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Solar Angles for Istanbul | Gölge etme başka ihsan istemez

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During our years at the Architectural Division of Fine Arts School DGSA (Now Mimar Sinan University) We did not walk to school shoe-less in snow for hours. Yet we lacked tools to do a good job as students. 

AutoCad shadow study or a solar app was out of question. Sometimes I made a simple box model and tried to determine shadows. Seeing that there was a need in this particular area I created a document showing solar angles for Istanbul, Turkey and shared it with classmates by making blueprints at Necdet Ozalit across the street. (see it here with English Titles)

Mavi Boncuk |

1912 | Bulgarian Aviation During Balkan War

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In 1911, the Kingdom of Italy invaded the Tripolitania Vilayet (modern day Libya) of the Ottoman Empire, using aircraft for reconnaissance and bombing missions for the first time in aviation history (on 23 October 1911, an Italian pilot[*] flew over Ottoman lines for reconnaissance; and the next day Italian dirigibles dropped bombs on ground targets, both of which represented the first effective use of aircraft in combat.)

[*] On November 1, 1911, Lieutenant Giulio Gavotti of the Italian Army bombed an Ottoman military encampment at the Taguira oasis in Libya from his Bleriot aircraft. But he used hand grenades and not the "dedicated" boms fitted with stabilizer fins. So dubious honor of being world's First Airbomb Power goes to Bulgaria.

Mavi Boncuk | 

The first flights in Bulgaria started in Plovdiv. During the first international exhibition there three Bulgarians made a demonstration flight with balloon[1]. The year was 1892. On that year Tsar Ferdinand created the Bulgarian military aviation with a decree. 

In October 1912, at the start of the First Bakan War, Bulgarian air force maintained 23 airplanes, mostly French Bleriot and Farman. At the moment, there were 99 military planes in Russia, 46 in Germany, 23 in Great Britain and 22 in Italy. Immediately after the start of hostilities Bulgarian pilot Christo Toprakchiev suggested the use of aircraft to drop bombs or grenades on Ottoman positions.

Radul Milkov[2] in the Albatross F2 plane after the first military flight on October 16, 1912. 

On this day during the Balkan war two Bulgarian lieutenants have implemented their first spy and bombarding mission over Edirne. 

The two men had to reconnoitre the Turkish army in the Adrianople (now Edirne) stronghold. In the last moment before the flight, Milkov and Tarakchiev decided to place two bombs in hampers on both sides of the aircraft. 

Later, they dropped the bombs over a military target - the railway station of Karaagach. The news made a splash in world press. The two Bulgarians had disproved some military men's belief that airplanes had nothing to do with the army. Tarakchiev died in 1957, and his mate passed away five years later. Since 1963 October 16 has been celebrated as Bulgarian Aviation Day. 


A group of pilots from the aviation school of Louis Bleriot among whom are Hristo Toprakchiev and Simeon Petrov 


[1] The history of the Bulgarian Air Force can be traced back to the end of the 19th century, when in 1892 at the Plovdiv International Fair two lieutenants of the Bulgarian Army flew with the ‘La France’ airship of the Frenchman Goddard. Later, being inspired by the flight, they succeeded to convince the General Staff that the Bulgarian Army should build a balloon force. The Imperial Aviation School in St. Petersburg enrolled Lieutenant Vasil Zlatarov as a student, following numerous refusals from military schools around Europe to teach Bulgarian officers to use airships. On 20 April 1906 “Vazduhoplavatelno Otdelenie” (roughly translated as Aviation Department) was created to operate observation balloons for the army. After graduation Lt. Zlatarov was appointed its first commander. The first generation of Bulgarian aviators were trained on a balloon named ‘Sofia-1’, constructed by Zlatarov with materials bought from Russia. In 1910 a Russian aircraft engineer, Boris Maslennikov, was invited to Bulgaria, where he presented his airplane, a modification of the French Farman III. Following his demonstration assisted by Vasil Zlatarov over the hippodrome in Sofia, the Bulgarian Government decided to acquire airplanes for The Aviation Corps. 

In early 1912 thirteen army officers were sent abroad for training as pilots and orders were placed for five French, British and German airplanes. In June 1912 Lt. Simeon Petrov[1], training at the school of Louis Blériot in France, for the first time in the history of aviation succeeded to land an airplane with a stopped engine. The event was praised in the French newspapers and La Poste, and the French mail service acknowledged it by publishing a stamp. The officers sent to France completed their training first and returned to Bulgaria in July 1912. The same year Bulgaria received its first airplane – Bleriot XXI with which on 13 August 1912 Simeon Petrov flew to become the first Bulgarian to pilot an airplane over Bulgaria. 

[2] Milkov Point is a conspicuous rocky point on the east side of Lanchester Bay formed by an offshoot of Chanute Peak on Davis Coast in Graham Land on the Antarctic Peninsula. Situated 11.5 km east of Havilland Point and 8.5 km south-southwest of Wennersgaard Point. The point is named for the Bulgarian pioneer of aviation Radul Milkov (1883–1962) who, while on a combat air mission with Prodan Tarakchiev during the First Balkan War, used the first aerial bombs on October 16, 1912.

In Memoriam | Zsa Zsa Gabor (1917-2016)

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Zsa Zsa Gabor died of a heart attack at her home in Bel-Air, Los Angeles, on December 18, 2016, aged 99.She had been on life support for the previous five years. 

She has written memoirs "One Lifetime Is Not Enough" and said her conquests included Frank Sinatra, Richard Burton, Sean Connery, Dominican playboy Porfirio Rubirosa and Mustafa Kemal Ataturk[*], widely known as the father of modern Turkey but to her “a professional lover, a god and a king.” Zsa Zsa Gabor revealed the intimate details of her remarkable life. From her childhood in Hungary, her triumphs, disappointments and struggles, of her nine marriages and the lovers in between, Zsa Zsa tells all. "I want a man who appreciates the finer things in life... diamonds, furs and me."

She is survived by husband Frédéric Prinz von Anhalt, whom she wed in 1986 and who claimed titles of nobility for himself, his wife and a number of adoptees.

[*] Once infamous as "the most successful courtesan of the twentieth century," Zsa Zsa snagged her first husband by proposing to Burhan Belge, a Turkish diplomat, when she was 15. Although they were married for several years, one of Zsa Zsa's two autobiographies maintains that she never slept with him but was instead deflowered by Kemal Atatürk, the father of modern Turkey. SOURCE

Mavi Boncuk | 


Zsa Zsa Gabor  born Sári Gábor February 6, 1917 – December 18, 2016) was a Hungarian-American actress and socialite. Her sisters were actresses Eva and Magda Gabor.

Gabor began her stage career in Vienna and was crowned Miss Hungary in 1936. Her parents, Vilmos Gabor and the former Jolie Tilleman, were jewelry and porcelain merchants. Jolie, in particular, spoke of pushing her three beautiful daughters — the other two were Magda and Eva — to be “rich, famous and married to kings.”

Zsa Zsa Gabor studied dance, languages and singing, and did stage work as a young woman. European society columns took note of her looks and love affairs. She was reported to have eloped for the first time at 14 and married Belge, the Turkish diplomat, in 1937.

She left Ankara, the Turkish capital, for Hollywood in 1941 with eight trunks of clothes. Her sister Eva, later to star on the CBS sitcom “Green Acres,” had taken up residence in the film colony.

Zsa Zsa Gabor immersed herself in a social circle that included the hotelier Hilton, whom she married in 1942 despite their three-decade age gap. The marriage crumbled for many reasons, including her tendency to rack up exorbitant bills.


Her embrace of grand living culminated in her aptly titled 1991 memoir, “One Lifetime Is Not Enough,” a book that billed the author as “Assisted by, Edited by, and Put Into Proper English by Wendy Leigh[1].

”She emigrated from Hungary to the United States in 1941 with a Turkish passport after her divorce to Burhan Belge[2] [3] and became a sought-after actress with "European flair and style" and was considered to have a personality that "exuded charm and grace". Her first film role was a supporting role in Lovely to Look At. She later acted in We're Not Married! and played one of her few leading roles in the John Huston-directed film, Moulin Rouge (1952). Huston would later describe her as a "creditable" actress.

Outside of her acting career, Gabor was known for her extravagant Hollywood lifestyle, glamorous personality, and her many marriages. In total, Gabor had nine husbands, including hotel magnate Conrad Hilton and actor George Sanders. She once stated, "Men have always liked me and I have always liked men. But I like a mannish man, a man who knows how to talk to and treat a woman – not just a man with muscles."



[1] Zsa Zsa and her ghost-writers have produced two memoirs: Zsa Zsa Gabor, My Story as Written for Me by Gerold Frank (1960), and One Lifetime is not Enough (1990) with Wendy Leigh. The first is superior by far, with much more detail about her early life, especially her first marriage. Neither book is any more reliable than a standard, self-serving show-biz memoir.

[2] Burhan Belge (1937-1941) Writer, diplomat, press director for the foreign ministry of Turkey. Zsa Zsa Gabor and Burhan Belge, her first husband, in Ankara, Turkey in 1940. Photo: Pictorial Parade / Getty Images Zsa Zsa Gabor: Born February 6, 1917 in Budapest, Hungary. Her birth name is Sári aka Shari Gábor. Burhan Asaf Belge: b. 1899- d.1967. Zsa Zsa and Burhan were married in 1937 and honeymooned aboard the Venice-Simplon Express. Burhan and Zsa Zsa divorced in 1941. 

[3] from The Pasha & the Gypsy (II)(III)(IV)

The Turks are not known as a frivolous people, and Burhan Belge, by Zsa Zsa’s account, was as serious as they come. Born in Damascus in 1899, formerly a Member of Parliament in Turkey, the holder of a degree in architecture from the University of Heidelberg, a writer, journalist, and broadcaster, Burhan sprang from the very heart of the Turkish political elite. Like most intellectuals of his era, he had flirted with Marxism. Until 1933 he had co-edited “Kadro” (The Cadre), a political journal of leftist/nationalist thought, along with Yakup Kadri Karaosmanoglu, a diplomat and a prolific novelist, who was married to Burhan’s sister. The slant of this journal made the authorities nervous, however, and after they had closed down “Kadro,” both Burhan and Yakup Kadri were kicked upstairs to safer jobs. Now Director of Press for the Turkish Foreign Ministry, Burhan Belge traveled on a diplomatic passport and was called “Your Excellency” by all who addressed him.  He was, in other words, an important man. Burhan was thirty-five; Zsa Zsa was fifteen.

They met at a party given by Zsa Zsa’s grandmother, Franceska Kende, just after Zsa Zsa got back from school. Frau Kende was a good friend of the Turkish Ambassador, and Burhan Belge, visiting on government business, had come with him to the party. Zsa Zsa remembered a dour, almost sinister-looking man of medium height, with a wide pale forehead which only emphasized his dark eyes and the little pouches beginning to show under them. He must have been in his middle thirties, and he looked world-weary and bored.


They used German, which Burhan spoke “perfectly,” and according to Zsa Zsa their conversation consisted mostly of the kind of banter which might pass between an exceedingly pretty, flirtatious child and an adult who could not take her seriously. At the end of it, after Zsa Zsa had objected precociously to his patronizing tone, an amused Burhan promised to marry her “when she grew up.” Thus ended their five minutes of acquaintance... She had won-or almost won-the title of Miss Hungary. She had appeared in an operetta alongside the greatest singer in Europe. She was beautiful, and she knew it. A famous film composer had fallen in love with her. Moreover, the Hungarian film producer Alexander Korda, now resident in England, had seen her in Tauber’s operetta and wanted to give her a screen test, but he had been unable to obtain for her a British work permit. After all this, how could she return to Madame Subilia’s School for Young Ladies? And if she could not go back to Lausanne, what would she do in Budapest? Go to another school? Find a job in theatre? Work in a jewelry store? What could she possibly do now? 

Four weeks later, says Zsa Zsa, she was on the Orient Express, heading for Istanbul.


No, the Turkish Embassy told Zsa Zsa when she phoned, His Excellency M. Burhan Belge was not in Budapest at this time, but he was expected back from Berlin at any moment.  She should call back later in the day.  Two days later, contact made and date arranged, the sober diplomat and the Hungarian teen-ager were walking along the Danube Esplanade.  They stopped in front of the Ritz, and Burhan suggested a drink at the Prince of Wales Bar.  Burhan ordered scotch and soda; Zsa Zsa settled for a small glass of sherry.  After some some moments of small talk, Zsa Zsa could stand it no more. “Excellency,” she blurted out, “will you marry me?”

One thing can be said for Burhan Belge: faced with a golden opportunity for legalized pedophilia, he made a creditable effort at resistance.  After first gagging on his drink and then turning red, he asked her to repeat the question.  Zsa Zsa reminded him of his promise from that summer: he would marry her when she grew up.  Well, she asserted, she had grown up.  Burhan laughed.  Technically, she was correct: he had spoken those words.  One can only imagine the bewilderment that assailed him.  He was a true gentleman, a thoughtful and serious man.  (Too serious, Zsa Zsa told him: he needed someone like her.)  He was unmarried, and though Zsa Zsa didn’t know it, he had been married twice before.  Predictably, he stalled for time.  Burhan asked if he could think it over.  How long? Zsa Zsa pressed.  Until tonight, he suggested.  They could have dinner together.

Burhan chose the Hotel Gellért, a grand 233-room palace built in 1918 in the Art Nouveau style.  It sits on the Buda (west) side of the Danube, and its restaurant still features a gypsy orchestra for dancing.  Before dinner they danced the waltz, says Zsa Zsa, and she did her utmost to break through the older man’s reserve.  The dress probably helped.  Clinging to her body was a black gown that Eva had helped her get into.  Also, she had brought some publicity photos to show him, including one of her in an open blouse eating grapes, another clad in a tight red sweater biting provocatively into an apple.  Later, seated with this beautiful child at the dinner table, confronted by these teasing fruity images, Burhan Belge again looked down the barrel of The Big Question.

“Have you made up your mind, Excellency?” Zsa Zsa asked.

Poor Burhan.  How difficult this must have been.  Turkish nationalists are such serious people; and they hate to surrender.  But they also like a challenge-and blondes.  “Why not?” he said with a sigh.  And yes, he conceded, she could also bring along Mishka, her favorite Scotty dog.

The family’s reaction, says Zsa Zsa, was surprisingly mild.  As usual with the Gabors, some hereditary form of nitrous oxide, an aerosol of insouciance, seemed to fill their lungs.  Her mother, seeing the need for a bridal trousseau, seized upon the news as an excellent excuse to do more shopping.  (Before her daughter left, Jolie told Zsa Zsa, “It doesn’t have to be forever.  If you don’t like Burhan, you can always come back to me.”)  Her grandmother thought her very young for Burhan Belge, but she knew the man and thought very highly of him.  As for Vilmos Gabor, Zsa Zsa thought that he was secretly relieved.  This was a man who had hoped for a son and instead got three unmarried girls.  In the past six months he had seen his house suddenly disrupted by a beauty pageant, sent his grieving wife away on a shopping trip, and ended up with a  daughter in show business.  And now, just weeks after returning from Vienna, that same daughter, little more than a child, proposed to marry a Turk.  Vilmos, seeing that this willful girl was about to be taken off his hands, probably slept a lot easier.

Eva’s reaction, however, was different.  The night before the wedding ceremony the two sisters crept into bed together for a hug and a good cry.  The impulsive Zsa Zsa was now frightened, and for good reason.  This was not a shopping trip to Vienna.  She was fifteen years old, about to travel a thousand miles to a strange oriental land with a man she barely knew.  If ever her sister needed help, Eva promised, she would come from the ends of the earth.  All Zsa Zsa had to do was wire one word: “Gypsy.”

And so she did it.  At the beginning of 1935, some weeks before her sixteenth birthday, Her Excellency Mme. Burhan Belge arrived in the capital of the new Turkey. 


M. and Mme. Belge lived in a house on Embassy Row, situated along Atatürk Boulevard as it climbs from the center of the New City toward Çankaya Hill in the south.  There, says Zsa Zsa, she tried to become a good wife.  She stayed home; she learned to brew Turkish coffee; she studied Turkish with a tutor and was quizzed on vocabulary by Burhan when he came home from the office.  After the quiz she would sit on a large hassock and listen while Burhan, trying to make up for her lost schooling, read to her from French, German, and English literature.  Soon Burhan bought Zsa Zsa a horse, a white Arabian mare named Fatushka, which she stabled at the Ankara Riding Club north of town.  From the stables she would go trotting off, traversing the entire length of Atatürk Boulevard from its beginnings at the edge of the old city, down and across the valley, dusty with new construction, up past the embassies and government ministries to Çankaya Hill, where Atatürk had built his home.  She loved Ankara; Zsa Zsa says it “electrified” her with its mixture of modernity and exoticism.  And almost immediately she began making friends.

Zsa Zsa, who spent much of the daytime on horseback, met her first important friend while doing just that.  One day at the Club, as she was about to ride off, she become aware of someone staring at her from behind.  Sir Percy Loraine (spelled “Loren” by Zsa Zsa) told her years after how clearly he remembered that first meeting.  “I saw you on a horse,” he said, “a perfect little figure in a riding habit, with golden hair under a black velvet cap.”  At first, he claimed, he did not want her to turn around, because he knew he would only be disappointed.  She did, however, and he was not.  So together, they rode on: the expatriate Hungarian girl and her new friend, the British Ambassador.
Sir Percy Loraine, whose memories of Kemal Atatürk have been repeatedly quoted since their first broadcast in 1948, was perhaps the best friend Zsa Zsa could have made.  Fifty-four years old, tall and graying, with blue eyes and that easy charm which English aristocrats seem to have invented, Sir Percy, says Zsa Zsa, made Burhan seem “tortured” in comparison.  Loraine (1880-1961) was a veteran diplomat who previously had served in Cairo, Tehran, and Athens, and he would be Ambassador in Rome when war broke out in 1939.  Sir Percy and Lady Loraine did not want to be in Ankara; both disliked the place intensely.  Using the night train, Loraine escaped to Istanbul as often as possible.  Only after the Ankara Hippodrome opened in 1934 did Sir Percy, a veteran horse breeder and racer, take a greater interest in Ankara life. Since then the equestrian academy had become the location of his stud farm.

Loraine’s tenure in Ankara (1934-39), which included a 1936 visit to Istanbul by King Edward VIII and Mrs. Simpson, saw a major thaw in relations between Turkey and Britain.  Soon he and his wife had invited the Belges to the Embassy for supper, and often thereafter Zsa Zsa came to tea.  Sir Percy and Lady Loraine were kind to her; from them she added to her knowledge of etiquette and protocol, social graces so necessary to the wife of an important government official.  Sir Percy Loraine, says Zsa Zsa, was “perfect.”  She began to wish that she had married him instead.

Zsa Zsa’s love of parties meshed nicely with her social position, for these occasions were a large part of her marital life.  She grew to love the diplomatic round, and it’s easy to imagine that, with her looks and linguistic ability, she would become an attraction.  Even shopping, not a major leisure-time activity in a city as austere as Ankara, helped pass the time.  What Ankara lacked in modern consumer goods, it made up for in local crafts and antiques.  Zsa Zsa’s favorite antique shop, which she visited often while on her daily rides, was run by six Circassian brothers, the eldest of whom was called Numad.

Zsa Zsa compares Numad and his brothers to Modigliani figures, with long, slender faces, dark eyes, and the austere look of Spanish saints.  Their shop was in the Old City, probably near Ulus Square.  She would stop in on her way back to the stables, they would give her coffee, and she would browse among the copperware, the jewelry, and the rugs. Often, she says, Numad would present things for her appreciation, showing off his newest acquisitions, allowing her to try on a ring or a necklace.  One day  he showed her an especially lovely pearl.  Zsa Zsa held it in her hand and admired it.  The Afghan Ambassador, said Numad, would love to send it to her if she liked it.

“Really?” she asked.  “And why should he do that?”

“If you would be nice to him-“

Zsa Zsa was insulted.  Immediately she put him straight on that subject, threatening to leave his shop at once and not come back.  We can presume that Numad apologized, for several days later Zsa Zsa was back.  This time he brought out for her delectation a gold bracelet studded with emeralds and rubies.

“And who wants me to be nice to him now?” asked Zsa Zsa.

One can imagine this moment: a tiny shop in the narrow streets beneath the old citadel; in the background the cries of street venders; the sound of horse-drawn wagons creaking past on the cobbles.  What feelings must have arisen in these Circassian brothers!  Here was a blonde girl, a foreigner beautiful beyond imagining, standing in their shop wearing jodhpurs and carrying a riding crop.  To them she was as unreachable as a cloud.  Yet others, rich and powerful others that they could assist, might be luckier.
Numad chose his words carefully.

“Please, Your Excellency,” he began.  “This gentleman doesn’t even ask to be thanked.”  He went on.  The nameless gentleman would gain pleasure simply by knowing that she had accepted the gift.  Then sometime, perhaps-and with this Numad paused-perhaps he could come here and enjoy a coffee, so that the benefactor could see how beautiful the bracelet looked on her.

Zsa Zsa does not mention a film of oil glistening on Numad’s fingertips as he presented this innocent plan; still, it is easy to imagine.  In any case, Her Excellency Madame Belge flicked her riding crop under his “long Circassian nose” and told him to forget it.  And with that she went home.

But it wasn’t as if the thought of romance-real romance, hot love, and steamy sex-had not crossed Zsa Zsa’s mind.  It was, after all, one of her chief daydreams.  Jolie’s parting words pretty much set the tone; in her marriage to Burhan Belge, Zsa Zsa was not much of a wife and far from being a lover.  So far she had kept him at bay, and the marriage remained unconsummated.  On their first night as man and wife, aboard the Simplon-Orient Express, Zsa Zsa retreated to her berth and curled up with her little dog Mishka, who growled and yapped at Burhan when he drew near.  Since then they had kept their distance, and she had played the part of untouchable schoolgirl to his stern professor.  Burhan was cold, says Zsa Zsa, and distant.  He seldom laughed and often withdrew into his own thoughts.  She was afraid of him: not physically-she knew he would never harm her-but because with one look he could suck all the joy from her life.  He was a serious intellectual, a thinker, a very famous man.  Every Saturday afternoon on Ankara Radio he broadcast a summary of world events to the entire country.  All his friends were ministers or diplomats.  He often left Turkey on official missions, which he told her nothing about.  He held regular political meetings in their home, and he warned her sternly never to repeat anything she might hear.  All in all, Zsa Zsa felt privileged to be Madame Belge.  But it soon became obvious: from one trap in Budapest she had talked herself into another.

In the few times they met, Zsa Zsa felt far closer to Burhan’s brother-in-law, Yakup Kadri, the Turkish ambassador to Albania.  Here again, the man was much older, and they had few intellectual interests in common; still, Yakup Kadri was charming and fun, “lusty and out-going,” and he was proof that Turks did not have to be dour.  Zsa Zsa first met him and his wife, Leman (who was, she said, as cold as her brother), when she arrived in Istanbul to meet Burhan’s family.  At that time, family surnames had just become mandatory in Turkey.  Mustafa Kemal changed his name to Kemal Atatürk.  Burhan had become Burhan Belge; Yakup Kadri became Yakup Kadri KaraosmanoGlu.  [Before 1934, first names only were used, with personal tags sometimes added to differentiate among those with common names.  Mustafa, for example, was extremely common.  Mustafa Kemal added the second name, meaning “perfection,” after it had been bestowed upon him by one of his teachers.]

Using this full name, Yakup Kadri KaraosmanoGlu (1889-1974) became one of the outstanding writers and political figures of his era, and according to Andrew Mango he was one of Atatürk’s four favorite writers.  Yakup Kadri was born ten years before Burhan Belge, and like Burhan he came from an old Ottoman family, the Kara Osmans of Manisa, who were famous enough to be mentioned in the poems of Lord Byron.  Into his eighty-five years he packed a lot of living.  In 1922 he witnessed the fall and burning of the great city of Smyrna, now called Izmir.  As a writer and journalist he supported the rise of Mustafa Kemal, and his novels chronicled the social changes that Turkey underwent after the revolution.  As an ambassador he served in Albania, Czechoslovakia, the Netherlands, Iran, and Switzerland, and in the 1960s he became a member of Parliament.  Zsa Zsa describes his luxuriant mustache, his twinkling eyes, and mischievous laugh, which, she said, “captivated” her.

Zsa Zsa says that some months after her arrival in Ankara, Yakup Kadri was promoted from his post in Tirana to an ambassadorship in the much more desirable city of Berne, in Switzerland.  To celebrate, and because they were leaving the next day, Burhan suggested that they should take Yakup Kadri and Leman out to dinner.  This, it turned out, would be an important event.  Here again, however, we run afoul of Zsa Zsa’s unreliability as an historian.  She specifically states that Yakup Kadri had been posted to Berne.  However, the biographies of Yakup Kadri are quite clear: he did not go to Berne until 1942, and then, for a second posting, in 1951.  The posting cited could not have been Berne: by 1942 Zsa Zsa no longer lived in Turkey.  But surely we can forgive her for this mistake.  She was, after all, only sixteen years old, and the exact details of the man’s diplomatic career were not her concern. After Albania, however, the biographies do say that Yakup Kadri was posted to Prague in 1935.  Even more than Berne (a notoriously stodgy capital in any case), this certainly would have been considered a step up from Tirana, and congratulations would have been in order.  Zsa Zsa remembers a farewell dinner for Yakup Kadri and Leman.  Surely this was the occasion.
In considering the events that followed, we must remember that Ankara was a “diplomatic concentration camp.”  Sir Percy Loraine referred to its “pathetic bleakness.”  His wife called it “the most Godforsaken hole I have ever been in.”  The city’s total population may have risen to 100,000, but the ruling elite and its attendant diplomatic corps numbered a lot less than that.  Within this tightly closed perimeter, everybody either knew everybody else or knew someone who did.  And one man-ever-inquisitive, hungering for society-was always ready to make new friends. In the Ankara of the 1930s, “going out” meant limited options. There was the cabaret in the Ankara Palas hotel, just opposite the old Parliament building in Ulus, near the Old City. But mostly there was Karpiç’s Restaurant.


If there was a real center to upper-crust Ankara life during those years, this had to be the place.  Ivan Karpiç was a Russian immigrant who had opened his restaurant near Ulus Square, just around the corner from the Ankara Palas Hotel and the Parliament.  Through the Second World War and into the 1950s, his place remained a fixture of Ankara life.  During the war, when Turkey remained neutral, Hitler’s diplomats, as well as the diplomats of other Axis powers, would dine at Karpiç’s, literally within spitting distance of their British, Russian, and American counterparts.  In the Hachette Blue Guide to Turkey, published in 1960, the Karpiç Lokantasi (“orchestra in the evening; tel. 12-236”) still shows up plainly on the fold-out map of Ankara, the only restaurant to be so-honored.  In Istanbul Intrigues, his study of espionage in wartime Turkey, Barry Rubin describes it thus:

Legend had it that Ivan Karpiç began his restaurant at Atatürk’s request so that the republic’s founder could have somewhere to dine.  Atatürk even held cabinet meetings there.  The décor was simple; one journalist compared it to a “Kansas railroad station lunchroom.”  Yet Karpiç’s colorful clientele made it a magical place?Karpiç’s assistant, Serge, darkly handsome like a film star, actually ran the place.  But the bald, round-headed Karpiç, with his thick accent and white coat, provided the atmosphere.  He personally scooped caviar in generous dollops from a big dish, supervised the preparation of the food, proudly oversaw his shish-kebab specialty, presented flowers to the ladies, and watched to ensure that everyone was happy with everything.

Georges Karpitch (1877-1953) known as “Baba Karpiç”, Ankara, 1940s. He was from Novorossiik. He was an Armenian named Kevork Kececiyan and emigrated possibly in 1920 with wife Margarita and son Aram.. His first restautant was in Istanbul (1925). He moved his restaurant to Taşhan, Ankara in 1928 and operated until 1953.
See NOTES (in Turkish)

So when Zsa Zsa tells us that Burhan one day announced, “We’ll take Leman and Yakup to Karpiç’s,” this makes perfect sense.  It is simply unthinkable that they would have eaten anywhere else.

In an oblique way, Zsa Zsa’s memory of Karpiç’s confirms the impression of a “Kansas railroad station.”  She remembers a huge square room with pillars, a gigantic Turkish flag above the entrance, and Atatürk’s portrait everywhere else.  One can almost hear the click of scurrying heels on the terrazzo, the announcement of what train is leaving from which track.  Their table sat to one side of the dance floor; next to that the orchestra (Hungarian musicians, says Rubin) was playing.  Zsa Zsa was looking at her menu when music and conversation suddenly stopped.  The restaurant fell silent, the double doors at the entrance flew open, and amid a flurry of evening gowns and tuxedos, one man came into focus.

About the color of his eyes, there is disagreement.  In most accounts, they are a shade of blue.  King Edward VIII, without noting the color, said they were the coldest, most penetrating eyes he had ever seen.  Sir Percy Loraine remembered them as a “penetrating ice-blue.”  In 1990, Zsa Zsa remembered them as green.  In her first account, however, she looked up from her menu and saw a “slim man with gray eyes the color of steel.”  He wore black tie, and accompanying him were three or four other men, similarly attired, along with women in evening gowns.  A squad of uniformed police had preceded him, and these now formed a cordon as the gray eyes entered and stood gazing at the room.  By now everyone was standing, and Zsa Zsa quickly followed.

“Atatürk,” Burhan whispered in her ear.

Zsa Zsa stared.  Atatürk, remote, immobile, and aloof, withdrew a cigarette and tapped it on a gold case as he surveyed the room.  Their eyes met, and the rest, she says, was inevitable.  That, at least, is what Zsa Zsa says in her 1990 memoir, the book where she “tells all.”  The 1960 book with Gerold Frank delivers less kismet but more detail and is, therefore, a lot more interesting.  In that book Atatürk doesn’t make eye contact at all when he enters.  But she continues to stare.  The room, she says, remained quiet, at attention, as the great man was seated, and until he sat down no one else, women included, would do so.  The resemblance to royalty could not have been more complete.

Yakup Kadri stood on Zsa Zsa’s left.  He leaned over and asked “teasingly” what she thought of their “Grey Wolf”-another of Atatürk’s nicknames, and the title of a negative biography (1932) by H.C. Armstrong.  This bantering about the great man was certainly in character.  Yakup Kadri knew the man well.  He dined with him often, and, though not an intimate friend, by that point he had certainly moved beyond idolatry.

Zsa Zsa turned again to stare at Atatürk, who was only some thirty feet away.  Desperately, Leman whispered to her not to stare, not to call attention to herself.  Yakup Kadri grinned and continued to tease.  His wife was right, he told Zsa Zsa: Atatürk may try to “adopt” her.

By that time in her Turkish residence, Zsa Zsa certainly knew all the stories about Atatürk: he was the greatest soldier, the greatest lover, the indefatigable playboy, the great reformer, the savior of the nation.  She knew about his adopted daughters, his mistresses, and his capacity for strong drink.  She didn’t know which stories to believe or disregard.  Some, however, her own husband had told her, and Burhan was not the kind of man to pass along lies.  Now she could only look on, a comely young woman melting before a dominant older man.

Inevitably, however, as Zsa Zsa glanced at the President’s table their eyes did meet.  Zsa Zsa blushed and looked away, but it was too late.  Soon an aide arrived, inviting Burhan Belge, Yakup Kadri, and their ladies to join Atatürk at his table.  There was, of course, no way of turning down this invitation.  As Zsa Zsa describes it, all of them knew what was up.  Leman, Burhan’s older sister, looked terrified.  Her brother, she must have assumed, was about to be cuckolded by the President of the Republic.  Yakup Kadri the novelist could barely contain his laughter.  He knew Atatürk, and he knew that his brother-in-law had married a knock-out.  One can almost see him twirling his mustache, gleefully contemplating the entry that this incident would make in his writer’s notebook.  As for Burhan, Zsa Zsa reports that his face had darkened like a thundercloud.

At the Gazi’s table, Burhan seated himself and his wife as far from Atatürk as possible.  Still, she became the immediate focus of conversation.  Atatürk asked if she had ever tasted raki.

“No, Pasha Effendi,” she answered.

This got a big laugh from the rest of the table, but Zsa Zsa did not know why.  She had in fact confused two titles of address.  Mustafa Kemal had certainly been a pasha, a general, but he was never an effendi.  This was a label generally reserved for menials.  [Ali Pasha, for example, was the famous ruler of Ioannina, in northern Greece.  But if a man named Ali owned a restaurant, he would be called Ali Bey.  And if another Ali worked at that restaurant sweeping the floors, he would be called Ali Effendi.]

Since Zsa Zsa had never tasted raki, which is very much like ouzo or Pernod, Atatürk (“with a hand that trembled slightly”) poured a glass and sent it to her.  Zsa Zsa, after a fit of coughing, managed to get it down.  Atatürk next asked if she smoked.  Again, to repeated laughter, she told the “Pasha Effendi” that she did not.  Promptly the Pasha sent down one of his own, “a thin, flat cigarette rimmed in gold, with `K.A.’ embossed in tiny crimson letters.”  Zsa Zsa puffed, tried to inhale, then coughed.  Atatürk, she says, seemed to be enjoying himself.

In this, it is the detail that convinces: the hand that trembles slightly; the initials on Kemal Atatürk’s custom-made cigarettes.  And there is another telling detail as waiters arrive to serve the food, and the members of the party begin to eat.  For according to Zsa Zsa, Atatürk only watched.  He ate nothing.  But his glass of raki was continually refilled.

At length Atatürk asked one of the other ladies present if she danced the waltz.  The lady in question demurred.  Atatürk then asked Zsa Zsa.  Of course she knew the waltz: she was from Budapest.  Kemal Pasha rose, a bit unsteadily, and the entire room rose with him.  And so, before the entire company, Fred and Zsa Zsa took a turn.

Fred and Ginger it was not.  She was terrified; he was full of raki.  The pasha danced heavily, she says, and held her strongly in his grip.  They conversed.  Atatürk explained to her the absurdity of “Pasha Effendi.”  He asked how she liked Turkey.  Of course, she adored it.  Zsa Zsa, feeling more confident, began to regret the simple black dress she had worn and wished she had worn something with a plunging neckline.  She essayed a look at the Gazi’s eyes.  Gray or blue-or green, as she described them in 1990?  All the above, it seems.  “The pupils,” she says, “were so light blue as to be almost colorless; it was like looking at a blind man and yet one whose eyes pierced you through.”

Back at the table, Atatürk, proposing a toast, announced that Hungary and Turkey would henceforth be sister states.  Their languages were similar; their people had similar histories.  At last he sat down heavily, and those at the table continued with their meal in silence.  That was when Atatürk announced that he was leaving, and that he would drive Madame Belge home.

One does not envy Burhan Belge at this moment.  One does not envy anyone at the table.  Indeed, given the tensions involved, it’s a wonder that any of Karpiç’s food got eaten that night.  Burhan, however, showed what he was made of.

“If you please, Excellency,” he said, “I should prefer to do that.”

Ignoring him, Atatürk went on: Burhan could take home whichever of the other ladies he wished.

Burhan repeated: he would take his own wife home.

What? Atatürk asked.  You don’t want one of these lovely ladies?

This time Burhan didn’t reply, and this time Atatürk laughed.  Burhan had passed the test. 
“This is a man,” he said with approval. And with that, after appropriate bows, the President’s party left the restaurant.

Atatürk’s behavior wrought predictable reactions: Burhan and his sister were angry; Yakup Kadri was amused; Zsa Zsa was excited.  She was sixteen years old, and she had danced with one of the great men of the age.  “I think he approves of you,” Yakup Kadri said.  In the space of a few minutes, her life had exploded like a star.

In the following weeks, little changed in Zsa Zsa’s routine.  Fatushka the white Arabian remained the center of her existence.  Sometimes she would ride her almost to the grounds of the Presidential Palace on Çankaya Hill, and there she would hope that Atatürk would emerge so that she could say hello.  On Wednesdays she met with the Prime Minister’s mother, an ancient lady who invited the wives of government officials to take tea with her on that day.  There she chatted in broken Turkish with the old woman, a fiercely traditional female who refused to take off her veil just because Atatürk told her to.  At other times she had tea with the Loraines, who told her stories of their life in Cairo.

But Zsa Zsa became homesick, and who can blame her?  Her best friends-her family-lived a thousand miles away.  They could only communicate through letters, and the letters from Budapest, though welcome and full of news, only reminded her of the lush, vibrant world she had abandoned.  In Ankara she had no one to confide in.  Burhan was more a guardian uncle than a friend.  She had spent two years in a Swiss finishing school followed by three months’ work in an operetta; she spoke four languages and was learning a fifth; she had gone to a man she didn’t love and talked him into marrying her.  And now?  More and more, Zsa Zsa felt like a castaway, self-marooned in an ocean of dust.

One day she rode past the Circassians’ antique shop in old Angora.  Numad, she says, was seated by the front door in the sunshine, and he called out a greeting.  Her Excellency must come in, he said, for he had something to show her.  In his office, after he had sent a boy for coffee, Numad took out a tiny object wrapped in tissue wrapper.  He handed a magnifying glass to Zsa Zsa.

Zsa Zsa, daughter of the diamond store, lover of jewels and glitter, was entranced.  It was a miniature of a human hand, fashioned in gold.  According to Numad, it would bring good luck to whoever possessed it.  The Hand of Fatima, he called it-modeled on the hand of the prophet’s youngest daughter, she who married Ali, the fourth Caliph, and was mother to Hussein, founding martyr of the Shi’a sect.

But Zsa Zsa was also skeptical.  It could not, she thought, be the Afghan Ambassador again, for his taste in jewelry wasn’t that good.  So who was it this time?

Numad dropped the tiny object into her hand.  Out of his mouth came the same line as before.  It was hers because she was so pretty.  Zsa Zsa began to object, but this time Numad seemed more serious.  It would bring her good luck, he said.  She should not refuse.  Somebody wanted her to have it because “beauty with good fortune is a blessing, but beauty without good fortune is a curse.”

And so this time it wasn’t as easy.  This time a tiny, beautifully fashioned object had been offered to her, not a gaudy bracelet crusted with gems.  (Eventually, Zsa Zsa says, she found out that it came from the Topkapi Museum.)  It’s mine? she asked: I can take it with me?  Not quite, Numad said.  From the same drawer he produced a key.  She could have the Hand of Fatima and the luck that went with it, but first she had to use this key, which opened the door of a house in the Old City.  He promised her that it was not what she thought; she would not be compromised.  But he could tell her nothing else.

Already in Vienna she had turned down the chance to become the kept woman of Willi Schmidt-Gentner, a man she adored, and instead became the proper wife of Burhan Belge.  And still she had managed to keep her virginity.  This piece, the Hand of Fatima, absolutely enchanted her.  And the key?  Human curiosity was beginning to make inroads.

However, “This is ridiculous,” she told Numad at last.  He could take back his magic totem.

The Circassian begged Zsa Zsa to think it over. “Excellency,” he said, “you cannot let this pass.” He was quite serious.  But she walked out anyway.

Zsa Zsa didn’t sleeep much that night, and for the next week she lived in a fever of speculation and curiosity.  Who was doing this?  What was going on?  Was it all a practical joke?  Perhaps the ever-mischievous Yakup Kadri had arranged it.  But he was out of the country.  And Burhan was the last person to do something like that.  Several times she rode past Numad’s shop and stopped in to see the Hand.  By the end of week, mad with curiosity, she went back to the shop for a final time:

All right, I thought.  I’ll find out.  I said to Numad, “Where is the key?”  He produced a small key.  On a slip of paper he wrote the address in the heart of the old city.  “At four o’clock tomorrow afternoon,” he said.  “Do not be late.”

In both of her memoirs, despite the fabrications, fantasies, and contradictions, Zsa Zsa tells the same basic story of the Hand of Fatima, the key, and the house in the Old City.  Of course, it’s quite possible to believe that she has made it all up, that these are the fantasies of a glamour queen who wants to embellish her legend and sell books.  But this time it sounds like the truth.  There is George Sanders’ assessment of her character: guileless, spontaneous, willing to take a chance.  There are the details that ring true: the look of the Old City; Atatürk’s drinking habits. But above all, there is one indelible image, that of the gorgeous blonde Hungarian, charming and a bit spoiled, bored and adrift, riding alone on a white horse through a dusty Anatolian town. Say what you will about romantic fantasies, the cold fact is that in the sparse, brown Ankara of the 1930s, Zsa Zsa would have been impossible to ignore. And in that city there was one man who ignored nothing.

Anyone who has traversed the upper streets of Old Ankara remembers the way they dip and twist as they negotiate the contours of the hill; the way the cobblestones, polished and broken by the centuries, seem to shift beneath the feet. This time Zsa Zsa, sans Fatushka, had to walk the gauntlet alone.

Zsa Zsa tells of her impressions from that day: the fresh carcass of a sheeep hanging in a butcher shop; the dim cave-like shops; the street cries; the merchants lounging in front, calling out for the favor of her patronage. For any woman, let alone a sixteen-year-old girl, such a walk cannot have been easy.  As a society, Turkey is relentlessly male, and nowhere is this more obvious than in the streets of its older neighborhoods, where merchants, houses, and life lie together in jumbled knots.


Eventually she found a street so narrrow it was virtually an alley, and a slender wooden door cut into a high wall.  Numad’s key meshed with the lock, and the door swung open.

From the narrow, shaded street, Zsa Zsa stepped over a high sill onto cobblestones drenched in sunlight.  A large olive tree rose from the center of a courtyard; blue-white Angora cats lounged in the sun.  Zsa Zsa made her way past them to a covered staircase.  At the top of the wooden steps a door was ajar, and inside a man, his back turned, was sitting in an armchair.

“I knew you would come,” said a deep voice.

Of course, it was Atatürk.  This we knew; and, without daring to form the thought, this Zsa Zsa had also guessed, hoped, dreamed.  The little girl, longing to be swept off her feet, had found the ultimate Older Man.

But what happened next? Did Zsa Zsa find Tea and Sympathy, as she tells us in her 1960 memoir?  Or did she, as she reveals in 1990, discover a Tidal Bore of  Passion, an end to her virginity at the hands of a lover and demi-god?  Place your bets here.  This writer’s money goes on Passion.  The 1990 Zsa Zsa says:

Just as I was about to speak, Atatürk clapped his hands and, as he had orchestrated it, the dancing girls appeared, their multicolored veils floating suggestively in the coolness of the room.  As they danced their slow, sensuous dance, wordlessly Atatürk motioned that I sit on the red velvet and copper-colored cushions next to him.  Mesmerized, I complied.  He offered me his pipe-and, unquestioningly, I took it.  Then he passed me a gold-and-emerald-encrusted cup filled with raki?I sipped from the cup.

The delicious hilarity of this scene, complete with dancing girls (!) who made no appearance whatever in the 1960 account, does little for Zsa Zsa’s reputation as an truth-teller, but it also does nothing to demolish two undeniable facts: 1) Zsa Zsa was ripe and beautiful; and 2) when it came to women, Kemal Atatürk did not waste time.

“It was inevitable,” says Zsa Zsa.

In this I have to agree with her.  Something happened, surely.  Zsa Zsa’s first account, though quite credible in its account of their conversation, beggars belief when it suggests that she left after an hour of chit-chat and then continued meeting Atatürk for tea and conversation over the next six months.  But what else could she have written in 1960? Zsa Zsa’s public image was wicked enough by then. The moral temper of the times probably convinced her to keep some things to herself.  And there is another consideration: Burhan Belge, who was still alive at the time of publication (he died in 1967).  Throughout the account of her first marriage, Zsa Zsa makes clear her respect for Burhan despite their utterly incompatible personalities.  “Poor Burhan,” she says when recounting her childish behavior.  She knew the trials she had already put him through-their sexless marriage, her less-than-mature demeanor at social functions, her tendency to say whatever popped into her mind-and it is to her credit that she did not further humiliate him by “telling all” while he was alive.

Zsa Zsa left Atatürk after an hour.  She had to get home before 5:30, when Burhan returned from the office.  Night was fast approaching, she says, and she hurried home in the “half dusk.”  This memory seems genuine, and it is consistent with a scenario that begins their acquaintance late in 1935.  Since Ankara lies at 40 degrees north latitude, parallel with Philadelphia, this makes it likely that their meeting took place well after the autumnal equinox-between November, perhaps, and February.

Burhan was already home when she arrived.  When he asked where she had been, she told him (1960) she had been with Kemal Atatürk. But Burhan, she says, did not believe her. Zsa Zsa says (1990):

After that, we met regularly every Wednesday afternoon, once I had finished at the Riding Academy.  We spent hours together in Atatürk’s secret hideaway, locked in each other’s arms, while he dazzled me with his sexual prowess and seduced me with his perversion.  Atatürk was very wicked.  He knew exactly how to please a young girl.  On looking back, I think he probably knew how to please every woman, because he was a professional lover, a god, and a king.

He “seduced me with his perversion.” Well. Goodness gracious, as Donald Rumsfeld might say. The mind boggles-and after having boggled for a while, it turns and retreats in disarray.  But while Zsa Zsa was being blown away by the wickedness, perversion, and sexual technique of a professional lover, god, and king, Atatürk, she says, was alert and inquisitive.

He would question me ceaselessly about the true allegiance of the ambitious men who visited Burhan, their leader, to talk politics with him.  As Atatürk must have known, these men talked quite freely in front of me, revealing their plans and their feelings about the man they called “The Savior of Turkey.”  And many of them hated him.

Zsa Zsa says that because of this, she held the fate of many important men in the palm of her hand.  Well, maybe.  Still, the account of Atatürk’s inquiries rings true.  It is consistent with the man’s character and restlessness of mind that he would use the liaison for as many purposes as possible.  

Zsa Zsa concludes: My romance with Atatürk lasted for six months and during that time he used me and I used him.  I gave him information-harmless though it was.  And he gave me lessons in love, in passion, and in intrigue.  He also ruined for me every other man I would ever love, or try to love.  In Turkey, Atatürk was a god.  He was a god and he had loved me.  For the rest of my life I would search for another god to eclipse him.

NOTES
“Ankara’da yalnız ve yalnız Süreyya var” Turan TANYER  

EXCEPT

Karpiç Ankara’da Karpiç, rafine bir restoran yarattı. Mutfak ve sofra sanatını geliştirdi. Daha o günlerde restoran kültüründe temel ilkelerini saptamıştı. Saptadığı ilkelere sıkı sıkıya bağlıydı ve herkesin uymasını istiyordu. O isteyince çalışanlarının dikkatli olması gerekiyordu. Gelenlerin de. Bir restoranda sadece yemek hazırlamanın, servisinin değil, yemek yemenin de “zevk işi” olduğunu söylerdi. 1928 yılına kadar İstanbul’da kaldı. O yıl Cemal (Taşhan) Bey’in çağrı- sı üzerine Ankara’ya taşındı. Cemal Bey, Hakimiyeti Millîye Meydanı’ndaki babadan kalma Taşhan’ı yenilemiş[7], modern bir otel kılığına sokabilmek için oldukça masraf etmişti. Zaten devir “asrî”lik devriydi. Asrî fırın, asrî helâ... Derken, asrî lokanta. Asrî otelin, asrî restoranı olmalıydı. Karpiç, Taşhan’ın altında açtı bu restoranı. Ve çok geçmeden burası, Yeni Ankara’nın en önemli mekânları arasına karıştı. İstanbul’da olduğu gibi, mutfak, hizmet birinci sı- nıftı. Hatta Nahid Sırrı Örik’in önümüze sürdüğü, hiç bir iş bilmez çıtkırıldım Paşazâde Cezmi, burnunu kıvırdığı şu taşra Ankara’sında tek sözü edilebilir yer olarak burayı gösteriyordu: 

 “(Cezmi) Otelden çıktığı zaman saat bire yaklaşmış bulunuyordu, karnı da şiddetle acıkmıştı. Dün akşam yemek yemiş olduğu büyük lokantaya doğru pek tabii bir şekilde ilerledi. Bu lokanta Taşhan denilen ve meydana da ismini veren sarı renkte, iki kat binanın ön tarafında, ilk katında idi ve Cezmi dün gece methini İstanbul’dan duymuş bulunduğu bu yere ‘kimbilir ne kadar zaman için son defa olarak!’ deyip giderek yemek yemiş, gerek yemeği, gerek müziği ve gerek halkı âdeta beğenmiş, İstanbul’dan hatta Almanya’dan tanıdığı birtakım kimselerle karşılaşmış, henüz yeni şahsiyetinin pek mütevazı hüviyetini takınamadığından, ‘Eh, gelinebilir bir yer!’ hükmünü vermişti.”[8] 1930’ların başında bugünkü 100. Yıl Çarşısı’nın bulunduğu yerdeki Şehir Bahçesi, Ankara Belediyesi tarafından elden geçirildi. 1932’de bahçenin Bankalar ve İstasyon caddelerine bakan dış taraflarında yer alan dükkânların yapımı tamamlandı. Bu dükkânlara Akba, Haşet kitapevleri, şekerci Osman Nuri, Hacı Bekir, çiçekçi Sapuncakis, konfeksiyoncu David, Foto Naim (Gören) ve daha pek çok ticarethane yerleştiler. Bahçenin bugünkü İnebolu Sokağı’nın yanına düşen köşesindeki büyükçe yapı da “lokanta” olarak düşünülmüştü. Karpiç’den, kendisine maddi destek de verilerek “Şehir Lokantası”nı işletmesi istendi. 

Karpiç öneriyi kabul etti; 1932’nin Haziran ayında yeni yerine taşındı. Kurduğu düzen burada da aynen sürdü. 1935’de Türk yurttaşlığına alınan Karpiç, ölene kadar işinin başında durdu. Sevimli, işine sadık, alçakgönüllü, espri yüklü, çok sevilen bu insan Ankara’nın “Baba Karpiç”i olarak bilindi. Kentin tarihine bir efsane olarak yerleşti. Baba Karpiç’in otuz yılı aşkın sürede yanından pek çok kişi gelip geçti. Mutfağında, salonunda Ruslar, Ermeniler, Türkler vardı. Mutfak önce Rus ustalara, sonra Mengenli ustalara, salon kısmı da Hemşinlilere emanet edilmişti. Yıllar içerisinde burası bir okul oldu. Ünlü restoranlar buradan doğdular; usta aşçılar buradan yetiştiler. Bunların arasında Baba’yı İstanbul’dan Ankara’ya izleyen birisi vardı. Serj Homyakof; sonraki adı ve soyadıyla Süreyya Homyak. Fitne-Fücur’ün Ankara’ya geldiğinde gitmeden yapamadığı gece kulübünün patronu Süreyya Bey, ki, zaman içerisinde o da kendi efsanesini yaratacaktı.

[7] TaşhanAnkara'nın Altındağ ilçesinde Ulus Meydanı'nda 1895-1902 yılları arasında vali Abidin Paşa'nın mektupçusu İsmail Bey tarafından inşa edilmiş, 1936 yılında yıkıldıktan sonra yerine Sümerbank Genel Müdürlük Binasının yapıldığı bir binadır. Ulus Meydanı'nın adı bir zamanlar Taşhan Meydanı idi.

[8] Nahid Sırrı Örik, Tersine Giden Yol, Oğlak Yayınları, İstanbul 2008, s. 29-30. 

SOURCE  Kebikeç İnsan bilimleri için kaynak araştirmalaridergisi Sayi 31 2011 
ISSN 1300-2864

Recommended | The Pasha and the Gypsy

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Recommended | The Pasha and the Gypsy (Parts 4 and 5)


Mavi Boncuk |

SOURCE


By the year 1935, the newly-surnamed Kemal Atatürk was cruising at the height of his political power. At age 54, his most daring moves were behind him, and the reforms that he had instituted were taking hold. Now, as President, he left the day-to-day running of the government to others, especially his Prime Minister, Ismet Inönü. This freed time for less pressing concerns, like looking after his Model Farm on the outskirts of Ankara, conferring with linguists on new Turkish words, or pursuing such oddball ideas as the Sun Language Theory, which posited that all human languages had derived from Turkish-a theory that, to his credit, he later abandoned. He had also acquired a vacation home in Istanbul, as well as a yacht.

At times, he began to complain of boredom. There was still plenty for him to do, of course. Decisions had to be made, affairs, both foreign and domestic, to be monitored. The fate of the Syrian province of Alexandretta, then under French mandate, was a special concern. In the remote mountains of the East, then as now, there were rebellious Kurds who did not like their forcible conversion into Turks. Just because he left the daily tasks of government to such as Ismet Inönü does not mean that he abdicated responsibility. Still, life for Atatürk must have paled when compared to the battles of preceding decades. His most recent biographer, Andrew Mango, cites Atatürk’s words as reported by his private secretary, Hasan Riza:

I’m bored to tears. I am usually alone during the day. Everybody is at work, but my work hardly occupies an hour. Then I have the choice of sleeping, if I can, reading or writing something or other. If I want to take the air for a break, I must go by car. And then, it’s back to prison, where I play billiards by myself as I wait for dinner. Dinner doesn’t bring variety. No matter where it is, it’s roughly the same people, the same faces, the same talk. I’ve had enough, boy.

But no matter how life may have palled, Kemal Pasha seemed to find ways of bouncing back. His restless mind would discover new interests, new people, new ideas to challenge it. Those around him expected this. They tended to look past the moods and complaints and see the same amazing person with all the astounding energy, even if he wasn’t always there. And in his social life, to be sure, he never slacked off. Rarely did he go to bed before 3:00 A.M.; nor did he rise before noon.

Kemal Atatürk seems not to have known what it was to spend a peaceful night at home alone. The symphony, opera, and ballet-all state-sponsored with his encouragement-offered a bit of diversion. And if there wasn’t some function to attend, then he created one simply by going out. (Sir Percy Loraine: “He didn’t frequent societies; he made them.”) In the Ankara of the 1930s, “going out” meant limited options. There was the cabaret in the Ankara Palas hotel, just opposite the old Parliament building in Ulus, near the Old City. But mostly there was Karpiç’s Restaurant.

If there was a real center to upper-crust Ankara life during those years, this had to be the place. Ivan Karpiç was a Russian immigrant who had opened his restaurant near Ulus Square, just around the corner from the Ankara Palas Hotel and the Parliament. Through the Second World War and into the 1950s, his place remained a fixture of Ankara life. During the war, when Turkey remained neutral, Hitler’s diplomats, as well as the diplomats of other Axis powers, would dine at Karpiç’s, literally within spitting distance of their British, Russian, and American counterparts. In the Hachette Blue Guide to Turkey, published in 1960, the Karpiç Lokantasi (”orchestra in the evening; tel. 12-236″) still shows up plainly on the fold-out map of Ankara, the only restaurant to be so-honored. In Istanbul Intrigues, his study of espionage in wartime Turkey, Barry Rubin describes it thus:

Legend had it that Ivan Karpiç began his restaurant at Atatürk’s request so that the republic’s founder could have somewhere to dine. Atatürk even held cabinet meetings there. The décor was simple; one journalist compared it to a “Kansas railroad station lunchroom.” Yet Karpiç’s colorful clientele made it a magical place?Karpiç’s assistant, Serge, darkly handsome like a film star, actually ran the place. But the bald, round-headed Karpiç, with his thick accent and white coat, provided the atmosphere. He personally scooped caviar in generous dollops from a big dish, supervised the preparation of the food, proudly oversaw his shish-kebab specialty, presented flowers to the ladies, and watched to ensure that everyone was happy with everything.

So when Zsa Zsa tells us that Burhan one day announced, “We’ll take Leman and Yakup to Karpiç’s,” this makes perfect sense. It is simply unthinkable that they would have eaten anywhere else.

In an oblique way, Zsa Zsa’s memory of Karpiç’s confirms the impression of a “Kansas railroad station.” She remembers a huge square room with pillars, a gigantic Turkish flag above the entrance, and Atatürk’s portrait everywhere else. One can almost hear the click of scurrying heels on the terrazzo, the announcement of what train is leaving from which track. Their table sat to one side of the dance floor; next to that the orchestra (Hungarian musicians, says Rubin) was playing. Zsa Zsa was looking at her menu when music and conversation suddenly stopped. The restaurant fell silent, the double doors at the entrance flew open, and amid a flurry of evening gowns and tuxedos, one man came into focus.

About the color of his eyes, there is disagreement. In most accounts, they are a shade of blue. King Edward VIII, without noting the color, said they were the coldest, most penetrating eyes he had ever seen. Sir Percy Loraine remembered them as a “penetrating ice-blue.” In 1990, Zsa Zsa remembered them as green. In her first account, however, she looked up from her menu and saw a “slim man with gray eyes the color of steel.” He wore black tie, and accompanying him were three or four other men, similarly attired, along with women in evening gowns. A squad of uniformed police had preceded him, and these now formed a cordon as the gray eyes entered and stood gazing at the room. By now everyone was standing, and Zsa Zsa quickly followed.

“Atatürk,” Burhan whispered in her ear.

Zsa Zsa stared. Atatürk, remote, immobile, and aloof, withdrew a cigarette and tapped it on a gold case as he surveyed the room. Their eyes met, and the rest, she says, was inevitable. That, at least, is what Zsa Zsa says in her 1990 memoir, the book where she “tells all.” The 1960 book with Gerold Frank delivers less kismet but more detail and is, therefore, a lot more interesting. In that book Atatürk doesn’t make eye contact at all when he enters. But she continues to stare. The room, she says, remained quiet, at attention, as the great man was seated, and until he sat down no one else, women included, would do so. The resemblance to royalty could not have been more complete.

Yakup Kadri stood on Zsa Zsa’s left. He leaned over and asked “teasingly” what she thought of their “Grey Wolf”-another of Atatürk’s nicknames, and the title of a negative biography (1932) by H.C. Armstrong. This bantering about the great man was certainly in character. Yakup Kadri knew the man well. He dined with him often, and, though not an intimate friend, by that point he had certainly moved beyond idolatry.

Zsa Zsa turned again to stare at Atatürk, who was only some thirty feet away. Desperately, Leman whispered to her not to stare, not to call attention to herself. Yakup Kadri grinned and continued to tease. His wife was right, he told Zsa Zsa: Atatürk may try to “adopt” her.

By that time in her Turkish residence, Zsa Zsa certainly knew all the stories about Atatürk: he was the greatest soldier, the greatest lover, the indefatigable playboy, the great reformer, the savior of the nation. She knew about his adopted daughters, his mistresses, and his capacity for strong drink. She didn’t know which stories to believe or disregard. Some, however, her own husband had told her, and Burhan was not the kind of man to pass along lies. Now she could only look on, a comely young woman melting before a dominant older man.

Inevitably, however, as Zsa Zsa glanced at the President’s table their eyes did meet. Zsa Zsa blushed and looked away, but it was too late. Soon an aide arrived, inviting Burhan Belge, Yakup Kadri, and their ladies to join Atatürk at his table. There was, of course, no way of turning down this invitation. As Zsa Zsa describes it, all of them knew what was up. Leman, Burhan’s older sister, looked terrified. Her brother, she must have assumed, was about to be cuckolded by the President of the Republic. Yakup Kadri the novelist could barely contain his laughter. He knew Atatürk, and he knew that his brother-in-law had married a knock-out. One can almost see him twirling his mustache, gleefully contemplating the entry that this incident would make in his writer’s notebook. As for Burhan, Zsa Zsa reports that his face had darkened like a thundercloud.

At the Gazi’s table, Burhan seated himself and his wife as far from Atatürk as possible. Still, she became the immediate focus of conversation. Atatürk asked if she had ever tasted raki.

“No, Pasha Effendi,” she answered.

This got a big laugh from the rest of the table, but Zsa Zsa did not know why. She had in fact confused two titles of address. Mustafa Kemal had certainly been a pasha, a general, but he was never an effendi. This was a label generally reserved for menials. [Ali Pasha, for example, was the famous ruler of Ioannina, in northern Greece. But if a man named Ali owned a restaurant, he would be called Ali Bey. And if another Ali worked at that restaurant sweeping the floors, he would be called Ali Effendi.]

Since Zsa Zsa had never tasted raki, which is very much like ouzo or Pernod, Atatürk (”with a hand that trembled slightly”) poured a glass and sent it to her. Zsa Zsa, after a fit of coughing, managed to get it down. Atatürk next asked if she smoked. Again, to repeated laughter, she told the “Pasha Effendi” that she did not. Promptly the Pasha sent down one of his own, “a thin, flat cigarette rimmed in gold, with `K.A.’ embossed in tiny crimson letters.” Zsa Zsa puffed, tried to inhale, then coughed. Atatürk, she says, seemed to be enjoying himself.

In this, it is the detail that convinces: the hand that trembles slightly; the initials on Kemal Atatürk’s custom-made cigarettes. And there is another telling detail as waiters arrive to serve the food, and the members of the party begin to eat. For according to Zsa Zsa, Atatürk only watched. He ate nothing. But his glass of raki was continually refilled.

At length Atatürk asked one of the other ladies present if she danced the waltz. The lady in question demurred. Atatürk then asked Zsa Zsa. Of course she knew the waltz: she was from Budapest. Kemal Pasha rose, a bit unsteadily, and the entire room rose with him. And so, before the entire company, Fred and Zsa Zsa took a turn.

Fred and Ginger it was not. She was terrified; he was full of raki. The pasha danced heavily, she says, and held her strongly in his grip. They conversed. Atatürk explained to her the absurdity of “Pasha Effendi.” He asked how she liked Turkey. Of course, she adored it. Zsa Zsa, feeling more confident, began to regret the simple black dress she had worn and wished she had worn something with a plunging neckline. She essayed a look at the Gazi’s eyes. Gray or blue-or green, as she described them in 1990? All the above, it seems. “The pupils,” she says, “were so light blue as to be almost colorless; it was like looking at a blind man and yet one whose eyes pierced you through.”

Back at the table, Atatürk, proposing a toast, announced that Hungary and Turkey would henceforth be sister states. Their languages were similar; their people had similar histories. At last he sat down heavily, and those at the table continued with their meal in silence. That was when Atatürk announced that he was leaving, and that he would drive Madame Belge home.

One does not envy Burhan Belge at this moment. One does not envy anyone at the table. Indeed, given the tensions involved, it’s a wonder that any of Karpiç’s food got eaten that night. Burhan, however, showed what he was made of.

“If you please, Excellency,” he said, “I should prefer to do that.”

Ignoring him, Atatürk went on: Burhan could take home whichever of the other ladies he wished.

Burhan repeated: he would take his own wife home.

What? Atatürk asked. You don’t want one of these lovely ladies?

This time Burhan didn’t reply, and this time Atatürk laughed. Burhan had passed the test.

“This is a man,” he said with approval. And with that, after appropriate bows, the President’s party left the restaurant.

Atatürk’s behavior wrought predictable reactions: Burhan and his sister were angry; Yakup Kadri was amused; Zsa Zsa was excited. She was sixteen years old, and she had danced with one of the great men of the age. “I think he approves of you,” Yakup Kadri said. In the space of a few minutes, her life had exploded like a star.

In the following weeks, little changed in Zsa Zsa’s routine. Fatushka the white Arabian remained the center of her existence. Sometimes she would ride her almost to the grounds of the Presidential Palace on Çankaya Hill, and there she would hope that Atatürk would emerge so that she could say hello. On Wednesdays she met with the Prime Minister’s mother, an ancient lady who invited the wives of government officials to take tea with her on that day. There she chatted in broken Turkish with the old woman, a fiercely traditional female who refused to take off her veil just because Atatürk told her to. At other times she had tea with the Loraines, who told her stories of their life in Cairo.

But Zsa Zsa became homesick, and who can blame her? Her best friends-her family-lived a thousand miles away. They could only communicate through letters, and the letters from Budapest, though welcome and full of news, only reminded her of the lush, vibrant world she had abandoned. In Ankara she had no one to confide in. Burhan was more a guardian uncle than a friend. She had spent two years in a Swiss finishing school followed by three months’ work in an operetta; she spoke four languages and was learning a fifth; she had gone to a man she didn’t love and talked him into marrying her. And now? More and more, Zsa Zsa felt like a castaway, self-marooned in an ocean of dust.

One day she rode past the Circassians’ antique shop in old Angora. Numad, she says, was seated by the front door in the sunshine, and he called out a greeting. Her Excellency must come in, he said, for he had something to show her. In his office, after he had sent a boy for coffee, Numad took out a tiny object wrapped in tissue wrapper. He handed a magnifying glass to Zsa Zsa.

Zsa Zsa, daughter of the diamond store, lover of jewels and glitter, was entranced. It was a miniature of a human hand, fashioned in gold. According to Numad, it would bring good luck to whoever possessed it. The Hand of Fatima, he called it-modeled on the hand of the prophet’s youngest daughter, she who married Ali, the fourth Caliph, and was mother to Hussein, founding martyr of the Shi’a sect.

But Zsa Zsa was also skeptical. It could not, she thought, be the Afghan Ambassador again, for his taste in jewelry wasn’t that good. So who was it this time?

Numad dropped the tiny object into her hand. Out of his mouth came the same line as before. It was hers because she was so pretty. Zsa Zsa began to object, but this time Numad seemed more serious. It would bring her good luck, he said. She should not refuse. Somebody wanted her to have it because “beauty with good fortune is a blessing, but beauty without good fortune is a curse.”

And so this time it wasn’t as easy. This time a tiny, beautifully fashioned object had been offered to her, not a gaudy bracelet crusted with gems. (Eventually, Zsa Zsa says, she found out that it came from the Topkapi Museum.) It’s mine? she asked: I can take it with me? Not quite, Numad said. From the same drawer he produced a key. She could have the Hand of Fatima and the luck that went with it, but first she had to use this key, which opened the door of a house in the Old City. He promised her that it was not what she thought; she would not be compromised. But he could tell her nothing else.

Zsa Zsa has guts, as George Sanders noted, but she is no fool. Already in Vienna she had turned down the chance to become the kept woman of Willi Schmidt-Gentner, a man she adored, and instead became the proper wife of Burhan Belge. And still she had managed to keep her virginity. This piece, the Hand of Fatima, absolutely enchanted her. And the key? Human curiosity was beginning to make inroads.

However, “This is ridiculous,” she told Numad at last. He could take back his magic totem.

The Circassian begged Zsa Zsa to think it over. “Excellency,” he said, “you cannot let this pass.” He was quite serious. But she walked out anyway.

Zsa Zsa didn’t sleeep much that night, and for the next week she lived in a fever of speculation and curiosity. Who was doing this? What was going on? Was it all a practical joke? Perhaps the ever-mischievous Yakup Kadri had arranged it. But he was out of the country. And Burhan was the last person to do something like that. Several times she rode past Numad’s shop and stopped in to see the Hand. By the end of week, mad with curiosity, she went back to the shop for a final time:

All right, I thought. I’ll find out. I said to Numad, “Where is the key?” He produced a small key. On a slip of paper he wrote the address in the heart of the old city. “At four o’clock tomorrow afternoon,” he said. “Do not be late.”

In both of her memoirs, despite the fabrications, fantasies, and contradictions, Zsa Zsa tells the same basic story of the Hand of Fatima, the key, and the house in the Old City. Of course, it’s quite possible to believe that she has made it all up, that these are the fantasies of a glamour queen who wants to embellish her legend and sell books. But this time it sounds like the truth. There is George Sanders’ assessment of her character: guileless, spontaneous, willing to take a chance. There are the details that ring true: the look of the Old City; Atatürk’s drinking habits. But above all, there is one indelible image, that of the gorgeous blonde Hungarian, charming and a bit spoiled, bored and adrift, riding alone on a white horse through a dusty Anatolian town. Say what you will about romantic fantasies, the cold fact is that in the sparse, brown Ankara of the 1930s, Zsa Zsa would have been impossible to ignore. And in that city there was one man who ignored nothing.

Anyone who has traversed the upper streets of Old Ankara remembers the way they dip and twist as they negotiate the contours of the hill; the way the cobblestones, polished and broken by the centuries, seem to shift beneath the feet. This time Zsa Zsa, sans Fatushka, had to walk the gauntlet alone.

Zsa Zsa tells of her impressions from that day: the fresh carcass of a sheep hanging in a butcher shop; the dim cave-like shops; the street cries; the merchants lounging in front, calling out for the favor of her patronage. For any woman, let alone a sixteen-year-old girl, such a walk cannot have been easy. As a society, Turkey is relentlessly male, and nowhere is this more obvious than in the streets of its older neighborhoods, where merchants, houses, and life lie together in jumbled knots.

Eventually she found a street so narrrow it was virtually an alley, and a slender wooden door cut into a high wall. Numad’s key meshed with the lock, and the door swung open.

From the narrow, shaded street, Zsa Zsa stepped over a high sill onto cobblestones drenched in sunlight. A large olive tree rose from the center of a courtyard; blue-white Angora cats lounged in the sun. Zsa Zsa made her way past them to a covered staircase. At the top of the wooden steps a door was ajar, and inside a man, his back turned, was sitting in an armchair.


“I knew you would come,” said a deep voice.


Of course, it was Atatürk. This we knew; and, without daring to form the thought, this Zsa Zsa had also guessed, hoped, dreamed. The little girl, longing to be swept off her feet, had found the ultimate Older Man.


But what happened next? Did Zsa Zsa find Tea and Sympathy, as she tells us in her 1960 memoir? Or did she, as she reveals in 1990, discover a Tidal Bore of Passion, an end to her virginity at the hands of a lover and demi-god? Place your bets here. This writer’s money goes on Passion. The 1990 Zsa Zsa says:




Just as I was about to speak, Atatürk clapped his hands and, as he had orchestrated it, the dancing girls appeared, their multicolored veils floating suggestively in the coolness of the room. As they danced their slow, sensuous dance, wordlessly Atatürk motioned that I sit on the red velvet and copper-colored cushions next to him. Mesmerized, I complied. He offered me his pipe-and, unquestioningly, I took it. Then he passed me a gold-and-emerald-encrusted cup filled with raki?I sipped from the cup.


The delicious hilarity of this scene, complete with dancing girls (!) who made no appearance whatever in the 1960 account, does little for Zsa Zsa’s reputation as an truth-teller, but it also does nothing to demolish two undeniable facts: 1) Zsa Zsa was ripe and beautiful; and 2) when it came to women, Kemal Atatürk did not waste time.


“It was inevitable,” says Zsa Zsa.


In this I have to agree with her. Something happened, surely. Zsa Zsa’s first account, though quite credible in its account of their conversation, beggars belief when it suggests that she left after an hour of chit-chat and then continued meeting Atatürk for tea and conversation over the next six months. But what else could she have written in 1960? Zsa Zsa’s public image was wicked enough by then. The moral temper of the times probably convinced her to keep some things to herself. And there is another consideration: Burhan Belge, who was still alive at the time of publication (he died in 1967). Throughout the account of her first marriage, Zsa Zsa makes clear her respect for Burhan despite their utterly incompatible personalities. “Poor Burhan,” she says when recounting her childish behavior. She knew the trials she had already put him through-their sexless marriage, her less-than-mature demeanor at social functions, her tendency to say whatever popped into her mind-and it is to her credit that she did not further humiliate him by “telling all” while he was alive.


Zsa Zsa left Atatürk after an hour. She had to get home before 5:30, when Burhan returned from the office. Night was fast approaching, she says, and she hurried home in the “half dusk.” This memory seems genuine, and it is consistent with a scenario that begins their acquaintance late in 1935. Since Ankara lies at 40 degrees north latitude, parallel with Philadelphia, this makes it likely that their meeting took place well after the autumnal equinox-between November, perhaps, and February.


Burhan was already home when she arrived. When he asked where she had been, she told him (1960) she had been with Kemal Atatürk. But Burhan, she says, did not believe her. Zsa Zsa says (1990):


After that, we met regularly every Wednesday afternoon, once I had finished at the Riding Academy. We spent hours together in Atatürk’s secret hideaway, locked in each other’s arms, while he dazzled me with his sexual prowess and seduced me with his perversion. Atatürk was very wicked. He knew exactly how to please a young girl. On looking back, I think he probably knew how to please every woman, because he was a professional lover, a god, and a king.


He “seduced me with his perversion.” Well. Goodness gracious, as Donald Rumsfeld might say. The mind boggles-and after having boggled for a while, it turns and retreats in disarray. But while Zsa Zsa was being blown away by the wickedness, perversion, and sexual technique of a professional lover, god, and king, Atatürk, she says, was alert and inquisitive.


He would question me ceaselessly?about the true allegiance of the ambitious men who visited Burhan, their leader, to talk politics with him. As Atatürk must have known, these men talked quite freely in front of me, revealing their plans and their feelings about the man they called “The Savior of Turkey.” And many of them hated him.


Zsa Zsa says that because of this, she held the fate of many important men in the palm of her hand. Well, maybe. Still, the account of Atatürk’s inquiries rings true. It is consistent with the man’s character and restlessness of mind that he would use the liaison for as many purposes as possible. Zsa Zsa concludes:


My romance with Atatürk lasted for six months and during that time he used me and I?used him. I gave him information-harmless though it was. And he gave me lessons in love, in passion, and in intrigue. He also ruined for me every other man I would ever love, or try to love. In Turkey, Atatürk was a god. He was a god and he had loved me. For the rest of my life I would search for another god to eclipse him.


“Atatürk,” says Zsa Zsa (1990), “died in Istanbul on November 10, 1938, at the age of fifty-two.” Except for the age, this is a correct statement. Atatürk’s dates, available to any author or ghost-writer willing to crack a book, are 1881-1938. Unless the basic laws of arithmetic have been rescinded, he was fifty-seven when he died.


Zsa Zsa notes that Kemal Atatürk died of cirrhosis of the liver. She states this as though it happened suddenly, to the shock of all. Of course, there was shock aplenty when the Gazi died, especially among the Turkish public, from whom the seriousness of his illness had been kept secret. But like anyone afflicted with the disease, he had been sick for a very long time.


Cirrhosis is a horrible disease, a grotesque and painful way to die. It is also protracted. No one dies of it overnight, as they might from a heart attack or a stroke. Nor is it nearly as swift as epidemic illnesses like cholera or yellow fever.


Cirrhosis was first diagnosed by a Frenchman, René Theophile Hyacinthe Laënnec (1781-1826), a doctor at the Necker Hospital in Paris. Laënnec is most famous for his invention of the stethoscope. He named cirrhosis for the Greek word kirrhos, meaning yellowish or tawny, after seeing so many livers of this color while doing autopsies. Most people associate this disease with middle-aged male alcoholics, and rightly so, yet the connection is obscure. (A lack of protein in the diet also seems to be a factor.) Though the world teems with drunks, only a small percentage of them come down with cirrhosis. Some people who get it are not alcoholics at all, but only moderate drinkers. Not all ethnic groups contract it. (Jews, for example, scarcely ever get cirrhosis.) And let us remember that Atatürk was hardly the first statesman to consume alcohol in quantity. Winston Churchill, that icon of Anglo-Saxon leadership, was said to have gone through a bottle of Scotch a day during the Battle of Britain, and he ended up smoking and swilling his way past the age of 90. The liver, this Wonder Machine of the human innards, does not give in easily. It is a resilient organ, built to repair itself even after repeated assaults. Yet no matter how resilient the organ, no matter how many imbibers abuse it and survive, in some people the damage from alcohol goes too far, the cellular structure of the organ collapses, and things begin to go terribly wrong. In his Mortal Lessons (1976) the great writer-physician Richard Selzer describes it thus:


The obstructed bile, no longer able to flow down to the gut, backs up into the bloodstream to light up the skin and eyes with the sickly lamp of jaundice. The stool turns toothpaste white in commiseration, the urine dark as wine. The belly swells with gallons of fluid that weep from the surface of the liver, no less than the tears of a loyal servant so capriciously victimized. The carnage spreads. The entire body is discommoded. The blood fails to clot, the palms of the hands turn mysteriously red, and spidery blood vessels leap and crawl on the skin of the face and neck. Male breasts enlarge, and even the proud testicles turn soft and atrophy. In a short while impotence develops, an irreversible form of impotence which may well prod the invalid into more and more drinking.


“Scared?” asks Selzer. “Better have a drink. You look a little pale.” And no wonder. This catalog of horrors is what Kemal Atatürk suffered through, and it must be taken into account if Zsa Zsa’s claims of an affair are to be taken seriously. Certainly in the last twelve months of his life, and probably long before then, it’s hard to see how Atatürk could have carried on an affair with anyone. And yet, we’re not talking here about Joe Average. Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, no stranger to illness, had never given in to it before.


Sir Percy Loraine has spoken of Atatürk’s extraordinary power of concentration. In the company of others-and he virtually always sought companionship-his mind never seems to have relaxed or relinquished control. He allowed no one to see him drunk, and no one saw him afraid. Illnesses, which attacked him frequently, were given the same treatment. Among these perhaps the most debilitating was malaria, which he contracted in Egypt in 1911 while enroute to war against the Italians in Libya. Malaria is not easy to shake. The parasite lingers for years, causing recurring bouts of fever, chills, and weakness. Mustafa Kemal’s malaria returned often in the course of his life, most notably during the summer of 1915 at the height of the Gallipoli campaign, and again during the Greco-Turkish War. From 19 May 1919, when he first arrived in the Anatolian heartland to rally the Turks against the Greek invaders, until his death in 1938, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk kept a personal physician constantly in his service. Besides malaria, his heart was bad; his kidneys were a recurring source of inflammation; angina was a problem. None of these held him back. Sir Percy Loraine remembered “an erect, manly figure,” always impeccably dressed, always polite and considerate, always perfectly turned out. Through it all, he kept on drinking. And he smoked three packs of cigarettes a day.


Consider the last two years of Atatürk’s life. Through the early 1930s he remained a robust figure, fond of swimming and outdoor life. In September 1936 he welcomed King Edward VIII (introduced by Sir Percy Loraine) to Turkey. In November he became ill. This was perhaps the doctors’ best chance to find cirrhosis, to order him off drink and save his life. Yet they looked past the symptoms and instead found `pulmonary congestion.’ Though they missed cirrhosis, the doctors did tell him to rest and avoid alcohol. (Nothing, evidently, was said about cigarettes.)


Soon a rash enveloped Atatürk’s body. Day and night, he felt as if ants were crawling over his flesh. But still the doctors said nothing about cirrhosis. Kemal Pasha became convinced that the presidential palace in Çankaya was infested with ants, and so, as he retreated to Istanbul and then the spa at Yalova, on the Sea of Marmara, the entire house was fumigated from top to bottom. For his rash, this of course did nothing.


As 1936 passed into the new year, the demands of office consumed him. The contest for French-mandated Alexandretta was coming to a head, and Atatürk was determined that the province should be Turkish. In the midst of this crisis, in January 1937, he lost Nuri Conker, his best and oldest friend, a fellow officer who had been at his side since their days in military school. The death devastated him.


Soon doctors’ orders were forgotten, and Atatürk was drinking again. Despite regular visits to the spas, his rash persisted. By the end of June 1937 the Sanjak of Alexandretta was ceded by France to Turkey. The last great task that had consumed Atatürk was over. The effort and distraction had probably extended his life.


By 1937 Atatürk’s physical deterioration could no longer be denied. His paunch had thickened considerably, and anything of the “slim” figure which Zsa Zsa saw at Karpiç’s was gone. His companions noted an increased touchiness, a reluctance to be left alone. Headaches and fever plagued him. Nosebleeds erupted and would not clot. Jaundice appeared. And yet, no one dared tell the great man that he was ill. The power of his personality had become a curse.


Still he went on. One of Sir Percy Loraine’s most famous memories described Atatürk’s performance at a Republic Day party on 29 October 1937. Loraine mentions nothing of jaundice, illness, or fatigue. All he saw was the quintessential Atatürk: alert, inquisitive, searching. And drinking. For an entire night, at Atatürk’s express invitation, Loraine sat at the President’s side as he welcomed visitors to his conversational circle, proposed philosophical and political questions for their exposition, debated and challenged them, and sent them on their way. Some four thousand guests were present, and the party went on until 7:00 the next morning. To his superiors in London, Loraine cabled:


The requirements of His Majesty’s service have once again rendered it necessary for me to sit up the whole night with the President of the Turkish Republic?Throughout the night a wide choice of alcoholic beverages was on offer to the guests, but nothing to eat except a variety of pistachio and other small nuts.


This was drink concealing a death-fast; self-discipline as a form of suicide. It was Kemal Atatürk burning with a hard, gem-like flame. After the Republic Day party, Atatürk traveled to the east of Turkey, where a Kurdish rebellion in the province of Dersim (now Tunceli) had been brutally suppressed. Back in Ankara, notes Andrew Mango, there were two more all-night sessions at Karpiç’s restaurant. The candle’s wick, however, was burning down. By the end of 1937, Atatürk had weakened so much that he could not make the short walk from his private rooms to a meeting of the Turkish Historical Society at the Dolmabahçe Palace in Istanbul. At last, in January 1938, the doctors were summoned to the spa at Yalova, and a correct diagnosis was made. His liver, they told him, was enlarged and dysfunctional. The peril could no longer be ignored.


At dinner after the diagnosis, Atatürk and his companions sat stunned. At last, it would seem, the truth had to be faced, and the Pasha’s habits would change. But within days Atatürk made the short journey to the city of Bursa, where, after officially opening a wool-processing mill, he went to a ball, danced the zeybek, a strenuous regional folk-dance, and stayed up drinking until four in the morning. From Bursa he proceeded to Istanbul, where at the Park Hotel he spent another night drinking. Two days later, he was diagnosed with pneumonia; but two weeks after that he felt well enough to greet Metaxas, the Greek dictator, as well as the prime minister of Yugoslavia, both in Ankara for meetings of state.


“I had amused him in the last months of his life,” Zsa Zsa declares (1960), looking back on their association. No, almost certainly she did not. It seems quite likely that the two did indeed have an affair, if only because Kemal Ataturk would not have let a morsel as juicy as Zsa Zsa pass him by. But whatever happened must have taken place years before his death, probably in the years 1935-36.


For whatever reason-forgetfulness, carelessness, an effort to conceal her age, Zsa Zsa has blurred the record to make it seem as if she arrived in Ankara early in 1937. Except for the premiere date of The Singing Dream, which she manages to exclude, the chronology is reasonably straightforward up to the time of her engagement. Then on the “honeymoon” train to Turkey, four months after her 1934 debut in Richard Tauber’s operetta, suddenly we see Burhan reading a stack of newspapers, one of which reads, “Barcelona Bombed!”-an event which first took place in December 1936, two years later. Once in Ankara, she plunges into the diplomatic scene and describes her encounters with, among others, Franz von Papen, Hitler’s ambassador to Turkey. Papen, however, did not present his credentials in Ankara until May 1939. And the Munich Crisis of 1938 seems to happen almost at once.


Of course, anything is possible-a man who can receive a death sentence one day and dance the zeybek the next is not someone we can underestimate. Still, life after November 1936 was no picnic for Kemal Atatürk. And as 1938 ground forward, despite the advice of a French specialist in the disease, cirrhosis was making his existence a horror. The bursts of energy flagged as his belly swelled. Yellow jaundice suffused his flesh; the rash persisted; his muscles wasted away. The life of Kemal Pasha became a constant round of doctors and examinations, punctuated with last, valiant attempts to perform his official duties. When doctors tapped his belly to relieve the pressure, gallons of fluid gushed forth. In the hot summer on the Bosporus his yacht, Savarona, became a floating hospital, where cakes of ice were procured to cool his fevered body. On September 5 his will was completed and notarized. By autumn he was bed-ridden, longing to return to Ankara, the city he had created. The doctors, fearing the effects of a rail journey, would not allow it. And so he stayed in Istanbul, in his room at the Dolmabahçe Palace by the Bosphorus shore. On 15 October he fell into a coma, from which he awoke seven days later. “What time is it?” he asked on November 8, before slipping into a coma for the final time.


Zsa Zsa writes (1960):


On Thursday afternoon in late autumn, 1938, I emerged from the Ankara Riding Club and stopped short. Everything about me on the street seemed subtly changed. Then I realized: I was surrounded by silence. People stood in front of their shops, in little clusters on the sidewalk, whispering; some were weeping. As I walked on, like a rustle the words came to me, “El Ghazi-el Ghazi, he is dead.”


Kemal Atatürk had died at 9:05 that morning, November 10. In Istanbul, the official announcement came at noon.

1948 | Sir Percy Loraine on Atatürk

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Mavi Boncuk |

Speaking on the BBC in 1948, ten years after Atatürk’s death, Sir Percy Loraine[1], British Ambassador to Turkey from 1934-1939, delivered the following assessment:

"He was not a convenient man-anything but. He was harsh-his life had been cast in harsh places-but he was just. He knew his own mind very clearly; but he would always listen. He did not frequent societies; he made them. He demanded loyalty, and he earned it. Power never went to his head. He was incapable of meanness. The welfare of the Turkish people was his first concern. He saw it in terms of peace, security, progress and fraternity; never in terms of war and conquest. Hard as he seemed, and unsentimental as he was, I think he nevertheless felt a deep need to be surrounded by affection." FULL TEXT[2]



[1] Sir Percy Lyham Loraine, 12th Baronet GCMG PC (5 November 1880 – 23 May 1961) was a British diplomat. He was British High Commissioner to Egypt from 1929 to 1933, British Ambassador to Turkey from 1933 to 1939 and British Ambassador to Italy from 1939 to 1940. In later life he was involved in breeding thoroughbreds for horse racing and won the 2000 Guineas Stakes in 1954 with Darius. He was the last of the Loraine baronets, having no sons to succeed him.

He first served in the Middle East, at the British missions in Istanbul and Tehran, where he was Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary 1921-26, before being posted in Rome, Beijing, Paris and Madrid. He took part in the 1919 Paris Peace Conference which was held following the end of World War I, before being sent as minister in Tehran and then Athens.

In 1929, he was appointed as High Commissioner for Egypt and the Sudan. However, his policy of allowing King Fuad I to control the government led to his removal in 1933.

He became close to Turkish President Mustafa Kemal Atatürk while serving in Ankara, which improved the relations between the two countries. While ambassador, Loraine visited Atatürk on his deathbed and later gave a BBC broadcast paying tribute to Atatürk on the 10th anniversary of his death.

He was the last British ambassador to Italy before the start of World War II. Loraine was reputedly nicknamed 'pompous Percy' by his staff. Winston Churchill did not seek his advice on Middle Eastern matters during the war, and he retired from public life.

His brother Eustace died unmarried in an aircraft accident 1912 so when his father died in 1917 he succeeded as the 12th baronet. In 1924 Sir Percy married Louise Violet Beatrice, daughter of Major-General Edward Montagu-Stuart-Wortley, brother of the 2nd Earl of Wharncliffe. Sir Percy lived at Styford Hall, Stocksfield-on-Tyne, and at Wilton Crescent, Belgravia. His friends included Gertrude Bell, fellow diplomat Sir Lancelot Oliphant, and Sir Arnold Wilson.

[2] This address was given as a tribute to Ataturk by Sir Percy and broadcast on the BBC on November 10, 1948, the tenth anniversary of Ataturk's death

Ten years have gone by since the death of Kemal Ataturk, ten years filled with strife and controversy, with dreams of better things for mankind, with fears lest even worse things befall; years which have changed the life of well-nigh every man, woman and child who has survived them. The passage of these years has not dimmed the memory I have of Ataturk.
What did he look like? Well... An erect, manly figure, of unmistakable dignity, impeccably dressed; clear-cut features, penetrating ice-blue eyes, bristling eyebrows, some harsh lines on his face, usually a grave and rather a stern countenance; intense vitality showed in every glance, in every gesture and even in immobility. His mind and his body seemed like springs coiled ready for action. It was characteristic of the man that never, after he became President did he again don his military uniform -- glorious as it was. Not even to take the salute at a parade and march past of troops -- then always plain and faultless evening dress, with a silk hat; one decoration only -- the gold medal of the war of liberation.

I think he was a very remarkable man; I am certain he was a very unusual man. He appeared quite simply not to know what it felt like to be afraid of danger, or to be hesitant in the presence of difficulties. Some instinctive process -- I cannot find a name for it, for I have not met it in any other man -- enabled him to separate, at once and with no apparent effort, the essential from the unessential in any problem or situation that came to his notice. His own responsibilities were heavy; he accepted them wholly; he never shirked them: he never feared them: he never shuffled them on to anyone else: and to earn his respect you yourself had to have a high sense of responsibility.

He loved argument and discussion. It was one of his ways of examining other men; not only their minds, also their character. His judgement was rarely at fault, and rarely lenient. His integrity was absolute, his vision clear, his influence galvanizing. He must have been gifted by nature with immense willpower: I think however he had harnessed it by a perfectly conscious exercise of self-discipline. He knew very well that life is a long, stern and continuous examination. He never stopped schooling himself to answer the question.

His favorite method of conversation was to set examinations, psychological as well as intellectual, not only to his immediate circle, including the members of his Cabinet, but also to others with whom he wished to converse. They were searching examinations. One could feel him scrutinizing the reactions of his interlocutor just as closely as the answers given. Sometimes it was a drumfire of questions; at others a long statement of his own views: then an interrogative pause, marked by a piercing look from those ice-blue eyes from beneath contracted eyebrows. One came to be able to translate that look. It meant: don't shilly-shally: we speak as man to man. You are right: you are on the mat a bit; but I detest yes-men and I want to hear what you think. Maybe you've got something. Let's get on it.
Now -- what did this man do? What did he achieve? That is, outside and after his brilliant military career.

He fashioned and founded a new body politic out of the ashes, and the mentality of despotism.
When all seemed last in a disastrous war -- a humiliating experience for a people with a proud heritage of military tradition -- his faith in the Turkish folk never faltered: he restored their faith in themselves; he liberated their minds, he released their energies; he buried an outworn past; he threw open the doors of a future; and he kept faith with his people.

Ataturk has been classed a dictator. In my opinion, this view of him is mistaken and misleading. Admittedly we have no authoritative definition of the "dictator" in modern times, though no one, I fancy would demur to its application to Hitler and Mussolini. Then why, you may ask, does Ataturk not belong to the same category?

There are a number of reasons. The main one was that he was consciously building for his own absence, trying to create a system of government and administration that would survive him; trying to teach his doctrines and to explain his ideals rather than to enforce conformity with his views. In the scheme of things he had worked out during the war of liberation with his principal collaborators in the Kemalist movement, the sovereignty of the nation was vested in the Grand National Assembly whose members were elected by the people with which rested the four-yearly election of the President of the Republic and in which the Sovereignty of the State was vested.

Revolutions can never be kid-glove affairs and, in the early days, before the new Constitution and its organs could get into their stride, Ataturk had no doubt on a number of occasions to take decisive action on his own initiative. He was nevertheless at pains to act through legal forms. His deference towards GNA was marked. His main care, so far as internal affairs were concerned, was to create a living political organism that would not only function then, but have in it the necessary flexibility to adapt and develop itself as circumstances might demand. So far from giving orders, as is popularly supposed to all and sundry, he was constantly holding Ministers to the discharge of their responsibilities. Had he lived, I think he would quite likely have stood down from the next Presidential election and retired into private life, just to see whether the machine could run itself competently without him. Whether his advisers and friends would have allowed him to do so, it is not possible to guess. His whole attitude was that he, as President was the Head of the State, and that the Government, whose responsibility to the Sovereign Grand National Assembly needed the consecration of a continuous practice of the Constitution, was charged with the administration of the country.

Ataturk realized that in the early days of the Republic the people and the time were not ripe for what we know as popular Government. The public was steeped in the traditions of the Sultanate and the Empire, and the ear of the Committee of Union and Progress had not changed very much in that respect therefore the public as well as Ministers had to be educated to the new responsibilities which the new Constitution imposed on them. Meanwhile, things had to be kept steady, and the needs of Turkey as a modern, progressive State had to be studied, and, so far as was possible, with the resources available, provided for. Above all, a visible system of national economy must be created; and as early as 1923 Ataturk boldly told the nation that unless that could be done in ten years, all the struggles and sacrifices of the war of liberation would prove to have been in vain.

His foresight was so shrewd and accurate, almost uncannily so, his sense of march of events of popular feeling, of the needs of Turkey's external relations was so often proved right, that his collaborators habitually consulted him about their course of action in circumstances that to them were difficult and obscure. His help was always available to them, but by way of counsel, not of order.

And what was there in the foreign policy of Ataturk that smelt of the dictator? Nothing. It was a policy of peace, friendship, reconciliation and guarantee against war, so long as neighbors were willing to respect the integrity and independence of the New Republic and its territories.
The hatchets with Russia were buried; the quarrel with Greece was ended and replaced by close relations; the Balkan feuds were extinguished by the Balkan Entente Treaty; Bulgaria alone abstaining from participation. The non-aggressive Pact of Saadabad with Iran, Iraq and Afghanistan was a guarantee of peace on the Eastern border. Relations with France, good and friendly. With Fascist Italy correct, but not so good. With Britain, not only complete reconciliation, also the growth of the closest and most cordial relations, that so happily subsist today.

Lastly, as regards her own frontiers, the policy of Kemalist Republic was, in name and fact, non-revisionist.

Has this anything in common with a "Dictator" policy? Surely the answer must be emphatic "No."

The conclusion is that the work of Kemal Ataturk has stood the test of time -- a test which since 1939 could hardly have been stood -- and still stands it. Not only is Turkey stable in herself; she is also a stable factor in a distressed and uncertain world. she knows her mind; she knows her friends; she steadfastly pursues her course; she keeps her engagements.
Turkey is fortunate to have had Ataturk; she is fortunate to have Ismet Inonu; she is fortunate to be inhabited by a great people; industrious, self-disciplined, endowed with plenty of good sense, who seek freedom for themselves and deny it to no other man.
The plan I made for this talk was to give listeners a picture of the man, and an outline of his work as the Founder of the Republic. It may seem to err on the impersonal side. If it does, I have to a valid reason for handling my subject in that way. It is that an Ambassador's relations with the Head of the State to whom he is accredited are necessarily of a formal character. Especially so in the case of Ataturk, because he never gave an audience to diplomatic envoys except on purely formal occasions, he never received them privately, nor did he entertain them in his residence. It was one rule for all, and he was wise enough to make no exceptions; he knew very well what jealousies and heart-burnings any such exceptions were likely to cause.
Furthermore, he let it be clearly understood that diplomatic representations could not be addressed to him, but should be addressed to the Minister of Foreign Affairs. The grounds for his unequivocal attitude are not far to seek, and are perfectly correct. His duties as President, towards the outside world were not executive, they were representative. The Government were the Executive, and it was their business to acquaint him with negotiations and conversations with diplomatic envoys.

Nevertheless, on a formal occasion, such as the presentation of Letters of Credence, or the announcement by me of the Accession of the King, after the formal part of the audience was over, during which both he and I remained standing, he would ask me to sit down and have a talk, at which the Minister of Foreign Affairs, already there on duty, would remain present. Such occasions were obviously rare; even so, I found them most interesting and always helpful. They had to be rather ceremonious, but they did supply an occasional personal contact, and an opportunity for each of us to size the other up. I have no doubt that my foreign colleagues had similar opportunities. Usually he spoke in Turkish, my acquaintance with which is very elementary and the Minister translated; every now and then he used French, a language in which he was not very fluent, but nevertheless able to make his meaning clear.

His one reception of the year was in the evening of the national fete day on October 29th, in a public building. In the morning he had already received, in the Grand National Assembly and Mission by Mission, the diplomatic representatives, accompanied by the members of their staff, all in full uniform. There was a huge reception, with lavish refreshments to which were bidden Ministers of State, deputies, high Turkish officials and officers, prominent Turkish citizens and the diplomatic body. The latter were conducted to a separate room and the President, after greeting each individual with grave dignity that became him so well, would sit down in the middle of an arc of armchairs, and then instruct his aide-de-camp to invite now these, now those, members of the company to join his circle.

It was his evening; it habitually ran on till the small hours of the morning and he thoroughly enjoyed it. Even so, the examination system to which I alluded earlier was never relaxed.
The last one was on Oct. 29, 1937, and that evening I must have sat next to him for nearly five hours; it was a first-class opportunity for observing Ataturk's fantastic power of concentration. He had something to say to, or to learn from each newcomer to the circle; the talk never became light or chatty; everything he said was leading somewhere, and one could sense the unflickering purpose and the tireless spirit of enquiry that lay behind it. An inquest, if you will; but not an inquisition. Upon my soul I do not know what kind of biographer Kemal Ataturk, ought to have had: a Samuel Pepys or a Baswell? or both, or neither?

I think, however, you will now understand why I cannot say what he liked for breakfast, who his tailor was, or what toothpaste he preferred. I wouldn't know, and it really doesn't matter.
I am concerned with the man himself, and will say one last word about him. He was not a convenient man -- anything but. He was harsh -- his life had been cast in harsh places -- but he was just. He knew his own mind very clearly; but he would always listen. He did not frequent societies; he made them. He demanded loyalty, and he earned it. Power never went to his head. He was incapable of meanness. The welfare of the Turkish people was his first concern. He saw it in terms of peace, security, progress and fraternity; never in terms of war and conquest. Hard as he seemed, and unsentimental as he was, I think he nevertheless felt a deep need to be surrounded by affection. Cool health do not always mean cold hearts.

Was Once Together

Article 1

Turkey Ranks 57th as an Expat Location in 2016

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Mavi Boncuk | 

For the country ranking, survey participants were asked to rate 43 different aspects of life abroad on a scale of one to seven. The rating process emphasized the respondents’ personal satisfaction with these aspects and considered both emotional topics such as the friendliness of the local population as well as more factual aspects (e.g. affordability of healthcare) with equal weight.
The respondents’ ratings of the individual factors were then bundled in various combinations for a total of 16 subcategories, and their mean values used to draw up five topical indices. These five indices, as well as the responses to the question: “how satisfied are you with life abroad in general?”, were then averaged in order to rank the 67 countries above.

Turkey Ranks 6th for Diplomatic Missions

Eu Watch | Peace Piece by Piece

Article | Istanbul Attack: Turkey Must End Blame Game And Look For Solutions

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8 cameras for 1 mourner.

Mavi Boncuk |


Istanbul Attack: Turkey Must End Blame Game And Look For Solutions
By Soner Cagaptay

SOURCE

CNN January 1, 2017

Soner Cagaptay is the Beyer Family Fellow and director of the Turkish Research Program at The Washington Institute.

The perpetrators of the ongoing string of major terrorist attacks are obvious, but Turkey's bitterly divided pro- and anti-Erdogan camps refuse to focus on the foreign and domestic policy factors underlying the violence.

Turkey is so deeply polarized around the powerful persona of its president Recep Tayyip Erdogan that instead of asking why terror attacks are happening and how they can be stopped, the country's pro- and anti-Erdogan blocks are blaming each other. This leaves me deeply worried about Turkey and its ability to stymie further terror attacks through the vigor of its institutions and unity of its citizens.

Including last night's attack on a nightclub in central Istanbul, which killed at least 39 people, by my count Turkey has suffered 33 major terror attacks since summer 2015. These attacks, which have killed more than 730 people, are connected to two terror groups: ISIS and the Kurdistan Workers Party, or PKK.

The PKK has a penchant for going after security targets in its attacks. Most recently, on December 11, the group carried out a devastating suicide car bomb attack on a bus carrying police officers in which at least 38 people (both civilians and security officials) were killed, and another 150 wounded.

No one has claimed responsibility for the New Year's Eve attack in Istanbul, but it would not be surprising if ISIS or jihadist individuals radicalized by ISIS were behind this attack. For weeks now, Islamists in Turkey had argued that New Year's Eve celebrations are un-Islamic.

Shocking as it is in a country with a deep-rooted Christian legacy -- St. Nicholas himself was born in Turkey in the early Christian era -- Islamists have even carried out mock-style executions of Santa Claus in public to protest against New Year's Eve celebrations, which they confuse with Christmas, and to which they object in their distorted ideology.

Fighting Each Other, Not Terrorists

But if the perpetrators of Turkey's terror are so obvious, why does Turkey seem unable to prevent the tide of terror that it is facing? This is because the Turks are too busy fighting each other, rather than focusing on fighting terror together.

Since coming to power first as prime minister in 2003 and then as president in 2014, Erdogan has won elections on a platform of right-wing populism. He has demonized, targeted, and brutally cracked down on electorates that are not likely to vote for him. These groups, including leftists, liberals, social democrats, Alevis (who are liberal Muslims), secularists and Kurds, together constitute nearly half of the country's population.

Erdogan's strategy has left Turkey deeply polarized. And coupled with Turkey's economic growth under Erdogan, it has built him a loyal, right wing constituency, including Turkish nationalists, conservatives and Islamists, constituting the other half of the country.

The pro-Erdogan block adores the Turkish leader and thinks that he can do no wrong. At the same time, the anti-Erdogan block loathes him and believes that he can do no right. This is also the prism through which Turks, unfortunately, view the terror attacks and the rising violence.

How To Prevent Tide Of Violence?

Following each attack, instead of discussing the security failures that may have led to the attack and what can and should be done to prevent future attacks, the Turks start blaming each other. Nor is there ever any discussion on the foreign policy picture behind the attacks, namely that Ankara's simultaneous wars against ISIS and the PKK ally Party for Democratic Unity (PYD) in Syria appear to be spilling over into the country, with ISIS and the PKK carrying out retaliatory-style attacks because Turkey is making gains against them in Syria.

Instead, Turkey's polarized landscape shapes the debate in the country in the aftermath of each attack. If ISIS carries out an attack, anti-Erdogan Turks blame him for not protecting them. And if the PKK carries out an attack, then pro-Erdogan Turks blame the opposition, and so goes the vicious cycle until the next horrible attack.

Turkey has strong national security institutions, which have helped it weather previous terror waves, including a full-blown PKK insurgency in the 1990s. The same institutions have also helped the country avert past crises, such as civil war-like fighting on the streets between hard-right and hard-left groups in the 1970s. But, if the Turks do not engage in an honest conversation on how to prevent the tide of violence facing them this time, I fear even these strong institutions may not be enough to halt the wave of terror and save the country from destruction.

Berlinale 2017 | Gizem Bayiksel for TEDDY Jury

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Mavi Boncuk |

This Year Gizem Bayiksel (Turkey), Sachiko Imai (Japan), Hassan Kamoga (Uganda), Saadat Munir (Denmark), Marjo Pipinen (Finland) Carl Spence (USA) und Martin Wolkner (Germany) will be part of the TEDDY-Jury.[1]

Gizem Bayiksel

Bayiksel Gizem - Jury member 31. TEDDY AWARD 

Gizem Bayiksel was born in Ankara in 1989. She has been working as a photographer and cinematographer in the film industry for over 5 years. Since 2012 she has also been working for numerous events and film festivals as a coordinator, programmer and film curator. Currently she is the festival coordinator and programmer of Pink Life QueerFest, the first and only queer film festival in Turkey. Pink Life QueerFest[2] was launched in Ankara in 2011 and the festival is a space for LGBTQI individuals and artists to raise awareness for LGBTQI issues. Bayiksel’s personal interest in film and photography focuses on the female gaze and queer theory. She is currently working on her first feature film project, a sequel for her short “Child’s Play”, relating the story of a lesbian couple against a Turkish political backdrop.

[1] The Teddy Award is an international film award for films with LGBT topics, presented by an independent jury as an official award of the Berlin International Film Festival (the Berlinale). Here, an "independent jury" implies that its members are not officially selected by the committee of the Berlinale. In the most part, the jury consists of organisers of gay and lesbian film festivals, who view films screened in all sections of the Berlinale. Subsequently, a list of films meeting criteria for LGBT content is selected by the jury, and a 3,000-Euro Teddy is awarded to a feature film, a short film and a documentary. The award was first given in 1987.

At the 66th Berlin International Film Festival in 2016, a dedicated "Teddy30" lineup of classic LGBT-related films was screened as a full program of the festival to celebrate the award's 30th anniversary.

[2]  Pembe Hayat LGBTT Solidarity Association
Ataç 1 Sokak, 3/8, Yenişehir / Ankara
Phone: +90 312 433 85 17
Fax: +90 312 433 85 18

gizem@pembehayatkuirfest.org

2016 | Turkish Box Office

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Mavi Boncuk |

Rank/ Name / Dist. / Release Date / B.O. / Tickets

1Dağ 2Mars.04.11.1633.272.187TL2.974.473
2Kardeşim BenimMars.15.01.1623.132.614TL2.070.692
3Dedemin FişiUIP.22.01.1622.912.770TL2.015.665
4Osman PazarlamaWB.19.02.1622.736.060TL1.983.777
5GörümceMars.02.12.1620.044.353TL1.723.151

6Batman v Superman: Adaletin ŞafağıWB.25.03.1619.429.872TL1.461.576

7Kolpaçino 3.DevreUIP.11.03.1616.490.847TL1.412.639
8İkimizin YerineUIP.21.10.1615.541.281TL1.373.133
9Kocan Kadar Konuş: DirilişUIP.01.01.1615.901.106TL1.332.907
10Çakallarla Dans 4UIP.25.11.1614.977.419TL1.331.615

11Ice Age/Buz Devri 5 TME.15.07.1614.646.509TL1.304.999

12Ekşi ElmalarMars.28.10.1613.914.825TL1.219.328
13Kaptan Amerika: Kahramanların SavaşıUIP.06.05.1614.760.714TL1.165.583
14SuikastMars.26.08.1612.372.556TL1.123.237
15DeadpoolTME.12.02.1614.194.089TL1.121.149

16İftarlık GazozMars.29.01.1612.319.801TL1.031.094

17DelibalWB.25.12.1516.805.210TL1.465.092
18Suicide Squad: Gerçek KötülerWB.12.08.1611.998.434TL956.223
19Düğün Dernek 2: SünnetMars.04.12.1569.422.924TL6.073.364
20Küçük EsnafMars.08.04.169.017.874TL832.05


Foreign Films in Bold


Box Office(TL) and Ticket Sales (2012-16)
Box office is up while ticket sales are down.

2016 691.696.127 TL 58.287.265
2015678.557.824 TL 60.228.409
2014652.906.723 TL  61.245.258  
2013504.346.814 TL 50.295.757
2012425.630.479 TL 44.339.549

Word Origin | Yalan, Atmasyon, Palavra, Asparagas, Uyduruk

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Yalan: lie EN[1] oldTR: [ Kaşgarî, Divan-i Lugati't-Türk, 1073]
yalġan: al-ḳaḏib. yalġan söz, yalġan kişi (...) yala [[iftira, töhmet]], yalaçı [[iftiracı]], ol aŋar oġrı yaladı [[onu hırsızlıkla itham etti]]
oldTR  yalġan iftira, töhmet oldTR yalġa-/yala- 1. yalamak, 2. iftira etmek, dil uzatmak +In oldTR *yalıġ dil (tongue)


Atmasyon:[ Mikhailov, Matériaux sur l'argot et les locutions..., 1929]
atmasion: Invention. 'Bu adamın dedikleri baştan aşağı atmasyondur.'
Old Tartar TR atma f  +ion
With FR suffix.

Palavra: [ Osman Cemal Kaygılı, Argo Lugatı, 1932]
'Palavra' kelimesi matbuata ilk defa bundan altı yedi sene evvel [1925-26] 'palavra edebiyatı'şeklinde girmiş ve ondan sonra 'palavra edebiyatı', 'palavracı muharrir' tabirleri herkesin ağzında klişe haline gelmiştir. (...) Asıl manası "tuluat kumpanyalarında figüran oynayan oyuncuların yaptığı gürültülü roller" demektir.
From Ladino palavra söz, laf  sfrom SP palabra Lat parabola simge, mesel, vecize, anlamlı söz

Asparagas: fake[2] news EN "gazetecilikte uydurma haber" [ Milliyet - gazete, 1979] '... ben resme bakar, bir güzel olay yaratırım' diyen gazetecilerin bulunduğu ve buna da 'Asparagas' adı verildiği
From EN asparagus kuşkonmaz  from Lat asparagus  oldGR aspháragos ασφάραγος 

Uydur|mak also uydurmasyon: Tartar TR: uydurmak "düzmek, uygun kılmak" [ anon., Câmiü'l-Fürs, 1501]
Tartar TR "... olmayan bir şeyi yaratmak" [ Şemseddin Sami, Kamus-ı Türki, 1900] [ Milliyet - gazete, 1953]
dili atarak yerine uydurmasyon bir lisan konulduğu zaman
Tartar TR uy- +tUr-

[1] lie (n.1"an untruth, false statement made with intent to deceive," Old English lyge, lige "lie, falsehood," from Proto-Germanic *lugiz (source also of Old Norse lygi, Danish løgn, Old Frisian leyne (fem.), Dutch leugen (fem.), Old High German lugi, German Lüge, Gothic liugn "a lie"), from the root of lie (v.1). To give the lie to "accuse directly of lying" is attested from 1590s. Lie-detector first recorded 1909.
In mod. use, the word is normally a violent expression of moral reprobation, which in polite conversation tends to be avoided, the synonyms falsehood and untruth being often substituted as relatively euphemistic. [OED]

lie (n.2) "manner of lying, relative position," 1690s, from lie (v.2). Sense in golf is from 1857.

lie (v.2) Look up lie at Dictionary.com
"rest horizontally, be in a recumbent position," early 12c., from Old English licgan (class V strong verb; past tense læg, past participle legen) "be situated, have a specific position; remain; be at rest, lie down," from Proto-Germanic *legjan (source also of Old Norse liggja, Old Saxon liggian, Old Frisian lidzia, Middle Dutch ligghen, Dutch liggen, Old High German ligen, German liegen, Gothic ligan "to lie"), from PIE *legh- "to lie, lay" (source also of Hittite laggari "falls, lies;" Greek lekhesthai "to lie down," legos "bed," lokhos "lying in wait, ambush," alokhos "bedfellow, wife;" Latin lectus "bed;" Old Church Slavonic lego "to lie down;" Lithuanian at-lagai "fallow land;" Old Irish laigim "I lie down," Irish luighe "couch, grave"). 

Especially "to lie in bed," hence often with sexual implications, as in lie with "have sexual intercourse" (c. 1300), and compare Old English licgan mid "cohabit with." To lie in "be brought to childbed" is from mid-15c. To lie to at sea is to come to a standstill. To take (something) lying down "receive passively, receive with abject submission" is from 1854.

lie (v.1) Look up lie at Dictionary.com
"speak falsely, tell an untruth for the purpose of misleading," late 12c., from Old English legan, ligan, earlier leogan "deceive, belie, betray" (class II strong verb; past tense leag, past participle logen), from Proto-Germanic *leugan (source also of Old Norse ljuga, Danish lyve, Old Frisian liaga, Old Saxon and Old High German liogan, German lügen, Gothic liugan), from PIE root *leugh- "to tell a lie" (source also of Old Church Slavonic lugati, Russian luigatĭ; not found in Latin, Greek, or Sanskrit). Emphatic lie through (one's) teeth is from 1940s. 

 [2] fake: of unknown origin; attested in London criminal slang as adjective (1775, "counterfeit"), verb (1812, "to rob"), and noun (1851, "a swindle;" of persons 1888, "a swindler"), but probably older. A likely source is feague "to spruce up by artificial means," from German fegen "polish, sweep," also "to clear out, plunder" in colloquial use. "Much of our early thieves' slang is Ger. or Du., and dates from the Thirty Years' War" [Weekley]. Or it may be from Latin facere "to do." Century Dictionary notes that "thieves' slang is shifting and has no history." 

The nautical word meaning "one of the windings of a cable or hawser in a coil" probably is unrelated, from Swedish veck "a fold." As a verb, "to feign, simulate" from 1941. To fake it is from 1915, jazz slang; to fake (someone) out is from 1940s, originally in sports. Related: Faked; fakes; faking. The jazz musician's fake book is attested from 1951.

"forgery," 1811, from fake (v.) + -ment.
faux (adj.) Look up faux at Dictionary.com
from French faux "false" (12c., see false). Used with English words at least since 1676 (Etheredge, faux-prude). Used by itself, with French pronunciation, from 1980s to mean "fake."

Article | U.S. military aid to Syria’s leftist Kurdish militia

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U.S. military aid is fueling big ambitions for Syria’s leftist Kurdish militia SOURCE

Liz Sly is the Post’s Beirut bureau chief. She has spent more than 15 years covering the Middle East, including the Iraq war. Other postings include Africa, China and Afghanistan.

A large, faded portrait of Abdullah Ocalan is posted at the southern entrance of Tal Abyad. (Alice Martins/For The Washington Post)


Mavi Boncuk | U.S. military aid is fueling big ambitions for Syria’s leftist Kurdish militia SOURCE

TAL ABYAD, Syria —In a former high school classroom in this northeastern Syrian town, about 250 Arab recruits for the U.S.-backed war against the Islamic State were being prepped by Kurdish instructors to receive military training from American troops. 

Most of the recruits were from villages surrounding the Islamic State’s self-
proclaimed capital of Raqqa, and the expectation is that they will be deployed to the battle for the predominantly Arab city, which is now the main target of the U.S. military effort in Syria. 

But first, said the instructors, the recruits must learn and embrace the ideology of Abdullah Ocalan, a Kurdish leader jailed in Turkey whose group is branded a terrorist organization by both Washington and Ankara.

The scene in the classroom captured some of the complexity of the U.S.-backed fight against the Islamic State in Syria, where a Kurdish movement that subscribes to an ideology at odds with stated U.S. policy has become America’s closest ally against the extremists. 

The People’s Protection Units, or YPG, is the military wing of a political movement that has been governing northeastern Syria for the past 4 1 / 2 years, seeking to apply the Marxist-inspired visions of Ocalan to the majority Kurdish areas vacated by the Syrian government during the war. 

Over the past two years, the YPG has forged an increasingly close relationship with the United States, steadily capturing land from the Islamic State with the help of U.S. airstrikes, military assistance and hundreds of U.S. military advisers. 

The gains have taken Kurdish fighters far beyond traditionally Kurdish areas into territory populated overwhelmingly by Arabs, threatening not only to stir up long-standing ethnic rivalries but also a wider conflict.

Turkey, which regards the YPG as an affiliate of Ocalan’s Kurdistan Workers’ Party, or PKK, is enraged at the U.S. support for the Syrian Kurds, and this month called on President-elect Donald Trump to sever U.S. support for the militia when he takes office. As Russia, Syria and Turkey move closer toward a settlement to the overall Syrian conflict, the United States could also find itself at odds with Russia over its military role in Syria. 

To assuage Turkish concerns and avert tensions between Arabs and Kurds, the U.S. military is channeling weapons and ammunition to an umbrella organization called the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), which includes Arab fighters as well as the Kurds. The goal, the U.S. military says, is to build an Arab force capable of taking and holding Arab cities such as Raqqa, thereby diluting the influence of the Kurdish fighters. 

U.S. officials and military advisers in Syria declined to discuss details of the training being provided to the Arabs in the force. But they said they were unaware that the Arab recruits were receiving lessons in Kurdish political theory before their U.S. military training. “What happens to them before they come to us, we don’t know,” said one of the U.S. military advisers in Syria, who spoke on the condition that he not be identified by name or rank. 

U.S. officials acknowledge, however, that the Kurds constitute more than three-quarters of the SDF coalition and are leading the fight on the front lines, making them the biggest beneficiary of U.S. military assistance. 

And it is the Kurdish vision of a future Syria that is being extended to the Arab areas that are being conquered, despite frequent statements issued by the U.S. government opposing the Kurds’ plans to create any form of new region in Syria. 

“The military support has boosted the YPG’s confidence to move beyond Kurdish populated areas and grow their ambitions even beyond Syria,” said Maria Fantappie of the International Crisis Group. “It has huge political implications not only for Syria but also for neighboring ­countries.” 

‘Democratic confederalism’

On a rare visit by foreign journalists to northern Syria, Kurds were eager to explain Ocalan’s political theory, a mix of Marxism and the utopian dreams of a dead American leftist from Vermont named Murray Bookchin.

It seeks to abolish states and eliminate the need for governments by putting communities in charge of their own affairs. Referred to somewhat vaguely as “democratic confederalism” or the “democratic nation,” the theory places a heavy emphasis on egalitarianism, women’s rights and being kind to animals.

Originally envisaged by Ocalan as a way of achieving a form of autonomy for Turkish Kurds, who have historically faced severe discrimination by the Turkish government, the theories are now being adapted to the circumstances in Syria, with its diverse mix of Arabs, Kurds, Christians, Alawites, Turkmen and others. 

Far from seeking to redraw borders to give Kurds their own entity, along the lines of the region carved out by Kurds in neighboring Iraq, the Syrian Kurds are seeking to apply Ocalan’s vision of a borderless world to all of Syria and beyond, said Nusrat Amed Xelil, who oversees the ideological training of the Arab recruits. 

‘We don’t want confederalism just for Kurds, but for all Syria, and even all of the Middle East,” he said. “We don’t recognize geographical borders between this area and that.” 

‘There is no state’
In the classroom in Tal Abyad, a majority Arab town on the Turkish border that was recaptured from the Islamic State in 2015, Kurdish instructor Agit Ibrahim Heso fielded questions from the slightly puzzled young Arab men, dressed in new green uniforms and seated at desks.

“What is the role of the state in the democratic nation?” one recruit asked.

“There is no state,” Heso ­replied. “The state is an instrument of oppression.” 

“What’s the difference between ‘democratic nation’ and the slogans of the Baath Party?” asked another recruit, referring to the party of President Bashar al-
Assad that has ruled Syria for the past four decades. 

The difference, the instructor explained, is that the Baath Party favors Arabs, whereas Ocalan’s theories apply to all ethnic and religious groups. 

In interviews after the class, the men said they were happy to embrace the YPG’s ideology. 

“It is like having a democratic mother who does not discriminate against her children,” said Louay Shammari, who escaped from an Islamic State-controlled town in Raqqa province last summer. 

“If we did not agree, we would not be in training now. We have to learn it,” added Mussab Issa Sheikh, who is also from the Raqqa area. 

Analysts and YPG opponents question how democratic or egalitarian the group’s ideology really is. Dissent is not tolerated. Photos of Ocalan loom over town squares and in public offices, much in the way Assad’s portrait dominates areas the government controls. 

Though elected councils are administering day-to-day affairs in local communities, real power is wielded by shadowy military commanders who have fought with the PKK in Turkey, said Rana Khalaf, author of a report on the Syrian Kurds’ governance for the London-based Chatham House think tank. “In practice, they are as authoritarian as anyone else,” she said. 

Kurds who support Kurdish parties that are opposed to the YPG have been jailed or driven into exile.

Those being targeted by the YPG also include people who support the mainstream Syrian opposition, according to an activist from the Arab town of Manbij, which was captured by the YPG and SDF last August. The activist has campaigned against both the Islamic State and the YPG, and the Kurdish militia wants him to turn himself in, he said. As a pressure tactic, the group is holding his brother, who is not politically involved, said the activist, who lives elsewhere in Syria and spoke on the condition of anonymity because he fears for his brother’s safety. 

Potential contradictions

Manbij offers an illustration of the potential contradictions of the U.S. alliance with the Syrian Kurds. The town, located in the northern Syrian province of Aleppo, is held out by the U.S. military as an example of a successful handover of power by Kurds to Arabs after an area is freed from Islamic State control. 

But the Arabs who run Manbij are adherents of the YPG’s ideology, making them indistinguishable in Turkey’s eyes — and in the eyes of local residents — from the Kurdish force, according to Aaron Stein of the Washington-based Atlantic Council. The YPG-backed Arab force in Manbij has already fought battles with ­Turkish-backed Arab rebels in the nearby countryside, and Turkey is threatening to launch an offensive to take over the town. 

At a recent ceremony for 250 Arab recruits who had just completed training with the U.S. military near Manbij, the newly minted soldiers were told they would be heading not to the Raqqa front lines but to Aleppo, to confront the rebels backed by Turkey, a NATO ally of the United States. As U.S. Special Operations troops looked on, Abu Amjad al-Adnan, commander of the Manbij recruits, rallied the soldiers to take the fight to the forces backed by “terrorist Turkey.” 

U.S. advisers are also present on the ground with the Turkish-backed rebels in Syria, setting up a scenario in which U.S. Special Operations forces embedded with opposing sides could confront one another. 

“We have taken prisoners who were trained by the United States, and the Turks have prisoners of ours who were also trained by the United States,” said Abu ­Amjad, who keeps a photograph of Ocalan as the screen saver on his phone. 



Last heir to former Ottoman Empire, Prince Bayezid Osman dies at age 92

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Prince Bayezid Osman has never married and has no children. On 23 September 2009 with the death of Ertuğrul Osman, he succeeded to the head of the House of Osman. 

The Osmanoğlu family refers to the current members of the historical House of Osman (the Ottoman dynasty), who were the sole rulers and the namesake of the Ottoman Empire from 1299 until the establishment of the Republic of Turkey in 1923. There were 36 Ottoman Sultans who ruled over the Empire, and each one was a direct descendant through the male line of the first Ottoman Sultan, Sultan Osman I. After the deposition of the last Sultan, Mehmet VI, in 1922, and the subsequent abolition of the Ottoman Caliphate in 1924, members of the Imperial family were forced into exile. 

Their descendants now live in many different countries throughout Europe, as well as in the United States, the Middle East, and since they have now been permitted to return to their homeland, many now also live in Turkey. When in exile, the family adopted the surname of Osmanoğlu, meaning "son of Osman", after the founder of the House of Osman and direct ancestor of all current family members.

Mavi Boncuk | 

Last heir to former Ottoman Empire, Prince Bayezid Osman dies at age 92

SOURCE


Osman Bayezid Osmanoğlu,[1]the 44th head of the Ottoman family, has died at the age of 92 on Friday in New York.

Osmanoğlu is the second son of Sultan Abdülmecid I’s grandson Ibrahim Tevfik by his fourth wife Hadice Sadiye Hanım. If the Ottoman monarchy were restored, he would be Grand Sultan Bayezid III.

He is the first member of the House of Osman to be born in exile, and the first head to have been born after the dissolution of the Empire. After his parents’ separation, his father died in 1931, and his mother Hadice Sadiye remarried a United States citizen. In 1941, he moved to the United States with his mother, older brother and two stepbrothers.

Osman has never married and has no children. On 23 September 2009 with the death of Ertuğrul Osman, he succeeded to the head of the House of Osman.

Turkish Embassy will attend funeral

Turkish Consulate General of New York announced that attending to Osmanoglu’s funeral. Osmanoglu’s funeral will start at the American Turkish Eyup Sultan Cultural Center 2814 Brighton 3rd St, Brooklyn, NY 11235. After Islamic ceremony funeral will start Washington Memorial Park Cemetery 855 Canal Rd Mt. Sinai, NY 11766.

[1] B
ayezid Osman, also known as Osman Bayezid Osmanoğlu with a surname as required by the Turkish Republic, or known by the Ottoman imperial name as Prince Şehzade Bayezid Efendi (Ottoman Turkish: بایزید عثمان‎; 23 June 1924 – 6 January 2017), was the 44th Head of the Imperial House of Osman, which ruled the Ottoman Empire from 1281 to 1922. The monarchy was abolished in 1922, with the modern Republic of Turkey replacing it.

He was the second son of Sultan Abdülmecid I's grandson Ibrahim Tevfik (24 September 1874 – 31 December 1931) by his fourth wife Hadice Sadiye Hanım. If the Ottoman monarchy were restored, he would have been Grand Sultan Bayezid III.[1] He was a member of one of the younger branches of the House of Osman.

He was the first member of the House of Osman to be born in exile, and the first head to have been born after the dissolution of the Empire. After his parents' separation, his father died in 1931, and his mother Hadice Sadiye (1 April 1898 – 9 August 1986) married a United States citizen. In 1941, he moved to the United States with his mother, older brother and two stepbrothers. He served in the United States Army and worked in the New York Public Library.[citation needed]

Osman never married and had no children. On 23 September 2009 with the death of Ertuğrul Osman, he succeeded to the head of the House of Osman.

Osman's granddaughter, Abdulhamid Kayıhan Osmanoğlu, announced on social media that Osman had died in New York on 6 January 2017, aged 92

Recommended | Istanbul Urban Database of Maps

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Mavi Boncuk | 

ISTANBUL URBAN DATABASE IS AN ONGOING DIGITAL HUMANITIES PROJECT, DIGITIZING AND VISUALIZING THE HISTORIC URBAN ARCHIVES OF ISTANBUL

LINK

Article | The Battle For Al-Bab Is Bringing U.S.-Turkish Tensions To A Head

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Mavi Boncuk | The Battle For Al-Bab Is Bringing U.S.-Turkish Tensions To A Head By Fabrice Balanche 


Policy Alert January 9, 2017 SOURCE


Helping Erdogan take the city could greatly decrease the civilian death toll and preserve U.S.-Turkish cooperation in Syria, but Washington will still need to decide what to do with the Kurds, its other key ally against the Islamic State.

On January 5, Turkish president Recep Tayyip Erdogan threatened to close Incirlik Air Base to the international coalition against the Islamic State, citing the lack of U.S. support for his efforts to take the IS-held Syrian city of al-Bab. That battle will likely force Washington to make some hard choices about which ally is most important in the anti-IS campaign -- Turkey or the Kurds. 

AL-BAB PROVING MORE DIFFICULT THAN JARABULUS

Since November 14, the Turkish army and allied Syrian rebel forces have been advancing on al-Bab. By December 10, they had entered the city's western suburbs, seizing Sheikh Aqil hill on December 20. Turkish forces likely assumed that this position would allow them to put IS under fire and compel the group to flee, much like it did during the battle for Jarabulus. 

For maps illustrating the situation in al-Bab, go to the web version of this article.

On December 22, however, IS retook the hill, inflicting heavy losses on Turkish and rebel forces. Fourteen Turkish soldiers were reportedly killed; IS also burned two Turkish military prisoners alive, and video of their grisly deaths was widely disseminated on social networks.

In response, Turkish jets heavily bombed al-Bab, reportedly causing the deaths of 72 civilians on December 23. In total, 173 civilians have been killed by Turkish-led operations against the city since November 14, according to the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights. 

On January 4, Erdogan announced that the battle would be finished quickly, deploying troop reinforcements and additional tanks to the area. Turkish press reports have noted that 8,000 army troops are participating in the campaign, and their latest movements suggest Erdogan now intends to encircle al-Bab and cut off its links with the IS "capital" of Raqqa. 

Yet this approach raises the question of whether and how Turkey will prevent further harm to civilians. When the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) encircled and conquered Manbij in June-July 2016, they made careful attempts to minimize collateral damage against the city itself and its inhabitants, but they suffered heavy military losses in the process. The commander of the Turkish-backed militia Sultan Murad recently stated that only a few thousand civilians remain in al-Bab, but that claim rings false: before the Turkish campaign, the city had about 100,000 inhabitants, along with 50,000 more in the adjacent towns of Qabasin, Tadef, and Bzaa. And as in Mosul, Manbij, and Ramadi before, IS has prevented local civilians from fleeing, intending to use them as a human shields. 

To avoid potential carnage, Erdogan will therefore need the precision of American airpower. The Russian air force has supported some Turkish operations around the city, but it is unclear if they have the local capability or willingness to conduct a comprehensive campaign of precision strikes.

ERDOGAN'S CREDIBILITY, WASHINGTON'S DILEMMA

The battle's outcome will likely affect Erdogan's credibility with the Turkish population. The main goal of his Syrian intervention is to prevent the unification of the two large Kurdish cantons along the northern border, and al-Bab is the key junction point between them. The campaign also plays to Turkish nationalism after the failed coup last July. 

Moreover, Erdogan has warned that the Turkish army will retake Manbij from the Kurds after al-Bab. The SDF were supposed to leave the city last year, as Vice President Joe Biden promised Erdogan in August. Ankara may invoke this promise as the battle for al-Bab develops.

Yet telling the Kurds to leave Manbij could end their alliance with the United States -- a troubling prospect given their proven efficiency against IS, seen most recently in the successful SDF offensive toward Thawra Dam, the key to capturing Raqqa. What are Washington's options in this delicate situation?

Doing nothing means upsetting Erdogan, who would not hesitate to withdraw access to Incirlik Air Base. This would make the coalition's task more complicated, but not impossible; allied forces could strike the Raqqa region from bases in Jordan, Iraq, the Gulf states, or Cyprus (albeit with extra hurdles related to distance and route security). Yet Turkey will eventually take al-Bab with or without U.S. help, likely by shelling the city and otherwise causing heavy civilian casualties. Erdogan might then apply the same technique to Manbij if the SDF has not withdrawn by then, leaving Washington with the prospect of major civilian carnage, direct Turkish-Kurdish military confrontation, and further interference by the Russians, who would likely insert themselves as arbiters between Ankara and the Kurds.

Alternatively, if Washington supports Erdogan in al-Bab, it could help limit the death toll by precluding indiscriminate bombardment of civilians. Turkish soldiers and rebels would be assured of quality air support that hits the right targets, encouraging them to make progress in the ground battle against IS.

To be sure, this approach runs the risk of Erdogan building on a victory in al-Bab by attacking Manbij or even the SDF stronghold of Tal Abyad. The latter scenario could foreclose the possibility of Kurdish autonomy in Syria once and for all, even in divided cantons. Convincing the Kurds to leave Manbij voluntarily could avoid that outcome. And while the wider Kurdish goal of unifying their Syrian cantons could die with the fall of al-Bab, U.S. officials need to carefully consider whether supporting that Kurdish political dream is more important than maintaining the U.S. military alliance with Erdogan. Whatever the case, avoiding a Turkish-Kurdish confrontation in Syria is crucial to liberating Raqqa sooner rather than later, particularly if the United States wants to do so without being obliged to cooperate closely with Russia. 

Fabrice Balanche, an associate professor and research director at the University of Lyon 2, is a visiting fellow at The Washington Institute.

Article | The final nail in the coffin of Turkey’s soft power

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TOLGA TANIS (Dogan Groups Hurriyet Daily Washington based Correspondent) replaced with  CANSU ÇAMLIBEL[1]

Mavi Boncuk |


January/06/2017


The final nail in the coffin of Turkey’s soft power

The monstrous attack on Istanbul’s iconic Reina club in the first hours of the new year has inevitably triggered a new wave in the lifestyle debate among secularists in Turkey. Most probably that was the leitmotiv of the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL), which sent one of its exclusively trained assassins to kill 39 in a matter of minutes before vanishing into thin air despite the heavy police presence in the area. 

The first grandiose manifestation of ISIL’s declared fight with the secular Western lifestyle was the Paris attacks of November 2015, since France is historically seen as the cradle of secular liberalism. In a statement claiming responsibility for the attacks, they referred to the Bataclan as the place where “hundreds of apostates had gathered in a profligate prostitution party.”

Reina, just like the Bataclan, was chosen as a target to demonstrate what happens to apostates in ISIL’s world as they knew perfectly well that in recent years, the patrons of the club were mostly Arabs. There was little surprise that among the 25 foreign victims of the Reina attack, seven were identified as Saudi Arabians, three were Lebanese, two were Tunisians, two were Moroccans and two were Jordanians. 

So the Reina attack, in fact, killed two birds with one stone; flexing muscle against Turkey while providing a token of retaliation against Turkish troops’ march toward al-Bab in Syria but, more importantly, putting the last nails in the coffin for whatever is left of Turkey’s soft power. 

The soft power rhetoric was the highlight of the ruling Justice and Development Party’s (AKP) foreign policy in the 2000s when they were crafting a positive “Turkish story” to sell to the world. “Justice, legitimacy, equality in representation, transparency, accountability, respect for differences, a virtuous society, moral and religious freedom, the protection of dignity and the reassurance of the basic rights and freedoms under the constitution are the pillars of Turkey’s new social imagery,” wrote presidency press secretary İbrahim Kalın in a Turkish Foreign Ministry publication in 2011 when he was the chief policy adviser to then-Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. 

Sadly, a lot has happened in the last five years that crushed Turkey’s aspirations of becoming the model Mr. Kalın outlined. We have been witnessing the degradation of each one of those principles he referred to more and more under the state of emergency, which was recently extended for another three months. Yet, after a decade of trying to demilitarize Turkey’s foreign policy, the AKP government is back to square one as security concerns and measures heavily dominate both the political agenda at home and Turkey’s frayed image abroad. 

The frequent and wide-ranging terror attacks in the 18 months had already scared away Western tourists, erasing them from the public sphere in Istanbul, which is, without a doubt, the diamond of Turkey’s tourism. For visitors from the Middle East, however, Turkey was still safer and culturally more attractive than their home countries. 

Although Turkish secularists have increasingly been feeling that the rug is being pulled out from underneath them, for someone from Saudi Arabia, Turkey still meant the coexistence of secular social life and piety. Turkey has become a center of attraction for Middle Easterners because it symbolized a gateway to the freedoms of Western culture while providing an at-home feeling through common codes shared in all Islamic countries. 

After all, Turkish soap operas conquered the Arab world because they have shown the kind of life they aspired to: an open, wealthy society consuming and enjoying the simple pleasures of life. Targeting one glamorous icon of the life they admired on one of the most joyful nights of the year is definitely a blow to the dream Turkey had been selling to fellow nations in the region. We lost the fertile conditions to be a viable political model long ago and now we are even losing the dream of being a vibrant social model for others. 

In his first public appearance after the Reina attack, President Erdoğan said nobody should be forced to have the same lifestyle. I am afraid that is too little, too late to ease the fears of secularists and salvage Turkey’s soft power, which has been on life support for quite some time.

[1] Cansu Çamlibel Cansu Çamlibel is a writer and senior diplomatic correspondent for Hürriyet, a leading daily in Turkey. She joined the paper in 2009 after managing the opinion pages of Turkey’s first English-language newspaper, The Daily News. Prior to that, she was the Europe correspondent for the Turkish news network NTV in Brussels. She has reported from nearly 30 countries while on assignment for both NTV and Hürriyet. Since 2012, Çamlibel has conducted numerous in-depth interviews with international and domestic leaders for a weekly column. She received a Marshall Memorial Fellowship in 2010. She is the 2016 Carroll Binder Nieman Fellow. The Binder Fund honors 1916 Harvard graduate Carroll Binder, who expanded the Chicago Daily News Foreign Service, and his son, Carroll “Ted” Binder, a 1943 Harvard graduate. Çamlibel will study the rise of religion in the 21st century, with a particular focus on the growth of political Islam, as well as how religion has shaped contemporary Turkish political discourse.

New Heir | Dündar Abdülkerim al-i Osman

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Mavi Boncuk |

Prince Dündar Abdülkerim al-i Osman (b. 30 December 1930, Damascus, Syria marriage: Yüsra Hanımefendi )


The new heir to the throne of the scattered Ottoman dynasty, which once ruled the strongest empire in the world, has witnessed the horrors of the Syrian civil war since 2011 in his native Damascus.

Dündar Abdülkerim al-i Osman, the oldest male member of the Ottoman family, is the next in line to become the 45th head of the family after the previous head Osman Bayezid Osmanoğlu, the great grandson of Sultan Abdülmecid I, died at the age of 92 in New York on Friday.

"Prince" Dündar Abdülkerim was born in Damascus in 1930 as the Ottoman family was expelled from Turkey when the Caliphate was abolished on March 3, 1924; couple of months after the Republic of Turkey was founded on Oct. 23, 1923. The sultanate had been abolished on Nov. 1, 1922. Prince Dündar's grandfather Prince Mehmet Selim had first settled in Damascus (then under French rule) and later Lebanon's Jounieh after the exile. Dündar is the son of Prince Abdülkerim, the grandson of Ottoman Sultan Abdülhamid II, and Princess Nimet, who is of Lebanese Maronite descent and converted to Islam after her marriage. Ekrem Buğra Ekinci, a history professor at Marmara University and a Daily Sabah columnist, explained that Prince Dündar is the first head of the Ottoman family whose parents got married while in exile.

Failing to receive Prince Mehmet Selim's approval for the marriage, the couple settled in Damascus. However, Prince Abdülkerim soon left Damascus in 1932 to become active in the independence movements of Uighurs in China's Xinjiang, also called East Turkestan at the time. As the grandson of Sultan Abdülhamid II and the nephew of last Caliph Abdülmecid II, Abdülkerim was contacted by the Japanese to head the weak conservative Uighur independence movement. Japan was trying to increase its dominance in China at the time, while the Soviet Union, Britain and the U.S. were supporting China to balance Japan's ambitions. Seeing that the events in the region could also affect its large Turkic and Muslim population, Soviet forces also became active in the area. Abdülkerim first went to Tokyo, but after his could not find the support he expected, he moved to East Turkestan to organize the people against Chinese rule. Upon the defeat of his weak forces, Abdülkerim first fled to India, and later sought asylum from the U.S., where another branch of the family was living in New York. He was found dead in a hotel room in 1935 in a murder that possibly had to do with his former partners or rivals.

Contrary to his father's short and turbulent life, Dündar, who is now 87-years-old, maintained a low profile. Ekinci stated that after finishing his studies in Syria, he was employed by a military government enterprise, and currently lives on a modest retirement pension with his 89-year-old wife Yousra in Mouhajrin district of Damascus. Syrian authorities were cordial against the family, Ekinci explained, noting that the Baath regime did not harass the family either, but monitored them.

In 2012, when the Syrian civil war was raging in all parts of the country with Assad regime's position lingering in Damascus, Sultan Abdülhamid II's fourth-generation grandson Abdülhamid Kayıhan Osmanoğlu told Turkish media outlets that Prince Dündar was in a very difficult position as he couldn't leave the house even for his family's basic needs amid voices of gunfire.

"They are old people, we want to bring them here [to Turkey] but they can't amid all this turmoil," Osmanoğlu had said.

Noting that as the regime gradually gained control in Damascus with the exception of several of its suburbs, Ekinci said: "There were times when we were not able to hear from their relatives in Damascus." But after the clashes ended, the problems for the family decreased also.

Ekinci also said that Prince Dündar currently has trouble in hearing and seeing, while his wife is also confined to bed for her ailing health.

"Despite never hearing Turkish at home while growing up – as his father was absent – he still speaks Turkish very well, even better than you and I. He is very attached to his country, its language, traditions, and religion," Ekinci added.
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