported soon bitterly divided the Ottoman Jewish rabbis and communities, and, under these circumstances, the boycott fizzled out.

Shortly before papal action was taken in Ancona, Gracia Nasi’s niece, still living with her mother on the Grand Canal in Venice, came of age (June 1555). Only months later the two were banished from Venice after an inquisitorial investigation revealed that Brianda was harboring in her home a crypto-Jewish agent of the Mendes commercial firm. In early 1556 Brianda and her daughter Gracia moved with their possessions to Ferrara; but shortly thereafter, Brianda died unexpectedly, leaving young Gracia, after so many other tribulations, orphaned.

It was at this point that Joseph Nasi’s brother and erstwhile co-conspirator Bernardo (by then Samuel Nasi) arrived in Ferrara. At the end of the year’s mourning for Brianda—in June 1557, at the height of the split in the Jewish community over the Ancona boycott—he and the young Gracia were wed in Ferrara in a Jewish ceremony. (Gracia’s previous “marriage” to Joseph Nasi was clearly not regarded as valid by anyone.) The famous medal of “Gracia Nasi” (engraved in Hebrew letters), struck by the Ferrarese artist Pastorino de’ Pastorini (c. 1508–1592), depicts not Doña Gracia, as has often been assumed, but her niece at the age of eighteen; the occasion for producing the medal was apparently her marriage. New negotiations and pressure from the sultan were required before the duke of Ferrara allowed Samuel and Gracia to depart for Constantinople with the bride’s fortune intact, in 1558.

In the 1560s, Gracia Nasi together with her nephew became deeply engaged in a bold and strikingly forward-looking project—an effort to establish a self-sufficient Jewish settlement on the site of the ancient city of Tiberias in the Holy Land, as a refuge for conversos fleeing from Spain and Portugal. In a step that foreshadows later efforts, Joseph Nasi obtained a privilege from the sultan granting him the ruins of Tiberias with seven surrounding villages. Doña Gracia was said to have contributed large sums toward this project, and by 1566, despite local Arab opposition, a thriving settlement existed. It was short-lived, however. A generation later only a handful of families remained.

We have little knowledge of Gracia Nasi’s last years. When she died in 1569, the loss was deeply and widely felt. Her death spelled the loss of a legendary personality—a grande dame who, along with her sense of privilege and imperious behavior, symbolized triumph over great adversity, and intense devotion to Jewish life.

Bibliography

Garshowitz, Libby. “Gracia Mendes: Power, Influence and Intrigue.” In Power of the Weak: Studies on Medieval Women. edited by Jennifer Carpenter and Sally Beth MacLean, 94–125. Urbana: 1995; Grunbaum-Ballin, P. Joseph Naci: Duc de Naxos. Paris and The Hague: 1968; Ravid, Benjamin. “Money, Love and Power Politics in Sixteenth Century Venice: The Perpetual Banishment and Subsequent Pardon of Joseph Nasi.” In Italia Judaica, Atti del I Convegno internazionale, Bari, 18–22 maggio 1981. Rome: 1983, 159–181; Roth, Cecil. Doña Gracia of the House of Nasi. Philadelphia: 1948; Salomon, Herman Prins and Aron di Leone Leoni. “Mendes, Benveniste, De Luna, Micas, Nasci: The State of the Art (1532–1558).” Jewish Quarterly Review 88 (1998): 135–211; Saperstein, Marc. “Martyrs, Merchants and Rabbis: Jewish Communal Conflict as Reflected in the Responsa on the Boycott of Ancona,” Jewish Social Studies 43 (1981): 215–228; Segre, Renata. “Sephardic Refugees in Ferrara: Two Notable Families.” In Crisis and Creativity in the Sephardic World, 1391-1648, edited by Benjamin Gampel, 164–185. New York: 1997.

NOTE: GENDER ROLES

The Torah’s commandment to “appoint yourself a king” (Deut. 17:15) became codified into a law which limited the role to a king and not a queen (Sifrei 157). Maimonides took the ruling further, stating that only males could be appointed to positions of public authority (Melakhim 1:5) and R. Joseph Caro (1488–1575) declared that women were unfit to judge (Hoshen Mishpat 7:4). These statements became normative halakhic practice, despite the fact that the rabbis of the Talmud do not rebuke Deborah for judging nor criticize any of the queens for ruling.

Other codifiers took issue with Maimonides’s sweeping exclusion and focused on an exegetical understanding of the text: you may not appoint women, but women could inherit the position (from mother to daughter or husband to wife). Furthermore, since all leadership positions depend on acceptance by the people, if the nation wants a woman, then the will of the people takes priority. The midrash makes mention of the existence of female judges and the rabbinic literature is far from unanimous on the subject. Often, the halakhic discourse refers to other issues, such as modesty, sexuality, frivolity and women’s belonging in private rather than public space, as social concerns which impact on female leadership.

[2] Marianna D. Birnbaum is a literary and cultural historian of Hungarian origin, a research professor at the University of California, Los Angeles and guest professor at the Central European University. His field of research is Central European culture from the 15th century to the present.

Histamenon of Emperor Constantine VIII (r. 1025–1028) 

Byzantine currency, money used in the Eastern Roman Empire after the fall of the West, consisted of mainly two types of coins: the gold solidus and a variety of clearly valued bronze coins. By the end of the empire the currency was issued only in silver stavrata and minor copper coins with no gold issue.

The East Roman or Byzantine Empire established and operated several mints throughout its history. Aside from the main metropolitan mint in the capital, Constantinople, a varying number of provincial mints were also established in other urban centres, especially during the 6th century. Most provincial mints except for Syracuse were closed or lost to invasions by the mid-7th century. After the loss of Syracuse in 878, Constantinople became the sole mint for gold and silver coinage until the late 11th century, when major provincial mints began to re-appear. Many mints, both imperial and, as the Byzantine world fragmented, belonging to autonomous local rulers, were operated in the 12th to 14th centuries. Constantinople and Trebizond, the seat of the independent Empire of Trebizond (1204–1461), survived until their conquest by the Ottoman Turks in the mid-15th century.

The start of what is viewed as Byzantine currency by numismatics began with the monetary reform of Anastasius in 498, who reformed the late Roman Empire coinage system which consisted of the gold solidus and the bronze nummi. The nummus was an extremely small bronze coin, at about 8–10 mm, weight of 0.56 g making it at 576 to the Roman pound^[3] which was inconvenient because a large number of them were required even for small transactions.

The only regularly issued silver coin was the Hexagram first issued by Heraclius in 615 which lasted until the end of the 7th century,^[4][5] minted in varying fineness with a weight generally between 7.5 and 8.5 grams. It was succeeded by the initially ceremonial miliaresion established by Leo III the Isaurian in ca. 720, which became standard issue from ca. 830 on and until the late 11th century, when it was discontinued after being severely debased. Small transactions were conducted with bronze coinage throughout this period.

Mavi Boncuk | 

Histamenon (Greek: [νόμισμα] ἱστάμενον [nómisma] histámenon, "standard [coin]") was the name given to the gold Byzantine solidus when the slightly lighter tetarteron was introduced in the 960s. To distinguish the two, the histamenon was changed in form from the original solidus, becoming wider and thinner, as well as concave (scyphate) in form. Later usually shortened to stamenon (Greek: στάμενον), it was discontinued after 1092. In the 12th and 13th centuries, the name stamenon came to be applied to the concave billon and copper trachea coins.

Ever since Emperor Constantine I (r. 306–337) introduced it in 309, the Byzantine Empire's main coinage had been the high-quality solidus or nomisma, which had remained standard in weight (4.55 grams) and gold content (24 carats) through the centuries.

Emperor Nikephoros II Phokas (r. 963–969), however, introduced a new coin, the [nomisma] tetarteron ("quarter [coin]") which was 2 carats (i.e. about 1⁄12, despite its name) lighter than the original nomisma. The latter now became known as the histamenon, from the Greek verb ἵστημι, "to stand up", implying that these followed the traditional standard. The reasons for this change are not clear; Byzantine chroniclers, however, suggest fiscal motives, reporting that Nikephoros collected the taxes as before in the histamenon while paying back with the tetarteron, which was officially rated as equal in value to the full-weight coin.

 Mavi Boncuk | Weekly French Journal in Constantinople

Guests at major Grand Hotels

Advert for Hotels

Elif Çelebi YAKARTEPE, Can BİNAN 

Yrd. Doç. Dr. Elif Çelebi YAKARTEPE. E: elifcelebi(at)sdu(dot)edu(dot)tr 

The modernization period in the 19th century caused important changes in systems of both travel and accommodation systems. These changes inevitably affected the architecture of hotels and other buildings offering accommodation. The first modern hotels were opened in Galata and Pera by the date of 1840. (It means first hotel opened in 1840 and then the other hotels began to open) Later hotels began to serve tje in Eminönü, Kadıköy, Boğaziçi, Adalar, Şişli, Feriköy and Yeşilköy regions. The opening and development of hotels has continued until the beginning of the First World War in 1914. There were hotels with suit rooms and some communal space and there were also hotels which were as luxurious and wellequipped as European hotels. First hotels were traditionally built of wood or stone, and had only two or three floors. At the end of the century, hotels were modern structures built using modern materials such as brick and steel, larger and higher than their predecessors. Beside that these hotels did not have typical facades, they were constructed with traditional, neoclassical or mixed facades. The grand luxury hotels were designed by famous European architects and craftsmen and often magnificently decorated. These grand hotels are also important because of the technical equipment and technology at the date they were built. Because of being very important point for many in the domain of science, modernization period hotels of Istanbul’s are studied by many aspects as urbanisme, architecture, preservation, tourism and sustainability. In addition, the hotels are evaluated in terms of commerce and managerment conception, socio-economic status and political importance. And then it is defined deformations and their causes of these hotels. Finally suggestions are made that would remove these deformations. It is believed the data included in this work will be helpfull for planning, arranging and conservation works in Istanbul.

Mavi Boncuk |

A gas discovery of the scale of the Tuna-1 find in the Black Sea, if developed, would be transformational for Turkey, given its overwhelming reliance on imports and crippling energy import bill.  Turkey is chiefly reliant on piped gas from Russia, Azerbaijan and Iran but the share of liquefied natural gas imports has also continued to grow.

Thomas Purdie, an analyst on Wood Mackenzie’s upstream research team, said: “Even if the official 320 billion cubic metre figure given by President Tayyip Erdogan when he announced the discovery is treated as an estimate of gas in place, this is Turkey’s biggest-ever find – by a wide margin – and one of the largest global discoveries of 2020.

SOURCE

Turkey’s first oil and gas drilling vessel, Fatih, set sail from northern Turkey’s Trabzon on June 25 for its long-awaited drilling mission in the Black Sea following the completion of installation projects. The Fatih drillship joined the Turkish Petroleum Corporation (TPAO) inventory in 2017, during Minister Albayrak’s term as an energy minister.

Fatih was set to start its first drilling activities in the Black Sea in the Tuna-1 zone in mid-July, Dönmez announced at the time.

The newly discovered natural gas was found during the ninth round of deep drilling, Dönmez said Friday, during a live broadcast from the drillship Fatih.

The most famous Crimean Karaite food is Kybyn (Russian: Кибина pl. Кибины, Karaim: kybyn pl. kybynlar, Lithuanian: Kibinai). Kybynlar are half moon shaped pies of leavened dough with a stuffing of chopped beef or mutton, baked in dutch oven or baking sheet. Other meals common for Crimean Karaites and Tatars are Chiburekki, Pelmeni, Shishlik (These are most often made from mutton).

Ceremony dishes, cooked for religious holidays and weddings are:

Tymbyl is Pesach round cakes flat of unleavened[65] dough, knead with cream and butter or butter and eggs, reflected in the modern name of this festival (Tymbyl Chydžy[66]),

Qatlama is Shavuot (Aftalar Chydžy[66]) cottage cheese pie, which seven layers symbolizing seven weeks after Pesach, four layers of yeast dough, three of pot cheese,

Wedding pies are Kiyovliuk (on the part of the groom) and Kelin'lik (on the part of the bride).

The Crimean Karaites or Krymkaraylar (Crimean Karaim: Кърымкъарайлар, Qrımqaraylar, singular къарай, qaray; Trakai dialect: karajlar, singular karaj; Hebrew: קראי מזרח אירופה‎; Crimean Tatar: Qaraylar), also known as Karaims and Qarays, are an ethnicity derived from Turkic-speaking adherents of Karaite Judaism in Central and Eastern Europe, especially in the territory of the former Russian Empire. "Karaim" is a Russian, Ukrainian, Belarusian, Polish and Lithuanian name for the community.

Tatar and Karaim[1] minorities of Lithuania are frequently thought of as similar.

Both these communities have Turkic roots and their presence in Lithuania dates to the 15th century when the Grand Duchy of Lithuania spanned from the Baltic to the Black Sea. It is these barren lands in modern-day Ukraine where both Tatars and Karaims originate from, their ancestors brought to their current residences by Grand Duke Vytautas the Great.

[1] Karaims,  practice their own Karaite faith, an offshoot of Judaism. They do not consider themselves to be Jews, however, and no government that ruled the area did. Even the Nazi German regime did consider Karaims to be a separate ethnicity, sparing them from the Holocaust.

Unlike Tatars, Karaims were always primarily city-dwellers rather than soldiers (and in this trait similar to Jews). Initially brought by Vytautas the Great to the Trakai town and Panevėžys area they eventually followed common migration patterns and established their community in Vilnius. However, Trakai remains the heartland of Karaims, and their dishes, such as kibin (Lithuanian: kibinai) pasties or krupnik alcoholic beverage, may be readily tasted in the town.

Interestingly, Karaim cuisine gained a foothold in Lithuania that is far disproportional to the Karaim share of the population. In addition to tasting kibins (pastries with meat) at a local fast food stall, you may investigate Karaim culture in the Karaim museum (Trakai) and two active Kenessas (temples) in Vilnius (Žvėrynas borough) and Trakai. The Karaimų street in Trakai still boasts many homes with traditional three Karaim facade windows.

Unlike Tatars, the Karaims managed to preserve their Turkic language, but their numbers are lower with the 2001 census enumerating merely 273 Karaims (138 in Vilnius, 65 in Trakai and 31 in Panevėžys). This is an endangered ethnicity worldwide as even in their Ukrainian homeland there are only some 1 000 of them left.

The cuisine is distinctive for its oriental aromas and spices and old, traditional receipes are used. The most famous Karaim dish is kybyn – a big dumpling made from the paste cake, baked in the oven to the golden colour. Usually it’s filled with lamb or beef but there’re also vegetarian options with spinach or cabbage.

Mavi Boncuk |

Excerpt From:

DOĞRUER, Semra. 

ORAL LITERATURE OF THE Karaite (Karay) TURKS, Ankara, 2007. 

 In this study the Karaite Turks which are thought to be the heritage of the Khazars and have been in the dissapearing nations list of the UNESCO and the only Jew Turkish nation has been investigated, their oral literature have been put forth. ın the first part the ethnic structure, history, the geography they live, religious beliefs, language, literature and the folclore of the Karaite Turks have been discussed. In the second part of the study where the oral literature of the Karaite Turks have been given the samples of tales, proverbs and ideoms, countouts, crackjaws, songs, tales, ditties, lullabies,tongue twisters, book on the interpretation of the dreams, prays and chants have been given. In the conclusıon part the results from the gained datas have been given. The works and the sourses that have been benefitted have been listed in the bibliography. 

T.C. GAZİ ÜNİVERSİTESİ SOSYAL BİLİMLER ENSTİTÜSÜ TÜRK DİLİ VE EDEBİYATI ANABİLİM DALI TÜRK HALK EDEBİYATI BİLİM DALI 

KARAY (KARAİM) TÜRKLERİNİN SÖZLÜ EDEBİYATI 

YÜKSEK LİSANS TEZİ 

Hazırlayan Semra DOĞRUER 

1.8.3. Karaylarda Yemek Kültürü: 

 Karaylarda yemek çeşitleri, hem tarım ve ziraatçılıkla geçinenler için, hem de hayvancılıkla ya da ticaret ve sanat ile geçinenler için aynıdır. Karayların yemek kültürleri, şüphesiz Türk yemek kültürünün izlerini taşımaktadır. Karay Türkleri ile diğer Türk boylarının mutfak kültüründe ortak noktalar mevcuttur ve başka halklarda olmayan yemek çeşitleri vardır. Karay 59 Türklerinin yemek isimlerinin etimolojisi incelendiğinde Türk çıkışlı oldukları açıkça görülmektedir. Örneğin, “Katlama” (birkaç yufkadan oluşan peynirli börek çeşididir.), Umaç ( suda sütle pişirilen hamur yemeğidir.), Tutmaç (hamurla yapılan yemek)…gibi yemek isimleri Türk kökenlidir. (Zajackowski, W., 1983 : 316) Bayram ve tören yemeklerinde Karay mutfak kültürü kendisini daha iyi gösterir. (Altınkaynak, 2006: 49-50) Karaylarda tarım ve ziraatçılar için sebze ve tahıl yemekleri; hayvancılar için sütlü ve etli yiyecek çeşitleri daha önceliklidir ancak genel olarak et yemekleri tüketmektedirler.En fazla tüketilen koyun eti olup çeşitli pişirme şekilleri ile kullanılır. Domuz eti kesinlikte Karay mutfağında kullanılmaz. Ayrıca süt ve süt ürünlerine dayalı yiyecekler ve hamurlu yiyecekler de oldukça yaygın ve zengindir. Sebzeli etli yemekler değişik çorba çeşitleri bal, meşrubat, meyve, ceviz Karay mutfağının tamamlayıcı unsurlarıdır. (Altınkaynak, 2006: 49-50) (Bknz. Ek-4) 

1.8.3.1.Karay Mutfağından Bazı Yemek İsimleri: 

Et Yemekleri: Bastırma, Kakaç (kurutulmuş et), Koy ayakçiklar (ayakları, ayaçıh), Kuru et (haşlanmış ve kurutulmuş et), Sucuk, Tilçik, Çengeçik (haşlanıp ve kurutulmuş koyun çenesi ve dili), Koy başçik(basçıh) (pişirilmiş koyun başı), Paça, Kavurma, Kebap, Peran, perançıh (yağda kavrulmuş koyun eti). 

Sütlüler: Ayran, Katık, Kaymak, Kaşkaval, Süzme, Çıgıt (koyun peyniri), Kuru çıgıt, kuru penir (kuru tuzlu peynir), Çırımçık (çökelek). Hamurlular : Yayma (yayım), Kalaç (kılaç, kalın), Komeç, Katlama (kavrulmuş pide), Otmek (otmak, etmek, etmak ) Pite, Tutmaç. 

Etli Hamurlu Yemekler : Ayaklak, ayaklık, Girde, gireçik (mayalı hamur), Yantık, Kobeti, kuvetı, Kıbın, Hamurdolma. Sebze ve Etli Sebzeliler : Ayva (elma, erik, bakla, nohut aşı), İmambayıldı, Kaygana, Kabak dolma, Mussaka, Sarma, Sote, Patlıcanla değişik sebzeler 

Çorbalar: Berdcımek aşı (pirinçli mercimek), Boğaça (arpa maması), Pasta – mama, Pilav, değişik çorba çeşitleri vardır ( etli, sütlü, etli-sütlü,v.s.). 

Bayram, Tören Yemekleri, Meşrubatlar: Akalva, Hazar katmagı, Kara havla (ölümden sonra yapılır), Buza, Mahsıma, Ballı-badem, Yumurta, Kiyuv, Katlama, Kınış, Kaburtık, Tımbıl. (Altınkaynak, 2006: 49-50) 

Mavi Boncuk |

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How to Say No in Turkish

By Bernd Brunner October 20, 2015ON LANGUAGE

Navigating a new language.

Some people see learning a language as an obstacle course or, more euphemistically, as a second coming of age. Whichever way you look at it, when it comes to Turkish, English speakers are faced with a much harder task than with an Indo-European language.

Why does the Turkish alphabet not contain the letter w? Very few Turkish words remind me of their equivalents in the languages I know; nothing follows a familiar pattern. Over and again, I read meanings into words that turn out to be false friends. Why does engel mean “obstacle,” kalender “unconventional” (it can also be a male first name), tabak—“dish”? Why do you “drink” a cigarette—sigara içmek? Why is a sunflower called a “moon flower,” and a hornet a “donkey bee”? Who came up with the idea to choose inmek for “get off”? Will I ever learn to stop dotting the ı? 

Turkish has no direct verbal equivalent for “to be” or “to have”: both are expressed using constructions that seem completely strange to my ears. It is an agglutinative language, which means that person, tense and case are all expressed by adding appendages to a word. “Istanbuldayım”—I am in Istanbul—is one word. As you don’t know the verb before you get to the end of the sentence, you often have to juggle several subordinate clauses while trying to work out what relation these components have to one another.

Instead of he, she, and it, there’s one word: o. So, in the first place, you have to pay close attention to whom or what is being talked about. Most of the time, the aesthetic of sound in Turkish follows the principle of vocal harmony: whatever comes later has to fit in with the sequence of the vowels that has gone before. The longer you study Turkish, the more you get a feel for the elegance of its complex syntax, which is impossible to render exactly in English because words are constructed differently and sentences are composed in another way.

There’s a series of words that you have to look at or listen to carefully so as not to confuse them. Kış means “winter” but kiş means “quiche”; kişi means “person,” but on the other hand, kız means “girl.” Sometimes a mere accent changes the meaning: kar means “snow,” and kâr—with a more open and longer-sounding â—means “profit.”

It takes time to come to grips with some of the rules. Hayır, the direct equivalent of “no,” is seldom used. The common way of saying no is yok; it’s the opposite of var and means “there isn’t/aren’t.” An example from the marketplace:

“Elma var mı?” (“Do you have any apples?”)

“Yok” (“There aren’t any.”)

Yok is often used together with a slight backward flick of the head and a short clicking of the tongue. The word itself can often be left out and the meaning still comes across. A widening of the eyes can also mean no. Headshaking is understood as a reaction but is not itself common among Turks. Another polite way of saying no is the Arabic maalesef, meaning “unfortunately.” A clear no is only used when someone wants to strongly deny something. And even then, sağol or “thanks” is often used.

As a Christian foreigner, can you use expressions like Allah Allah (“gosh”), İnşallah (“hopefully”), or a greeting such as Selamün aleikum (literally “Peace be with you,” a greeting that is answered with Aleikum selam) without hesitating? Indeed, as a foreigner, you can get away with a lot. Many Turks appreciate the fact that you’ve made the effort to learn their language and are generous when you say something that might be considered a faux pas.

There are about five thousand words with French roots—halüsinasyon, for example meaning hallucination. But those who believe that their French skills will get them halfway there are sorely mistaken. Many words are also Arabic or Persian in origin. Which one should you use? The original Turkish word or the one with Persian or Arabic roots? Even today, two words are often used in parallel, and sometimes their meanings have drifted apart.

This is where the struggle with the consequences of Atatürk’s legacy comes into play: by creating a modern Turkish language, he wanted to free Ottoman Turkish from its freight of foreign-language influence, as well as bridge the gulf between the dialects of intellectuals and lower-class citizens. A committee was hired to replace Arabic and Persian loanwords with Anatolian, Azeri, Tatar, and artificial words. Within a few months, the changeover to the Latin alphabet was finalized. The use of Arabic script was made a punishable offence on January 1, 1929.

Let’s cast a glance at Geoffrey Lewis’s The Turkish Language Reform: A Catastrophic Success (2002), in which the author unveils a series of “linguistic monstrosities” with a delight for detail. One of Lewis’s interesting claims is that the greeting selâm is less common these days than merhaba (both have Arabic roots) because the lip movements for selâm in dubbed American films are more similar to hello than merhaba. Lewis makes no bones about his sympathies: in his opinion, modern Turkish does not have the diversity of meaning that Ottoman Turkish has. But what is the alternative? The resurrection of Ottoman Turkish? A year ago, it was fiercely debated in Turkey whether it should be offered as a compulsory subject for high schools across the nation. But in the meantime, the discussion has ebbed away. There are simply not enough people who still master this vanishing form.

But all is not lost. Apart from Turkey’s population of almost eighty million people, Azerbaijan (ten million inhabitants) uses an alphabet similar to that of Turkish. And some thirty million Azeri Iranians speak a language very similar-sounding to Turkish, although they write it with Arabo-Persian characters. In Uzbekistan, too, where a Turkic language is spoken by almost twenty-five million people, the numbers from one to five are bir, ikki, uch, t’ort, besh (in Turkish: bir, iki, üç, dört, beş), and even among the Uyghurs in northwest China, five thousand kilometers away from Istanbul, the way they are spoken is not so different.

Bernd Brunner’s most recent book is The Art of Lying Down: A Guide to Horizontal Living. He divides his time between Istanbul and Berlin.

Translated from the German by Lucy Renner Jones. 

Mavi Boncuk |

- Hands up! I said. Hands up, orangutan of my heart ... A glow of grudge passed through her little black eyes. I realized that if it caught my neck at this time, my name would be ruined. I threw the pistol on the floor with my foot. - Now get to know me well, right? I asked, will you finally know the Double Pistol Woman of Chicago? You will get me involved in your million business, you will put me in various troubles ... You don't think about the end! ”

Kemal Tahir as F. M. Duran

- Eller havaya! dedim. Eller yukari, kalbimin orangutani... Kucuk siyah gozlerinden bir kin isiltisi gecti. Boynumu bu sirada yakalasa isimin harap olacagini anladim. Yerdeki tabancayi ayagimla bir kenara attim. - Simdi beni iyice tanidin degil mi? diye sordum, Sikago'nun Cifte Tabancali Kadini'ni nihayet bilesin cikardin mi? Beni milyon isine karistirirsin, basimi turlu belalara sokarsin... Sonunu dusunmezsin!"

Kemal Tahir as F. M. Duran