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Cornucopia of Ottomania and Turcomania | Contact:mailmaviboncuk(at)gmail.com
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    Mavi Boncuk |

    International Competition
    Golden Tulip – Western (Valeska Grisebach)
    Special Jury Prize – Cocote (Nelson Carlo de los Santos Arias)

    Human Rights in Cinema Competition
    Human Rights in Cinema Award – Šerkšnas / Frost (Sharunas Bartas)
    “We as the jury have had a great journey watching many films in the human rights section. Although it has been a very difficult task to award a single film in this category; we believe the film we have chosen, captures in great depth human complexity in war circumstances.”

    National Competition
    Golden Tulip – Borç / Debt (Vuslat Saraçoğlu)
    Best Director – Tayfun Pirselimoğlu (Yol Kenarı / Sideway)
    Special Jury Prize – In memory of Onat Kutlar: Kelebekler / Butterflies (Tolga Karaçelik)
    Special Mention: Hewno Bêreng / Colorless Dream (Mehmet Ali Konar)
    Best Screenplay – Ümit Ünal for Sofra Sırları / Serial Cook
    Best Actress – Demet Evgar in Sofra Sırları / Serial Cook
    Best Actor – ex aequo 
    Tolga Tekin in Kelebekler / Butterflies & Tansu Biçer in Yol Kenarı / Sideway
    Best Cinematographer – Florent Herry for Kaçış / The Escape
    Best Editing – Osman Bayraktaroğlu for Sofra Sırları / Serial Cook
    Best Original Music – Canset Özge Can for Güvercin / The Pigeon

    National Short Film Competition
    Best Short Film – Sana İnanmıyorum Ama Yerçekimi Var / I Don't Believe In You But Then There Is Gravity (Umut Subaşı)
    “For its challenging crosscutting of multiple narrative layers conveying the absurdities of daily life...”

    Special Mention – Doğu Yakası / East Side (Harun Durmuş)
    “For turning the all too familiar refugee crisis into an original and energetic display of directorial skills...”

    National Documentary Competition
    Best Documentary – Parçalar / Fragments (Rojda Akbayır)
    “For achieving a universal and balanced narrative in conveying a personal and exceptionally fragile story in a geographical stage that witnesses recurring social tragedies...”

    Seyfi Teoman Best Debut Film Award
    Güvercin / The Pigeon (Banu Sıvacı)

    FIPRESCI Awards
    International Competition The Rider (Chloé Zhao)
    “For its touching portrayal of the fragility of masculinity within an aesthetic style which combines realistic storytelling with subtle visual poetry...”

    National Competition Körfez / The Gulf (Emre Yeksan)
    “For the disconcerting narrative approach to the malaise of today’s Turkey and for the originality of its mise-en-scène...”

    National Short Film Competition Kötü Kız / Wicked Girl (Ayce Kartal)
    “For the beautifully sophisticated and uplifting way the director turned unsettling childhood ghosts into an inspiration for his own strong cinematic voice...”

    Honorary Awards
    Cevdet Pişkin; Osman Şahin:Perihan Savaş: Aram Gülyüz

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    Turkey has brought forward elections that could pave the way for a single-party state with few checks on the power of the president to 24 June, a year and a half ahead of schedule.

    Turkey’s president, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, announced the new date after meeting Devlet Bahçeli, his ally and head of the nationalist bloc in parliament, who had called on Tuesday for early presidential and parliamentary elections.

    “We have decided that elections should be held on 24 June 2018,” Erdoğan said at the presidential palace. “Our preference has been to try to hold out till the date in November 2019. However, whether it be the cross-border operation in Syria, or the historic developments in Iraq and Syria have made it so that it is paramount for Turkey to overcome uncertainty.”

    See also: How Erdogan Wins

    Mavi Boncuk | 


    Turkey’s president will win the country’s snap elections. Here’s why they still matter. 

    By Howard Eissenstat [1] WP April 20

    [1] Howard Eissenstat is an associate professor of Middle East history at St. Lawrence University and a senior non-resident fellow at the Project on Middle East Democracy (POMED).

    This week, Turkey’s president announced the country would hold snap elections on June 24. The outcome of these elections is hardly in question: President Recep Tayyip Erdogan will win. But these elections are tremendously important for his rule and understanding contemporary Turkey — as well as the ways in which Erdogan’s authoritarianism differs from some of his contemporaries.

    The logic of early elections seems clear. It capitalizes on the largely successful Turkish campaign against the Kurdish People’s Protection Units (YPG) in Syria — and a general sense in Turkey that the broader war with the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) is going well. The latest round of spats with Turkey’s Western allies, including the United States and Greece, also plays well domestically.

    Early elections also lessen the risk that growing economic instability might undermine the government’s popularity. Strong growth in the past year has been accompanied by increasingly high inflation and basic questions about Turkey’s financial stability. It is unclear how long the political pressure and stimulus efforts that the government has employed to keep economic growth high will continue to work. Erdogan’s recent criticisms against international financial markets and statements in favor of a return to the gold standard are unlikely to change the economic fundamentals that have caused concern to credit-rating agencies.


    But if Turkey has an authoritarian government, then why should these political calculations matter?

    Part of the answer lies in political science’s work on “electoral authoritarianism,” which attempts to understand governance in states where political power is uncontested but the facade of electoral multiparty democracy is maintained. The recent, clearly rigged, elections in Russia and Egypt are examples of this system. These elections serve to demonstrate popular support for an entrenched dictatorship.

    In Turkey, however, something more complex is underway. The ultimate outcome of the election is no less predetermined, but the costs of obvious, large-scale ballot rigging are much higher and a fabricated outcome like that in Egypt would be counterproductive in Turkey.

    There are two core reasons for this.

    Turkish support for democracy

    First, there is a broad national consensus in Turkey that the country’s government should be chosen through competitive elections. A recent study found that 86 percent of Turkish citizens believed that “supporting democratic values” was somewhat or very important to being a Turk. Compare that to Russia — where sympathy for “rule by a strong leader” is stronger — or in Egypt, where polling suggests that support for democracy is weaker and in decline.

    Turkey was never fully democratic and has become less so. But there is a broad political consensus that Turkey should be a democracy. Could Erdogan rule through flagrant ballot-rigging? Yes, most likely he could. His command of the basic institutions is so great at this point that it is hard to imagine an outcome where the courts, the military or anyone else could effectively stand against him. But to do so would be tremendously costly.

    Political parties this election

    Of the major opposition parties, one, the Nationalist Action Party (MHP), has become a sort of junior partner to the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP). Another, the pro-Kurdish Democratic People’s Party (HDP) has been dramatically reduced through massive repression, under the guise of counterterrorism efforts. Its most important leaders have been jailed and face lengthy prison sentences.

    The main opposition, the Republican People’s Party, maintains a loyal base but has not been able to rise above 26 percent of the national vote in any parliamentary election since 1977. A significant improvement on this record is unlikely.

    The wild card of the new election, an MHP breakaway party called the “Good Party” (it sounds only slightly less awkward in Turkish) has received lots of positive press in the West, but it may not be able to fully compete in the election. Even if it does, there is little reason to believe that the Good Party will live up to its name enough to make significant breaks into the AKP’s base.

    Nonetheless, at least on the surface, there is hope. And with that hope, the major parties continue to play by the rules, pretending elections still hold the possibility of ending the AKP’s 16-year reign.

    By keeping that illusion alive, Erdogan not only maintains his own legitimacy as a popular democratic leader, he wins the quiescence of the opposition. A 97 percent — or even 75 percent — victory for the AKP would be so blatantly false that the illusion of democracy would be stripped away.

    Erdogan doesn’t need the breathtaking victories enjoyed by Vladimir Putin or Abdel Fatah al-Sissi. He needs a bare majority — just enough to maintain his claim on the levers of power and, ideally, with enough of a semblance of fairness.

    Ongoing ‘state of emergency’

    The 2018 election in Turkey will be held under a state of emergency, which began after the 2016 attempted coup. As in the April 2017 referendum, opposition rallies will likely be harassed, state resources will be levied in support of the ruling party, and blanket pro-government coverage will dominate a compliant media.

    Irregularities will be explained away. Indeed, regulations for the Turkey High Election Board have made it less likely that it will offer even mild resistance to any election deception: a recently passed law provides for accepting unstamped ballot boxes, empowers the electoral board to redraw electoral districts or move ballot boxes. Electoral commission staff (most likely government loyalists), rather than party representatives will oversee election stations.

    Erdogan remains a tremendously popular politician. The opposition remains divided and mostly unimpressive. Erdogan may not need to cheat to win the 2018 election — but if he needs to, he will. The core of Turkey’s “electoral authoritarianism” is to ensure that victory without blatant ballot rigging.

    A simple 51 percent of the vote guarantees Erdogan’s control for at least a decade to come. Getting much more than that undermines his democratic bona fides; getting any less is not an option. Maintaining authoritarian rule while keeping the opposition playing a rigged game is the core of Erdogan’s election game.


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    Mavi Boncuk |

    The Anniversary of the Armenian Genocide: A Time for Reconsideration of Binary History SOURCE

    Hassan Mneimneh[1]
    Hassan Mneimneh is a contributing editor with Fikra Forum and a principal at Middle East Alternatives in Washington.


    04-25-2018

    April 24th commemorates the anniversary of the 1915 onset of events calculated to solve the Armenian problem of the Ottoman Empire. It is hard to consider the sequence of actions in which Ottoman authorities deliberately engaged — mass deportations, executions, and forced marches in hostile environments — and avoid the conclusion that the intent was indeed the permanent eradication of Armenians from their ancestral lands; that is, in modern terminology, genocide. It is up to Armenian societies, in their eponymous land and their diasporas, to seek the appropriate pursuit of justice, even after a century of international uncertainty and confusion. For Arab culture, it may also be a time of reflection.

    Well into the 1980s, the account of the Armenian genocide in “progressive” Arab political culture was straight-forward. The Turks, against whose heavy-handed oppression the Arabs had revolted in the course of WWI, are responsible for the genocide of Armenians. Always implicit in this assertion, sometimes even explicit, is a statement of supporting facts — that Armenia is part of the Soviet Union, the super-power that is sympathetic to Arab causes, and in particular supportive of the Palestinians, while Turkey, an ally of the United States, the primary sponsor of Israel, itself maintains cordial relations with Tel Aviv. The assassinations perpetrated by ASALA, the “Armenian Secret Army for the Liberation of Armenia”, against Turkish diplomats were cast as legitimate actions of resistance of a global revolutionary movement, with factions of the Palestine Liberation Organization as its vanguard.

    The Lebanese civil war had started in 1975 with an open confrontation of narratives: to the “right”, openly Christian militias presented the conflict as a war of survival for Christianity in the Middle East, while at the “left”, with some abundance of communist and secularist formations, sectarian concerns were dismissed as mere cover for the socio-economic privileges of elites. To the dismay of the leadership of other Lebanese Christians, the Armenian political parties in Lebanon — whether friendly or hostile to the Soviet Union — abstained from participation in the conflict, effectively endorsing the view of the “left”. A robust Palestinian-Armenian-Progressive account of history had coalesced, with clear identification of the parties of good and evil: Israelis, Imperialists, and Turks on the latter side, Arabs, Armenians — often with Kurds and Greeks — and the Soviets, on the former.

    This was one example of history reforged to suit political expediency — convenient for mobilization and polemics, but patently blind to troubling facts. Such binary representations of good versus evil, changing as a function of the political landscape, were and still are the norm in Arab political culture. In a later version, spanning from the late 1990s to the onset of the Syrian uprising in 2011, the “evil” Turk had metamorphosed into a “good” one, while the prior focus on Arab-Armenian brotherhood was de facto downgraded. In more recent installments, divergence can be noted in the assessment of the Turk in Arab political culture; the multiple opposed versions, however, maintain a binary characterization, with the Turk either as a “good” Muslim Sunni brother, or an “evil” neo-Ottoman tool of the United States, or an equally “evil” self-serving lackey of Russia. Lost in the many Turkish passions of Arab political culture is any serious consideration of the Armenian genocide and its place in the history of the region. Also lost is the non-binary Arab role in this tragedy.

    Undoubtedly, the Ottomans — their Young Turk military elite that was to pave the way for the Turkish Republic — engineered and executed this genocide. Even when this fact is or was acknowledged, the uncomfortable truth that is almost always omitted is about the methods of the execution. The “progressive” account of the genocide highlights the fact that Armenian refugees were sheltered in Levantine Arab cities, and ultimately many of them settled in Lebanon, Syria, and beyond. Witness accounts from the period do point to instances in which Muslims, as well as Christians, saved Armenians from certain death. However, this is a selective reading of the record. The Ottomans committed genocide, in part, by imposing on the Armenians an arduous and lethal march in the Levantine wilderness, exposing them to predatory Arab and Kurdish tribes. The Armenians whom the elements spared fell often victims of raids by Kurds and Arabs. This is evidently not a wholesale indictment of all tribes and of all Muslims. The binary of the evil Turk and the good Arab (and later of the Kurd as a perpetual victim) is, however, to be questioned.

    The momentary political necessities have shaped the narratives of the region into ones of pure victims and pure perpetrators. What is obfuscated in the process is the commonality and recurrence of deep brutality. Societies in the Arab East and beyond are denied the opportunity to face and learn from their recent cruel past, engaging instead in a diglossic discourse of public unity against the external enemy of the moment, and a private lament of sectarian victimization.

    In 1970, a book, titled A Brief Account of the Calamities of Christians (al-Qusara fi Nakbat al-Nasara) compiled more than half a century prior, was republished in Lebanon. By then, Beirut, as a modern Arab metropole, insisted on an image of post-communitarian integration that such a book would have inconvenienced. Since it recalled events that took place in today’s Southern Turkey and Northern Syria, and lacked a consistent adherence to chronology, it was largely ignored. But it is indeed the impromptu and idiosyncratic character that owes it careful attention. To the best of the availability of his receding sources, the anonymous author describes how, in town after town, the Christian population was left helpless to the abuse by increasingly aggressive authorities, abandoned by most Muslim neighbors, and fallen victim to attacks by tribes, Kurds, Arabs, and Turkmen. Instead of informing the public discourse of the common problematic history that has to be addressed, this book served solely as further fuel for the fear and sense of victimization among some Christians.

    The hidden fear of the vulnerable in the region is solemnly justifiable. Spanning earlier into the events of the 1840 to 1860 in Mount Lebanon and Damascus, or the murderous “Hamidian” campaigns against Armenians and other Anatolian Christians in the 1890s, through the massacre of Iraqi Assyrians in 1933, the anti-Jewish Farhud in 1941 in Baghdad, and into the horrors of Lebanese civil war, where isolated communities, Muslim and Christian, suffered massacres with blatantly medieval brutality, the Iran-Iraq war of human attrition in the 1980s, the subsequent chemical attacks and the Anfal genocidal operations against the Kurds in Iraq, the historical stage is set in which the recent depravity of the Syrian regime and the “Islamic State” are not anomalies but further demonstrations of a recurrent reality.

    One of the many uses of the Palestinian plight has been to enable an unethical silence across the region. Any consideration of traumatic events still in the collective memory, such as the Black Decade in Algeria, or of the Darfur genocide in Sudan, is met with disapproval and accused of diluting the focus on the responsibility of Israel for Palestinian suffering. The most recent, and most obscene, incarnation of this approach is in Syria, where the current insistence of many in the “progressive” camp is on refusing to let this affair of nearly one million killed, twelve million displaced, and a country devastated by utter horror, stand in the way of recriminating Israel and its ally the United States for ignoring Palestinian rights.

    Both the revisionist denial of the series of historical instances of horror and the unethical silence on current crimes reveal the lack of value assigned to the victims of these assaults on human rights — including Palestinians, whose mistreatment by the Syrian regime in the Yarmuk refugee camp near Damascus amounted to further war crimes. History is used instead as a toolkit for passionate polemics, with highlighted selections serving political arguments.

    In the Armenians, Arab political culture has an interlocutor that it has never been able to fault. No party of the many warring factions of this culture has accused the collective Armenians of any wrong-doing against Arab causes. The Armenian genocide may have lost the highlight it was granted when Israel-friendly Turkey was the desired target; however, it has not been maligned. Were it to survive the inevitable accusation of being a diversion, it may thus be an appropriate subject for Arab and Kurdish cultures to revisit in a self-examination of the brutal character of a non-binary past.


    [1] Hassan Mneimneh specializes in the Middle East and North Africa and the wider Islamic world with a particular emphasis on radicalism and factionalism. In previous capacities, he has focused on the significance of socio-political and cultural developments in the MENA region to U.S. and European policies; assessed civil reaction to radicalizing tendencies in Muslim societies; and studied the evolution, record, and prospects of radical Islamist formations worldwide.

    He has written on political, cultural, historical, and intellectual questions concerning the Arab and Muslim worlds. He is a regular contributor to the pan-Arab newspaper al-Hayat, and is currently affiliated with Middle East Alternatives and Fikra Forum. His previous affiliations include the German Marshall Fund of the United States, Hudson Institute, the American Enterprise Institute, and the Iraq Memory Foundation.

    Hassan Mneimneh was a director of the Iraq Research and Documentation Project based at Harvard and a regular contributor to the London-based Arabic newspaper al-Hayat. (January 2002)

    Education: American University of Beirut, Georgetown University, Harvard University
    Issues of Expertise: Islamism, Jihadism, Salafism, radicalism, factionalism, U.S. and European MENA policy
    Regions of Expertise: Iraq, Levant, Maghreb, Gulf
    Languages: Arabic, English, French 



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    Mavi Boncuk | 

    âmin: fromARāmīn آمين dua sözü HEB/ARAM āmēn[1] אָמֵן doğru, güvenilir, "öyledir" (dua sözü) HEB/ARAM אמן güvenilir olma, doğru olma root of emanet. 

    Oldest source: Künermen bir baptisma dep yazïqlarnïn bosatmayïna. Küyüp turupmen ölülernin qopmaqlïyïn qopmaqlïqïn dayï menü tirilikni. Amin![ Codex Cumanicus (1300) ] See PDF. [*]

    Allah: AR allāh[2] الله [#Alh] AR al-(i)lāh الله tanrı → ilah. haleluya[3]; god[4]; elohim[5]

    Cognates of the name "Allāh" exist in other Semitic languages, including Hebrew and Aramaic. The corresponding Aramaic form is Elah (אלה), but its emphatic state is Elaha (אלהא). It is written as ܐܠܗܐ (ʼĔlāhā) in Biblical Aramaic and ܐܲܠܵܗܵܐ (ʼAlâhâ) in Syriac as used by the Assyrian Church, both meaning simply "God".

    İlah: fromAR ilāh إلاه  tanrı HEB elōah אלוה . Oldest source: [ Atebet-ül Hakayık (1300 yılından önce) ] 

    The word Allah has been used by Arabic people of different religions since pre-Islamic times. More specifically, it has been used as a term for God by Muslims (both Arab and non-Arab) and Arab Christians. It is also often, albeit not exclusively, used in this way by Bábists, Bahá'ís, Mandaeans, Indonesian and Maltese Christians, and Mizrahi Jews. Similar usage by Christians and Sikhs in West Malaysia has recently led to political and legal controversies. 

    The etymology of the word Allāh has been discussed extensively by classical Arab philologists. Grammarians of the Basra school regarded it as either formed "spontaneously" (murtajal) or as the definite form of lāh (from the verbal root lyh with the meaning of "lofty" or "hidden"). Others held that it was borrowed from Syriac or Hebrew, but most considered it to be derived from a contraction of the Arabic definite article al- "the" and ilāh "deity, god" to al-lāh meaning "the deity", or "the God". The majority of modern scholars subscribe to the latter theory, and view the loanword hypothesis with skepticism. 

    Cognates of the name "Allāh" exist in other Semitic languages, including Hebrew and Aramaic.The corresponding Aramaic form is Elah (אלה), but its emphatic state is Elaha (אלהא). It is written as ܐܠܗܐ (ʼĔlāhā) in Biblical Aramaic and ܐܲܠܵܗܵܐ (ʼAlâhâ) in Syriac as used by the Assyrian Church, both meaning simply "God". Biblical Hebrew mostly uses the plural (but functional singular) form Elohim (אלהים‬), but more rarely it also uses the singular form Eloah (אלוהּ‬).


    Compare similar use of Modern English certainly, absolutely. Used in Old English only at the end of Gospels, otherwise translated as Soðlic! or Swa hit ys, or Sy! As an expression of concurrence after prayers, it is recorded from early 13c.

    [2] Allah
    Arabic name for the Supreme Being, 1702, Alha, from Arabic Allah, contraction of al-Ilah, literally "the God," from al "the" + Ilah "God," which is cognate with Aramaic elah, Hebrew eloah (see Elohim).


    The other gods mentioned in the Quran are all female deities: Al-Lat, al-Uzza, and Manat, which represented the Sun, the planet Venus, and Fortune, respectively; at Mecca they were regarded as the daughters of Allah... As Allah meant ‘the god’, so Al-Lat means ‘the goddess’." (Islam, Alfred Guilaume, 1956 p 6-7)

    According to Middle East scholar E.M.Wherry, whose translation of the Koran is still used today, in pre-Islamic times Allah-worship, as well as the worship of Baal, were both astral religions in that they involved the worship of the sun, the moon, and the stars (A Comprehensive Commentary on the Quran, Osnabrück: Otto Zeller Verlag, 1973, p. 36).

    “In ancient Arabia, the sun-god was viewed as a female goddess and the moon as the male god. As has been pointed out by many scholars as Alfred Guilluame, the Moon god was called by various names, one of which was Allah (op.cit.,Islam, p. 7)

    “The name Allah was used as the personal name of the Moon god, in addition to the other titles that could be given to him.

    “Allah, the Moon god, was married to the sun goddess. Together they produced three goddesses who were called ‘the daughters of Allah’. These three goddesses were called Al-Lat, Al-Uzza, and Manat.

    “The daughters of Allah, along with Allah and the sun goddess were viewed as “high” gods. That is, they were viewed as being at the top of the pantheon of Arabian deities” (Robert Morey, The Islamic Invasion, Eugene, Oregon, Harvest House Publishers, 1977, pp.50-51). 

    "Before Muhammad appeared, the Kaaba was surrounded by 360 idols, and every Arab house had its god. Arabs also believed in jinn (subtle beings), and some vague divinity with many offspring. Among the major deities of the pre-Islamic era were al-Lat ("the Goddess"), worshiped in the shape of a square stone; al-Uzzah ("the Mighty"), a goddess identified with the morning star and worshiped as a thigh-bone-shaped slab of granite between al Talf and Mecca; Manat, the goddess of destiny, worshiped as a black stone [**] on the road between Mecca and Medina; and the moon god, Hubal, whose worship was connected with the Black Stone of the Kaaba." (The Joy of Sects, Peter Occhigrosso, 1996)

    [*]  The Codex Cumanicus is a linguistic manual of the Middle Ages, designed to help Catholic missionaries communicate with the Cumans, a nomadic Turkic people. It is currently housed in the Library of St. Mark, in Venice (Cod. Mar. Lat. DXLIX). 

    The Codex likely developed over time. Mercantile, political, and religious leaders, particularly in Hungary, sought effective communication with the Cumans as early as the mid-11th century. As Italian city-states, such as Genoa, began to establish trade posts and colonies along the Black Sea coastline, the need for tools to learn the Kipchak language sharply increased.

    The earliest parts of the Codex are believed to have originated in the 12th or 13th century. Substantial additions were likely made over time. 


    The copy preserved in Venice is dated 11 July 1330 on fol. 1r (see Drimba, p. 35 and Schmieder in Schmieder/Schreiner, p. XIII). The Codex consists of a number of independent works combined into one.


    Historians generally divide it into two distinct and independent parts. The first part, 1r-55v, is a practical handbook of the Kipchak tongue, containing a glossary of words in vulgar Italo-Latin and translations into Persian and Kipchak. This section has been styled the "Italian Part" or the "Interpreter's Book" of the Codex. Whether the Persian parts came through Kipchak intermediaries or whether Persian was a lingua franca for Mediterranean trade well known in Western Europe is a matter hotly debated by scholars.


    The second folio, 56r-82v, is a collection of various religious texts including a translation of the Lord's Prayer and riddles in Kipchak, translated into Latin and Eastern Middle High German. This part of the Codex is referred to as the "German" or "Missionary's Book" and is believed to have been compiled by German Franciscans.


    The Codex is generally regarded as accurate, but it differs slightly from other sources on Kipchak language.

    [**] The Black Stone (Arabic: ٱلْحَجَرُ ٱلْأَسْوَد‎, al-Ḥajaru al-Aswad, "Black Stone") is a rock set into the eastern corner of the Kaaba, the ancient building located in the center of the Grand Mosque in Mecca, Saudi Arabia. It is revered by Muslims as an Islamic relic which, according to Muslim tradition, dates back to the time of Adam and Eve.[1]
    The stone was venerated at the Kaaba in pre-Islamic pagan times. According to Islamic tradition, it was set intact into the Kaaba's wall by the prophet Muhammad in 605 CE, five years before his first revelation. Since then it has been broken into fragments and is now cemented into a silver frame in the side of the Kaaba. Its physical appearance is that of a fragmented dark rock, polished smooth by the hands of pilgrims. Islamic tradition holds that it fell from heaven as a guide for Adam and Eve to build an altar. It has often been described as a meteorite.[2]
    Muslim pilgrims circle the Kaaba as a part of the tawaf ritual during the hajj and many try to stop and kiss the Black Stone, emulating the kiss that Islamic tradition records that it received from Muhammad.

    [1] amen (interj.) 
    Old English, from Late Latin amen, from Ecclesiastical Greek amen, from Hebrew amen "truth," used adverbially as an expression of agreement (as in Deuteronomy xxvii.26, I Kings i.36), from Semitic root a-m-n "to be trustworthy, confirm, support."

    [3] hallelujah
    also halleluiah, 1530s, from Late Latin hallelujah, alleluia, from Greek allelouia, from Hebrew hallalu-yah "praise ye Jehovah," from hallalu, plural imperative of hallel "to praise" also "song of praise," from hillel "he praised," of imitative origin, with primary sense being "to trill." Second element is yah, shortened form of Yahweh, name of God. Earlier English form alleluia (12c.) is from Old French alleluie. alleluia (interj.)
    late 14c., from Latin alleluja, from Greek allelouia, from Hebrew hallelu-yah "praise Jehovah". 

    [4] god (n.)
    Old English god "supreme being, deity; the Christian God; image of a god; godlike person," from Proto-Germanic *guthan (source also of Old Saxon, Old Frisian, Dutch god, Old High German got, German Gott, Old Norse guð, Gothic guþ), from PIE *ghut- "that which is invoked" (source also of Old Church Slavonic zovo "to call," Sanskrit huta- "invoked," an epithet of Indra), from root *gheu(e)- "to call, invoke."

    But some trace it to PIE *ghu-to- "poured," from root *gheu- "to pour, pour a libation" (source of Greek khein "to pour," also in the phrase khute gaia "poured earth," referring to a burial mound; see found (v.2)). "Given the Greek facts, the Germanic form may have referred in the first instance to the spirit immanent in a burial mound" [Watkins]. See also Zeus. 

    Yahweh
    1869, hypothetical reconstruction of the tetragrammaton YHWH (see Jehovah), based on the assumption that the tetragrammaton is the imperfective of Hebrew verb hawah, earlier form of hayah "was," in the sense of "the one who is, the existing."

    Jehovah
    1530, Tyndale's transliteration of Hebrew Tetragrammaton YHWH using vowel points of Adhonai "my lord" (see Yahweh). Used for YHWH (the full name being too sacred for utterance) in four places in the Old Testament in the KJV where the usual translation the lord would have been inconvenient; taken as the principal and personal name of God. 

    Sovereign/Lord: In the Hebrew Scriptures the word ʼAdho·naiʹ appears frequently, and the expression ʼAdho·naiʹ Yehwihʹ 285 times. ʼAdho·naiʹ is a plural form of ʼa·dhohnʹ, meaning “lord; master.” The plural form ʼadho·nimʹ may be applied to men in simple plurality, as “lords,” or “masters.” But the term ʼAdho·naiʹ without an additional suffix is always used in the Scriptures with reference to God, the plural being employed to denote excellence or majesty. It is most frequently rendered “Lord” by translators. 

    When it appears with the name of God (ʼAdho·naiʹ Yehwihʹ), as, for example, at Psalm 73:28, the expression is translated “Lord GOD” (AT, KJ, RS); “Lord God” (Dy [72:28]); “Lord, my Master” (Kx [72:28]); “Lord Jehovah” (Yg); “Sovereign Lord Jehovah” (NW). In Psalms 47:9; 138:5; 150:2, Moffatt uses the word “sovereign,” but not to translate ʼAdho·naiʹ. The Greek word de·spoʹtes means one who possesses supreme authority, or absolute ownership and uncontrolled power. (Vine’s Expository Dictionary of Old and New Testament Words, 1981, Vol. 3, pp. 18, 46) It is translated “lord,” “master,” “owner,” and when used in direct address to God is rendered “Lord” (KJ, Yg, and others), “Ruler of all” (Kx), “Sovereign Lord” (NW), at Luke 2:29, Acts 4:24, and Revelation 6:10. 

    In the last text, Knox, The New English Bible, Moffatt, and the Revised Standard Version read “Sovereign Lord”; Young’s translation and the Kingdom Interlinear read “master.” So, while the Hebrew and Greek texts do not have a separate qualifying word for “sovereign,” the flavor is contained in the words ʼAdho·naiʹ and de·spoʹtes when they are used in the Scriptures as applying to Jehovah God, the qualification denoting the excellence of his lordship.

    The vowel substitution was originally made by the Masoretes as a direction to substitute Adhonai for "the ineffable name." European students of Hebrew took this literally, which yielded Latin JeHoVa (first attested in writings of Galatinus, confessor to Leo X, 1516). Jehovah's Witnesses "member of Watchtower Bible and Tract Society" first attested 1933; the organization founded c. 1879 by Charles Taze Russell (1852-1916); the name from Isaiah xliii.10.

    [5] Elohim: a name of God in the Bible, c. 1600, from Hebrew, plural (of majesty?) of Eloh "God" (cognate with Allah), a word of unknown etymology, perhaps an augmentation of El "God," also of unknown origin. Generally taken as singular, the use of this word instead of Yahveh is taken by biblical scholars as an important clue to authorship in the Old Testament, hence Elohist (1862; Elohistic is from 1841), title of the supposed writer of passages of the Pentateuch where the word is used.




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    Mavi Boncuk |


    Turkish Cinema and Transnational Imaginations Workshop National Film Theatre,
    London, 8-9 December 2000

    Muslim Identity in Turkish Cinema The Case of "White Cinema"1 By Nicolas Monceau [1]


    The focus of our discussion here will be on white cinema.

    The release in the early 90's of several films based on a religious message formed the basis of so-called "white cinema". These films attempted to deal with the question of muslim identity in Turkey within a 90's context, especially by tackling current political or historical issues.

    In order to develop the subject more precisely, we need to recall some historical reference points
    concerning the islamic trend in Turkish cinema.

    A- White cinema

    1) The origins of white cinema

    The origins of white cinema are considered to start in the 60's-70's, the golden age of Turkish cinema. At the fime, there were two antagonistic branches : Ulusal Sinema ( Ulusal is the modern Turkish word for "national"), which supported the Turkish dimension of national identity and Milli Sinema (Milli is the old Ottoman word for "national") which promoted the Islamic dimension of national identity by emphasizing the Turkish-islamic heritage of society and rejecting the influence of western cultural imperialism. The films of Milli Sinema were quite militant in their support of a religious ideology, but their aim was to counter the marxist ideology that was becoming influential in Turkey at the time.

    2) The definition of white cinema

    From this point of view, the emergence of white cinema in the 90's, led by the same directors, is seen as a significant revival of the islamic trend, Milli Sinema. But the works of a young generation of films makers - such as Mehmet Tanrisever, Metin Camurcu or Ismail Gunes - also bring a new dimension to Islamic cinema in Turkey. Their works established the real foundations of white cinema, according to the definition of journalist and writer Abdurrahman Sen: 2

    In other words, white cinema deals less with the "national" agenda than Milli or Ulusal cinema. It takes an introspective rather than militant approach in questioning the depths of human nature. By contrast with Turkish cinema, especially commercial productions, directors of white cinema attempt to promote a particular philosophy of life in accordance with the islamic ideal, and aim to be more representative of the identity of the Muslim Turkish people.

    3) The characteristics of white cinema

    In the early 90's, the islamic trend in Turkish cinema experienced an important revival with the release of several box-office hits, most of them by veterans of Milli Sinema. Adbullah of Minye (Minyeli Abdullah), by Yucel Qakmakli, was the biggest hit of 1990 with more than 500 000 admissions. You Are Not Alone ! (Yalniz Degilsiniz !), by Mesut Ucakan, broke the record for local releases a year later. And, last but not least, How You Sacrified Us (Bize Nasil Kiydiniz), by Metin Camurcu, dominated the Turkish box-office in 1994. Such commercial successes also led the film makers to shoot sequels, like Adbullah of Minye II and You Are Not Alone ! II, but these failed to attract the same audiences.

    It is also necessary to contextualise the emergence of white cinema in Turkey in the early 90's. There are at least three main reasons for its success, even if this was short-lived. Firstly, the growing influence of the religious Welfare Party, which was in government in 1996-97, created a positive background for attracting larger audiences. Some films of the period dealt with and supported the hottest political issues of the time, like the headscarf issue. Secondly, the easing of censorship in Turkish cinema, in the early 90's, allowed film directors to tackle new subjects, typically current political issues, which created controversial debate in the Turkish press. And finally, the stories of the films, most of them based on bestsellers in Islamic literature, also played a role in drawing large audiences. White cinema adressed itself to a particular public which failed to find what it was looking for in commercial Turkish cinema.

    B - Muslim identity in white cinema

    1) Muslim identity in white films Muslim identity in white films is usually conveyed through individual characters, who are shown as exemplary within a rather hostile society.

    The qualities of a good muslim are depicted as follows: piety, devotion, sacrifice, tolerance, a sense of justice, forgiveness, patience and gratitude, or solidarity and generosity. These virtuous characters promote one philosophy of Islam to other characters they encounter, mostly secular, and succeed in converting them by emphasizing the humanistic message of Islam or the wisdom and holiness of Allah. The characters evolve in a rather hostile political or social context. Facing the pressures of a secular society and authorities, they are often depicted as victims of injustice or religious intolerance.

    The vision of such a muslim identity is prominent in Abdullah of Minye, by Yucel Cakmakli, and The
    Exile, by Mehmet Taurisever. The action of Abdullah of Minye takes place in Egypt during the reign of King Faruk under the British administration. It deals with the story of devout Abdullah, said to be an opponent of the regime and oppressed throughout his life for devoting himself to Islam. By giving a didactic portrait of an exemplary muslim, the film also condems western imperialism in islamic countries and local political regimes which are seen as corrupted. The Exile, for its part, tells the story of a school teacher exiled from Istanbul to a remote Anatolian village because of his faith. By showing exemplary patience and devotion, he succeeds in transmitting a notion of responsibility to villagers and wins their support, except for the village chief (muhtar), who is opposed to change. Close to the "hoca", who had been marginalized after the establishment of the Republic, he also fosters a new religious fervour among one villagers before being exiled again by the authorities.

    2) Issues faced by Muslims in white films (two parts)

    How does muslim identity deal with current issues, especially against a background of Turkish society ?
    How does it tackle leading current issues within an islamic context ?

    social and cultural issues: the question of modernization (muslim identity and modernization)

    The relationship between muslim identity and modernization is tackled in white cinema through the
    westernization process in Turkey. This began in the mid-19th century with the Tanzimat measures
    imposed by the sultan and became dominant with the establishment of the Turkish Republic in 1923. The effects of the westernization process on Turkish society are shown in most white films as an imposed acculturation process leading to a cultural identity crisis. This is marked by a loss of traditions, religious and moral values. As such, westernization is portrayed as a threat to the cultural and religious identity of Turkish people.


    The notion of cultural duality in Turkish society due to the influence of the westernization movement is particularly prominent in the film You Are Not Alone ! (Yalniz Degilsiniz !), directed by Mesut Uccakan.

    The film deals with the story of Serpil, a young medical student living with her family in an exaggerated western lifestyle. Under the influence of her grand-mother, a traditional muslim woman, and a devout medical student, she slowly realizes that she is alienated from her roots and feels an increasing stranger to her family and her materialistic world. Serpil's individual quest finally leads her to discover God. She manifests this outwardly by deciding to wear a headscarf and Islamic dress, provoking the violent rejection of her family. At the end of the film, she is sent to a mental hospital by her family as a "victim of religious reaction" (irtica kurbani).

    current political issues: the question of secularism (muslim identity and secularism)

    The relationship between muslim identity and secularism in Turkey is also tackled in white cinema
    through the "headscarf dispute", which has been a controversial issue in Turkish politics since the 80's.

    Facing a prohibition imposed by the secular laws, the so-called "headscarved students" (turbanli
    ogrenciler) have consistently claimed the right to wear a headscarf at university through hunger strikes and sit-ins held in front of universities.

    Shot in 1990, You Are Not Alone ! (Yalniz Degilsiniz !) was the first white film to deal with this
    perennial political issue. In the film, the struggle by Serpil and other headscarved students is shown as a matter of individual freedom of thought and consciousness- in other words as a Human Rights issue - in a political context depicted as unjust and intolerant. From this perspective, the film has also been viewed as a spokesman of the headscarved students' struggle by supporting their claims.

    Finally, the relation between muslim identity and secularism is treated in white cinema through politicalviolence. Inspired by the case of Uour Mumcu, a famous journalist at the socialist newspaper Cumhuriyet and a supporter of secularism, who was murdered in January 1993 under mysterious circumstances,

    The lmmortal Carnation (Olumsuz Karanfiller), directed by Mesut Ucakan in 1995, tells the story of a young idealist muslim, acting in an agit-prop theater, who is falsely accused of murder and interroged by the security forces. Taking a stand on another contemporary and sensitive issue in Turkey - unsolved murders - the film posits the idea of the muslim community oppressed and used as scapegoats by the secular authorities.

    C - Transnationality and white cinema

    White cinema does not appear to have transnational links with parallel movements in other countries.

    Even if some white productions are supported by transnational funding - mostly by businessmen from Germany or the Gulf States, they appear to articulate an islamic identity which is purely Turkish and set in an exclusively Turkish context. From this perspective, the situation of Turkish communities in Europe, especially in Germany, had been rather tackled by a few Milli Sinema productions in the 70's.

    For example, Osman, My Son (Osman, Oglum) or My Country (Memleketim), both directed by Yucel Cakmakli, dealt with the cultural dilemmas (identity crisis, social alienation) faced by Turkish
    immigrants in Germany. White cinema, by contrast, appeared to distance itself from such issues.

    However, the idea of transnationality is raised in white cinema through the issue of the transnational muslim brotherhood, in particular against a background of international conflicts in which muslims are considered as the main victims. In this respect, the tragedy of Bosnian muslims in the Bosnian civil war and the conflict in Chechnya are handled in several white films. The Bleeding Wound (Kanayan Yara), by Yucel Cakmakli, deals with the Islamic independence movements against the background of the Bosnian civil war. Beyond Hope (Umidin Otesi), a short-feature by Mehmet Tanrisever, underlines the refugee issue by evoking the daily life of a young Bosnian girl in a Turkish village and the ties of solidarity which necessarily develop between her and the villagers. Finally, the idea of the islamic fraternity is also sketched in the opening of The Immortal Carnation (Olumsuz Karanfiller), by Mesut Ucakan, with the staging of a play by an agit-prop theater company which depicts the massacre of muslims in Chechnya by"communist" armed forces.

    -----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------1 I would like to thank Lucy Wood for her inestimable help in preparing the English version of this paper.

    2 See Burcak Evren, Yesilgam'la Yuz Yuze, Istanbul, A;~ Yayinlari, 1995, pp. 162-165.


    -----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

     [1] Associate Professor in political science at the University of Bordeaux

    • Consultant and expertise activities for the European Union Projects, etc

    European Research Council & Research Executive Agency (European Commission), ANR, FMSH Paris | janvier 2014 – Aujourd’hui (4 ans 4 mois)

    European Commission : Research Executive Agency, European Research Council.
    Agence Nationale de la Recherche (ANR, France).
    Fondation Maison Sciences de l'Homme Paris (France).


    • Associate Professor in Political Science
    Université de Bordeaux | février 2012 – Aujourd’hui (6 ans 3 mois)Région de Bordeaux, France

    Director of Instruction :
    Joint Head of Trilingual Master's Degree "Global Security and Analysis".
    Head of Master's Degree "Trilingual Political Analyst".

    Teachings :
    - International Politics.
    - Strategic and Geopolitical Issues in the Contemporary World.
    - The Nuclear Issue : Proliferation and Non-Proliferation.
    - Comparative Politics.
    - Politics in Western Democracies.
    - Turkish Politics.
    - French Politics.
    - European Politics (Sciences Po Bordeaux).




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    Mavi Boncuk | 

    On the night of May 29, 1993, four young German men with far-right affiliations set fire to the house of a Turkish family in the German city of Solingen's Untere Werner street. This incident, which demonstrated how dangerous racism is, has not been forgotten in Germany and Turkey despite the 25 years that passed. In the arson attack, Gülsün İnce (28), Hatice Genç (18), Hülya Genç (9), Saime Genç (5) and Gülistan Öztürk (12) died in the flames whereas Bekir Genç (15) and Güldane İnce (3) were severely injured. Bekir Genç, who stayed in a coma for three weeks and has had 24 operations so far, underwent a treatment that lasted for years.

    Although the four men organizing the attack were given prison sentences, two of them were released early because of good behavior. The court also ruled that the perpetrators would pay a compensation for Bekir Genç, whose body was severely burned during the attack. But the verdict could not be practiced as the two of them were unable to pay since they were in prison whereas one of the released men's whereabouts could not be identified.

    On May 29 every year, a commemoration ceremony is organized in Solingen. For this year's ceremony, Turkish Foreign Minister Mevlüt Çavuşoğlu has been invited to deliver a speech during the ceremony upon the suggestion of North Rhine-Westphalia Minister President Armin Laschet, which pleased the Turkish people. The representation of Turkey and Germany by their senior officials is valuable on such a meaningful day. While commemorating the victims of the attack, the messages that will be given to racists is of critical importance. Everything was good until that point. Following Austria and the Netherlands, Germany also announced that they will not allow any campaign activity regarding the early elections in Turkey. German Foreign Minister Heiko Maas said this implementation goes for all the countries. Mevlüt Çavuşoğlu suddenly eas persona non grata forthe 25th anniversaty of Solingen Arson Attack.

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    Mavi Boncuk | 

    Le poirier sauvage (Ahlat agaci|Wild Pear) by Turkish director Nuri Bilge Ceylan, who won the Palme d'Or at Cannes in 2014 with Winter Sleep and has won several other awards at Cannes (the Grand Prix in 2003 and 2011 with Uzak and Once Upon a Time in Anatolia respectively, and the award for Best Director in 2008 with Three Monkeys . 


    His film will centres around Sinan, who is passionate about literature and has always wanted to be a writer. Returning to the village where he was born, he pours his heart and soul into scraping together the money he needs to be published, but his father’s debts catch up with him… Commenting on the plot, Nuri Bilge Ceylan says: "Whether we like it or not, we can’t help but inherit certain defining features from our fathers, like a certain number of their weaknesses, their habits, their mannerisms and much, much more. The story of a son’s unavoidable slide towards a fate resembling that of his father is told here through a series of painful experiences." Le poirier sauvage will be produced by Parisian company (and Winter Sleep partner) Memento Films Production and Turkish company Zeyno Film.  

     “Whether we like it or not, we can’t help but inherit certain defining features from our fathers, like a certain number of their weaknesses, their habits, their mannerisms and much, much more. The story of a son’s unavoidable slide towards a fate resembling that of his father is told here through a series of painful experiences,” Ceylan says. 

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    Mavi Boncuk | 

    Voting for 600 MPs will be in 172,687 polling stations in Turkey.  
    (about 311 voters/station) .

    15 largest provinces  324 MPs 54% of voters. Istanbul alone 97 MPs 16% of voters.


    YSK | Directorate of Elections numbers were used.


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  • 05/01/18--10:30: Word Origin | Emek



  • Text translation: 'The 1st of May. Workers of the world, unite!' Poster was produced in Russian in 1921. 

    Mavi Boncuk |

    Emek: LaborEN [1] , work EN[2]from oldTR emge- acı çekmek +Ik oldTR (?) em ilaç +gA-

    Historic source: 
    emgek "zahmet, eziyet, acı" [ Orhun Yazıtları (735) : Ok bodun emgek körti [Ok boyları zahmet çekti] ]

    emgeklemek "dört ayak üstünde sürünmek" [ Uyghur c.1000 ]

    emekli "zahmetli, zor" [ Meninski, Thesaurus (1680) ]

    emekli "mütekâit" [ c (1935) : Emekli ve öksüzlerin ikinci altı aylık yoklamaları başlamıştır. ]

    [1] labor (n.) c. 1300, "a task, a project" (such as the labors of Hercules); later "exertion of the body; trouble, difficulty, hardship" (late 14c.), from Old French labor "toil, work, exertion, task; tribulation, suffering" (12c., Modern French labeur), from Latin labor "toil, exertion; hardship, pain, fatigue; a work, a product of labor," a word of uncertain origin. Some sources venture that it could be related to labere "to totter" on the notion of "tottering under a burden," but de Vaan finds this unconvincing. The native word is work. 

     Meaning "body of laborers considered as a class" (usually contrasted to capitalists) is from 1839; for the British political sense see labour. Sense of "physical exertions of childbirth" is attested from 1590s, short for labour of birthe (early 15c.); the sense also is found in Old French, and compare French en travail "in (childbirth) suffering" (see travail). Labor Day was first marked 1882 in New York City. The prison labor camp is attested from 1900. Labor-saving (adj.) is from 1776. Labor of love is by 1797.

    labor (v.) late 14c., "perform manual or physical work; work hard; keep busy; take pains, strive, endeavor" (also "copulate"), from Old French laborer "to work, toil; struggle, have difficulty; be busy; plow land," from Latin laborare "to work, endeavor, take pains, exert oneself; produce by toil; suffer, be afflicted; be in distress or difficulty," from labor "toil, work, exertion" (see labor (n.)).


    The verb in modern French, Spanish, and Portuguese means "to plow;" the wider sense being taken by the equivalent of English travail. Sense of "endure pain, suffer" is early 15c., especially in phrase labor of child (mid-15c.). Meaning "be burdened" (with trouble, affliction, etc., usually with under) is from late 15c. The transitive senses have tended to go with belabor. Related: Labored; laboring.

    [2] work (n.) Old English weorc, worc "something done, discreet act performed by someone, action (whether voluntary or required), proceeding, business; that which is made or manufactured, products of labor," also "physical labor, toil; skilled trade, craft, or occupation; opportunity of expending labor in some useful or remunerative way;" also "military fortification," from Proto-Germanic *werkan "work" (source also of Old Saxon, Old Frisian, Dutch werk, Old Norse verk, Middle Dutch warc, Old High German werah, German Werk, Gothic gawaurki), from PIE *werg-o-, suffixed form of root *werg- "to do." Meaning "physical effort, exertion" is from c. 1200; meaning "scholarly labor" or its productions is from c. 1200; meaning "artistic labor" or its productions is from c. 1200. Meaning "labor as a measurable commodity" is from c. 1300. Meaning "embroidery, stitchery, needlepoint" is from late 14c. Work of art attested by 1774 as "artistic creation," earlier (1728) "artifice, production of humans (as opposed to nature)." Work ethic recorded from 1959. To be out of work "unemployed" is from 1590s. To make clean work of is from c. 1300; to make short work of is from 1640s. Proverbial expression many hands make light work is from c. 1300. To have (one's) work cut out for one is from 1610s; to have it prepared and prescribed, hence, to have all one can handle. Work in progress is from 1930 in a general sense, earlier as a specific term in accountancy and parliamentary procedure.

    Work is less boring than amusing oneself. [Baudelaire, "Mon Coeur mis a nu," 1862]
    Work and play are words used to describe the same thing under differing conditions. [attributed to Mark Twain]
    work (v.)

    a fusion of Old English wyrcan (past tense worhte, past participle geworht) "prepare, perform, do, make, construct, produce; strive after" (from Proto-Germanic *wurkijan); and Old English wircan (Mercian) "to operate, function, set in motion," a secondary verb formed relatively late from Proto-Germanic noun *werkan (see work (n.)).

    Sense of "perform physical labor" was in Old English, as was sense "ply one's trade" and "exert creative power, be a creator." Transitive sense "manipulate (physical substances) into a desired state or form" was in Old English. Meaning "have the expected or desired effect" is from late 14c. In Middle English also "perform sexually" (mid-13c.). Related: Worked (15c.); working. To work up "excite" is from c. 1600. To work over "beat up, thrash" is from 1927. To work against "attempt to subvert" is from late 14c.

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    Orkhon is sometimes called Turkic Runes because of their angular shape, and there are enough similarities to Futhark 

     Mavi Boncuk | 

    𐰾𐰇𐰚𐰼𐱅𐰢𐰕: 𐰉𐱁𐰞𐰍𐰍: 𐰘𐰰𐰇𐰦𐰼𐱅𐰢𐰕: 𐱅𐰇𐰼𐰏𐰾: 𐰴𐰍𐰣: 𐱅𐰇𐰼𐰰𐰢: 𐰉𐰆𐰑𐰣𐰃𐰢: 𐰼𐱅𐰃: 𐰋𐰃𐰠𐰢𐰓𐰇𐰚𐰤: 𐰇𐰲𐰇𐰤: 𐰋𐰃𐰕𐰭𐰀: 𐰖𐰭𐰞𐰑𐰸𐰃𐰤: 𐰖𐰕𐰃𐰦𐰸𐰃𐰤: 𐰇𐰲𐰇𐰤: 𐰴𐰍𐰣𐰃: 𐰇𐰠𐱅𐰃: 𐰉𐰆𐰖𐰺𐰸𐰃: 𐰋𐰏𐰠𐰼𐰃: 𐰘𐰢𐰀: 𐰇𐰠𐱅𐰃: 𐰆𐰣: 𐰸: 𐰉𐰆𐰑𐰣: 𐰢𐰏𐰚: 𐰚𐰇𐰼𐱅𐰃: 𐰲𐰇𐰢𐰕: 𐰯𐰀𐰢𐰕: 𐱃𐰆𐱃𐰢𐰾: 𐰘𐰃𐰼: 𐰽𐰆𐰉: 𐰃𐰓𐰾𐰕: 𐰴𐰞𐰢𐰕𐰆𐰣: 𐱅𐰃𐰘𐰤: 𐰕: 𐰉𐰆𐰑𐰣𐰍: 𐰃𐱅𐰯: 𐰖𐰺𐱃𐰯: ----: 𐰉𐰺𐰽: 𐰋𐰏:

    SÖKüRTüMiZ: BaŞLıGıG: YÜKÜNDüRTüMiZ: TÜRGiŞ: KAGaN: TÜRÜKüM: BUDuNIM: eRTİ: BİLMeDÜKiN: ÜÇÜN: BİZiŊE: YaŊıLDUKIN: YaZINDUKIN: ÜÇÜN: KaGaNI: ÖLTİ: BUYRUKI: BeGLeRİ: YiME: ÖLTİ: ON: OK: BODuN: eMGeK: KÖRTİ: eÇÜMiZ: aPAMıZ: TUTMıŞ: YİR: SUB: İDiSiZ: KaLMaZUN: TİYiN: aZ: BODuNıG: İTiP: YaRaTıP: ----: BarS: BeG:

    çöktürdük, başlıyı yükündürdük. Türgiş kağanı Türk'üm boylarım idi. Bilemediği için, bize yanıldığı, yazındığı için kağanı öldü. Buyruğu, beğleri yine öldü. On Ok boyları emek gördü. eçümüzün apamızın tutmuş [olduğu] yer su ıssız kalmasın diye Az boylarını eğitip, yaratıp ---- Bars Beğ

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    Aziz Nesin[1] öncülüğünde bir grup aydın, kendi aralarında organize ettikleri çeşitli toplantılar sonucunda “Türkiye’de Demokratik Düzene İlişkin Gözlem ve İstekler” başlıklı bir dilekçe hazırlarlar. Dilekçe imzaya açılır ve tam 1260 kişi imzalar. 

    15 Mayıs 1984 günü Cumhurbaşkanlığına ve TBMM Başkanlığına sunulan tarihi dilekçe. 20 Mayıs 1984 günü Ankara Sıkıyönetim Komutanlığı tarafından dilekçeciler hakkında “yasadışı bildiri hazırlayıp dağıtmaktan” dolayı soruşturma başlatılır.

    59 kişi hakkında dava açılır.

    “Sıkıyönetim yasaklarına aykırı olarak bildiri dağıtmak” suçundan Ankara 1 no.lu Sıkıyönetim Mahkemesi’nde görülen, 18 Ağustos 1984 tarihinde ilk duruşması yapılan dava, 7 Şubat 1986'da tüm sanıklar için beraatle sonuçlanır.



    Mavi Boncuk | 

    AŞAĞIDA İMZASI BULUNANLARIN TÜRKİYE’DE DEMOKRATİK DÜZENE İLİŞKİN
    GÖZLEM VE İSTEKLERİ

    Demokrasi, kurumları ve ilkeleri ile yaşar. Bir ülkede demokrasinin temel harcını oluşturan kurum, kavram ve ilkeler yıkılırsa bunun zararlarını gidermek güçleşir
    .
    Demokrasiyi kendi öz değer ve kurumlarına yabancılaştırmak, biçimsel olarak koruyup içeriğini boşaltmak, onu yıkmak kadar tehlikelidir. Bu nedenlerle tarihsel birikime dayalı devlet yapımızı ayakta tutan kurum, kavram ve ilkelerin korunmasını ve demokratik ortam içinde güçlenmesini savunmaktayız.

    Halkımız, Çağdaş toplumlarda geçerli insan haklarının tümüne layıktır ve bunlara eksiksiz olarak sahip olmalıdır. Ülkemizin, insan haklarının güvenceleri yurt dışında tartışılır bir ülke durumuna düşürülmüş olmasını onur kırıcı buluyoruz.

    Yaşam hakkı ve insanca yaşama, örgütlü ve toplumsal var olmanın çağımızda hiçbir gerekçe ile ortadan kaldırılamayacak baş amacıdır; doğal ve kutsal bir haktır. Bu hakkın anlam kazanması, düşünceyi özgürce açıklamaya, geliştirmeye ve etrafında örgütlenmeye bağlıdır. Bireylerimizin yeni ve değişik düşünce üretmelerini, gösterilmeye çalışıldığı gibi, bunalımların nedeni değil, toplumsal canlılığın gereği sayıyoruz.

    İnsanların son sığınağı olan adalet, insanca yaşamın da başlıca dayanağıdır. Bun gerçekleşmesinin çağdaş hukuk devletinde geçerli yolları, adalet arayışının hiçbir şekilde engellenmemesi ve adalete ulaşmada olağanüstü yargı yollarına ve olağandışı yöntemlere başvurulmamasını gerektirmektedir. Olağanüstü yönetim bicilerinin olağan sayılan dönemlerde süreklilik kazanmasının demokrasi anlayışı ile bağdaşmayacağı görüşündeyiz.

    Yargı kararı olmaksızın yurttaşların haklarının kısılması, tartışılması mümkün olmayan tek yanlı idari işlemlerle suç oluşturulması, siyasal hakların ellerden alınması ve genel suçlamalar yapılması, toplumsal yıkımlara yol açmaktadır. Dernek, kooperatif, vakıf, meslek odaları, sendika ve siyasal partilere girmenin ve açıklandığı zaman suç sayılmayan düşüncelerin sonradan egemen anlayışa göre, suç sayılması hukuk devleti kavramıyla bağdaşmaz.

    Türkiye’nin yaşadığı yoğun terör eylemlerinden demokratik sistemin kendisi sorumlu tutulamaz.

    Her örgütlü toplumun şiddet eylemleriyle mücadele etmesi kaçınılmaz görevidir. Ancak, devlet olmanın temel niteliği, terörle mücadelede hukuk ilkelerine bağlı kalmaktır. Terörün varlığı hiçbir zaman, devletin de aynı yöntemlere başvurmasının gerekçesi olamaz.

    Varlığı yasal kararlarla da kanıtlanan işkence insanlığa karşı suçtur. İşkencesin yargısı, peşin ve ilkel bir cezalandırma alışkanlığına dönüştürülmüş olmasından endişe ediyoruz. Ayrıca, özgürlüğü sınırlama amacını aşan cezaevi koşullarını da eziyet ve işkence sayıyoruz.

    İşkencenin büsbütün ortadan kaldırılması için gerekli önlemler alınmalıdır. Savunma, soruşturma ve kovuşturmada, hukuk devleti kuralları dışına çıkılır ve yargısal yöntemlerde en başta sanık makum oluncaya kadar masumdur ilkesiyle vurgulanan evrensel güvenceler yok sayılırsa, keyfilik, özellikle siyasal davalarda yargılamanın temel unsurlarından biri olur.

    Terör eylemlerinin oluşmasında toplumun bütün kesimlerinin sorumluluk payı olduğu göz önüne alınarak, ölüme dayalı çözüm düşüncesinin ortadan kaldırılması için kesinleşmiş idam kararlarının infazlarının durdurulması ve ölüm cezalarının kaldırılması gereğine inanıyoruz.

    Gecikmiş adaletin adaletsizlik olduğu evrensel gerçeğine dayanarak, görülmekte olan davaların bir an önce sonuçlandırılması gerektiği görüşündeyiz.

    Suçları oluşturan, toplumsal ve siyasal koşullardır. Türkiye’nin içinde yaşadığı çalkantılı dönemin topluma yüklediği sorumluluk unutulmamalıdır. Bu nedenlerden ötürü ve sosyal barışa katkıda bulunmak için kapsamlı bir affı kaçınılmaz görüyoruz.

    Kamu yaşamında iyiyi kötüden, doğruyu yanlıştan ayırmanın yolu olan siyaset, toplumun tümünün yönetime katılmasıdır. Güncel siyasetin her ülkede görülen ve kaçınılmaz olan aksaklıkları, herkese açık gereken siyaset yoluyla topluma hizmetin engellenmesinin ve belirli zümrelerin, kişinin ve kişilerin tekeline bırakılmasının nedeni olamaz. Siyaset yalnızca idari kararlara indirgenemez.

    Milli irade ancak, toplumun bütün kesimlerinin özgürce örgütlenebildiği düzenlerde anlam ifade eder. Kimsenin siyasal kanı ve felsefi düşüncesinden ötürü suçlanmadığı, hiçbir yurttaşın dinsel inançlarından dolayı kınanmadığı ülkelerde milli irade en üstün güçtür. Bu üstün gücün meşruluğu, temel hak ve özgürlüklere karşı takındığı tavra bağlıdır.

    Çoğunluk iradesinin özgürce belirlenmesini engelleyen koşullar demokrasiye aykırıdır. Bunun gibi, çoğunluk iradesini bahane ederek temel hakları yok etmek de demokrasi ile bağdaşmaz.

    Tarihsel gelişim süreci içinde demokratik anayasaların amacı, kişi hak ve özgürlüklerini güvence altına almaktır. Bireyi devlet karşısında güçsüzleştiren düzenlemeler, hangi ad altında getirilirse getirilsin, demokrasiden uzaklaşma anlamına gelir. Bu durumda, demokratik yaşamın kaynağı olması gereken anayasa, demokrasinin engeli olur.

    Başta siyasi partiler olmak üzere, sendikalar, mesleki kuruluşlar ve dernekler, demokratik yaşamın vazgeçilmez dayanaklarıdır. Mesleki örgütlenmeler, üyelerin dayanışma ve ekonomik çıkarlarını savunmakla görevli oldukları kadar, siyasi partilerle birlikte, birey ve grupların demokratik özgürlüklerimi korumanın ve yönetime katılmalarının aracı ve etkeni de olmalıdır. Bu nedenle, örgütlenme ve katılım haklarının anayasal düzenlemeler içinde en geniş güvencelere kavuşturulması gerektiğine inanıyoruz.

    Bir toplumun yaşayışında, özgürlük, çeşitlilik ve yenilik öğelerinin bulunması, toplumun geleceği ve gelişmeye açık tutulması için zorunludur. Bu bakımdan her türlü düşünce üretimi korunmalı, yeni önerile kamuya özgürce sunulabilmelidir.

    Özgür basın, demokratik düzeni bütünleyen temel öğelerden biridir. Bunun sağlanması için, bağımsız, denetimsiz ve çok yanlı olarak toplumun kendinden haberli olması, değişik düşüncelerin özgürce yansıtılması ve her türlü eleştirinin basında yer bulması zorunludur. Çok yönlü kamuoyu oluşması ve yönetimin demokratik denetimi ancak böyle bir basınla gerçekleştirilebilir. Yine bu nedenlerle ve yansızlığın önkoşulu olarak TRT’nin de özerkliğinin sağlanması gerektiğine inanıyoruz.

    Eğitimin temel amacı, özgür düşünceli, bilgili, becerli ve üretici insan yetiştirmektir. Bunun tersine, tek tip insan yaratmaya çalışmak, çağdaş gelişmeler ve çoğulcu demokrasiyle bağdaşmaz. Çağdaş demokrasi, dünyaya eleştirel gözle bakabilen insan yetiştirmeyi amaçlar.

    Toplumun en yetişkin kesimi olan üniversitelerin özerklikten yoksun bırakılarak kendi kendilerini yönetmeye layık olmadıklarının ileri sürülmesi, ülkemizde demokrasinin işleyebileceğini inkar etmek anlamına gelir. Bütün yüksek öğretim kurumlarının, atamalarla oluşturulan aşırı yetkili bir kurulun buyruğuna verilmesi, hem gençlerin iyi yetiştirilmesini, hem de bilim yapılmasını şimdiden engellediği gibi ülkenin geleceği için büyük kaygılar doğurmaktadır. Bu nedenle, YÖK düzeninin bir an önce seçim ilkesine dayalı özerklik yönünde değiştirilmesini gerekli görüyoruz.

    Fikir ve sanat özgürlüklerinin serbestçe oluşmasını engelleyen hukuki ve fiili sınırları kaldırmak ve her yurttaşla birlikte, düşünce ve sanat adamlarını da genel güvencelerle donatmanın bir uygarlık koşulu olduğunu önemle belirtmek isteriz. Sağlıklı bir toplumsal gelişme, her türlü sanat yapıtlarının üretiminde ve yayımında özgürlüğü, kültürel yaratıyı son derece sınırlayan sansürün toptan kaldırılmasını, hiçbir konunun tabu haline getirilmemesini, ceza sorumluluğunun yalnız olağan yargı mercilerince saptanmamasını gerektirir.

    Bütün bunların ışığında, topluma karşı sorumluluklarının bilincinde olan bizler, çağdaş demokrasinin, ayrı ayrı ülkelerin özel koşullarına göre uygulamadaki değişikliklere karşın, değişmeyen bir özü olduğuna bu özü oluşturan kurum ve ilkelerin bizim ulusumuzca da benimsenmiş bulunduğuna, bunlara aykırı düşen yasal düzenleme ve uygulamaların demokratik yöntemlerle ortadan kaldırılması gerektiğine, yaşadığımız bunalımdan, böylelikle, sağlıklı ve güvenli olarak çıkılacağına olanca içtenliğimizle inanmaktayız.

    Haklarında Dava Açılan İmza Sahipleri

    Aziz Nesin, Hasan Gürsel, İlhan Tekeli, Uğur Mumcu, Erbil Tuşalp, Haluk Gerger, Bahri Savcı, Yalçın Küçük, Mahmut Öngören, Mete Tunçay, Şerafettin Turan, Yakup Kepenek, Murat Belge, Halit Çelenk, Mehmet Emin Değer, Korkut Boratav, Mustafa Ekmekçi, Tahsin Saraç, Nurkut İnan, İnci Aral, Güler Tanyolaç, Güngör Aydın, Haldun Özen, Haki Bülent Tanık, Güngör Dilmen, Gencay Gürsoy, Vedat Türkali, Özay Erkılıç, Salih Şencan, Kemal Demirel, Vecdi Sayar, Tullui Sönmez, Onat Kutlar, İlhan Selçuk, Ümit Erdoğan, Berna Moran, Minu İnkaya, Veli Lök, Emre Kapkın, Cahit Tanör, Yılmaz Tokman, Şinasi Acar, Ali Oralp Basım, Ruşen Hakkı Özpençe, Hayri Tütüncüler, Güngör Türkeli, Atıf Yılmaz, Başar Sabuncu, Orhan Ş. Balcıoğlu, Erdal Öz, Turgut Kazan, Talat Mete, Ercan Ülker, Ahmet Kocabıyık, Ali Cumhur Ertekin, Yılmaz Polat, Gürsoy Dinç, Cemal Nedret Erdem, Muhittin Yavuz Aksu


    [1] Aziz Nesin'in Aydınlar Dilekçesi Öyküsü | Emre Kongar
    Aziz Nesin toplumsal sorumluluk bilinci çok gelişmiş bir yazardı.

    Toplumsal bilimlere de büyük bir ilgi duyardı.

    Bu açıdan en beğendiği yapıtı Surnâme adlı romanıydı.

    Bilindiği gibi Surnâme, Divan Edebiyatı'nda şenlik, düğün şenliği, sünnet düğünü, ziyafet gibi olayların anlatıldığı, minyatürlerle de desteklenen manzum bir biçimdir.

    Bu romanda Aziz Bey, bir idam mahkûmunun öyküsü bağlamında Türkiye'nin toplumsal yapısını, bireyi suça iten faktörleri, insanı ve hukuk düzenini irdeler.

    İlk tanıştığımızda bana hemen bu kitabını okuyup okumadığımı sormuş ve "Hayır" yanıtını alınca derhal okumamı önermişti.

    Sanıyorum beni sevmesinin ve dostluğuna kabul etmesinin önemli nedenlerinden biri toplumbilimci olmamdı.

    Ankara'da başlayan dostluğumuz, ben 12 Eylül'ün üniversitelerdeki uygulamalarını YÖK bağlamında protesto etmek için ve bardağı taşıran son damla olarak sakalımı kesmeye zorlandığımdan dolayı istifa ettikten sonra, geldiğimiz İstanbul'da artarak devam etti.

    * * *
    Aziz Bey 12 Eylül'ün baskıcı rejiminden çok rahatsız olmuştu ve mutlaka bir şeyler yapmak gereksinimi hissediyordu; sonunda, yapılan yanlışlara aydınlar tarafından imzalanan bir dilekçe ile karşı çıkmaya karar vermişti.

    Tarihe "Aydınlar Dilekçisi" olarak geçen bu olayın başında beni aradı ve evine çağırdı:

    O sırada Hürriyet'te çalışıyordum...

    Aziz Nesin de Nişantaşı'ndaki evinde kalıyordu.

    Gittiğimde hemen konuya girdi, projesini açıkladı.

    Dilekçeyi imzalamasını düşündüğü kişilerle, metni hazırlamak üzere derhal toplantılar yapmaya başlamak istiyordu...

    Ve bana bu projenin götürücülüğünü önerdi.

    Sanıyorum, hazırlanacak dilekçenin, kendisi dışında, özellikle akademisyenlerden ve gazetecilerden oluşan bir grup tarafından benimsenmesini planlamıştı.

    * * *
    Bu serüveni "Yaşamın Anlamı" kitabımda uzun uzun anlattım; olayı ve o dönemi merak edenler mutlaka okumalıdır.

    Bugünkü sahte kahramanların çoğu o sıralarda 12 Eylül'e dalkavukluk etme yarışındayken Aziz Nesin ve bir avuç aydın, darbenin güçlü adamı Kenan Evren'e verilmek üzere "Türkiye'de Demokratik Düzene İlişkin Gözlem ve İstemler" başlıklı bir protesto ve istek dilekçesi hazırlıyordu.

    Hürriyet'teki sorumluklarımdan dolayı proje götürücülüğünü kabul edemedim ama, hazırlık toplantılarına katıldım ve Aziz Bey'le birlikte, metnin tamamına yakın büyük bir bölümünün redaksiyonunu yaptım.

    Metin toplantıları genellikle Nişantaşı'ndaki evde oluyordu ve katılımın olanaklı olduğu ölçüde genişletilmesi için, her toplantıya değişik kişileri çağırıyorduk.

    Sonunda ortaya çıkan ve üzerinde mutabakat sağlanan metni 1383 kişi imzaladı.

    Aziz Bey, Hacettepe Üniversitesi'nin değerli göğüs cerrahı Prof. Hüsnü Göksel'le birlikte Çankaya'ya çıkarak dilekçeyi Evren'e vermek istedi; Evren kabul etmediği için kapıya bırakıp çıktı.

    Sonradan İstanbul Sıkıyönetim Savcılığı bütün imzacılar hakkında soruşturma açtı ve hepimizi Selimiye kışlasına celbedip ifadelerimizi aldı.

    Bu sırada dilekçeyi, konut kooperatifi üyeliği sanıp imzaladıklarını "açıklayanlar" da oldu...

    Ayrıntılar "Yaşamın Anlamı"nda.

    Öyle bir dönemdi işte!

    0 0

    Mavi Boncuk | SOURCE

    Intesa Sanpaolo Group Historical Archives via Morone 3 (reading room) largo Mattioli 5 (postal address) 20121 Milan tel. +39 02 87942970 archivio.storico@intesasanpaolo.com


    Bernardino Nogara 
    with his wife and children in Constantinople, 1910 (Nogara Family Archive)






    The Galata Bridge in Constantinople; photo taken between 1908 and 1914
    (Nogara Family Archive)

    NO. 1 SEPTEMBER 2016 page 5 

    Europe’s great tragedy seen through a man’s letters to his wife Francesca Pino 

    She and their children had returned to Italy alone following a nearly decade-long stay in Istanbul, where Nogara worked for Banca Commerciale Italiana (BCI) as director of the Eastern Trading Company (Società Commerciale d’Oriente – COMOR); they ended up staying there due to the outbreak of WWI. The letters span a period of just over a year, from 2 July 1914 through 11 July 1915, just prior to Italy’s declaration of war on Turkey in August 2015. The book contains a single letter by Ester – the only one that has survived – dated 23 May 1915, the day that news got around of Italy’s entry into the war. It is found in the appendix for this reason. Bernardino Nogara[1] was a prominent figure in twentieth-century history. A liberal Catholic from an ancient Lombard family, he held a degree in mining engineering from the Milan Polytechnic and acted as BCI’s representative in the Mediterranean and Eastern European regions. A financier, he was also tasked with diplomatic responsibilities, and following the 1929 Concordat between the Vatican and Italy he became the first Director of the Special Administration of the Holy See. He was also a member of BCI’s board of directors from 1925 to 1945 when, thanks to his active participation in the National Liberation Committee in Rome, he was appointed the bank’s vice president on 28 June. He held that position until his death in 1958. 

    The correspondence is intriguing from several perspectives. First of all, it lets readers reconstruct the sequence of declarations of war between the various countries, which were bilateral and staggered over time. It also provides an understanding of the ambiguous behavior towards Russia of the Turks, who sided with Germany early on, allowing two German submarines to enter the Bosphorus. Bernardino Nogara’s reading of events is both diplomatic and highly perceptive, capturing the atmosphere of mistrust that developed within the international community following the entry into war of various countries. He had decided to stay on in Istanbul since a minimum number of board members was required to manage the administration of the Ottoman public debt. The letters show how Nogara grew increasingly convinced as time went by of the need for Italy to enter the war and subsequently to be able to claim the unredeemed lands (Trento and Trieste). He makes observations on the behavior of foreign ambassadors and Turkish ministers to his wife, who was herself quite familiar with that milieu; indeed, she had played a representative role that was very much appreciated by Italy’s ambassador in Constantinople, Camillo Garroni. Nogara’s comments convey the increasingly heavy atmosphere in the city, and the sense of isolation felt by the few Europeans still resident there. 

    At one point Nogara undertook a several day-long journey by ship and on horseback to visit the Heraclea mines in Anatolia, and then returned to Italy through Sofia and Thessaloniki, having obtained permission to visit his family in Bellano on Lake Como. Once in Italy he was called back repeatedly to carry out a range of diplomatic missions and assignments both for the Italian Ministry of Foreign Affairs and for BCI and Otto Joel, the bank’s co-founder and director. Nogara’s writing style is eloquent yet terse, circumspect rather than rhetorical; indeed, his letters were often opened for censure. They include fascinating discussions of the growing difficulties of the postal and telegraph links, but also touch on more intimate, family-related matters such as the couple’s home, their garden, the care of plants and Nogara’s love for his wife. The elegant layout of the book and its exceptional selection of photographs (thanks to the analytical cataloguing done by Serena Berno, an Intesa Sanpaolo Group Historical Archives staff member) help readers to fully immerse themselves in the events of the period. 

    Published with the support of Intesa Sanpaolo, the book includes an introduction by Marta Petricioli on Italy’s foreign policy in the Mediterranean region, and on the role played by the aforementioned Società Commerciale d’Oriente, which also carried out banking business in Istanbul and other Mediterranean cities. 

    Lettere da Costantinopoli (1914-1915). Carteggio familiare di Bernardino Nogara [Letters from Constantinople (1914-1915). The Family Correspondence of Bernardino Nogara], edited by Bernardino Osio with an introduction by Marta Petricioli, Florence, Centro Di, 2014 (174 pages).

    All credit for this elegant and absorbing volume – Lettere da Costantinopoli (1914- 1915). Carteggio familiare di Bernardino Nogara – is due to Bernardino Osio, a former ambassador, who conceived and edited it. It contains a brief part of the substantial correspondence between his grandfather, Bernardino Nogara, and Nogara’s wife, Ester Martelli. 


    Ambassador Bernardino Osio, grandson of Nogara, has his diary at his family archive in Rome. The diary has not so far been published, but has been used in two previous scholarly works: Renzo De Felice used extracts from the diary in his article, 'La Santa Sede e il conflitto italo-etiopico nel diario di Bernardino Nogara', Storia Contemporanea, 4 (1977), pp 823-34, and
    Giovanni Belardelli published an important, attached document, the journal of Nogara's visit to the United States in 1937,'Un viaggio di Bernardino Nogara negli Stati Uniti (novembre 1937)',

    in Storia Contemporanea, 23 (1g82), pp. 32 1-8,


    [1]  Bernardino Nogara (Bellano, June 17, 1870 — Milano, November 15, 1958)  

    (Pictured )The Eastern Trading Company in the Galata neighborhood of Constantinople around 1910 (Nogara Family Archive)

    He was the first non-roman to be in charge of the Vatican finances. He came from a family so Catholic that it weep because of the breach of Porta Pia. With a degree in industrial and electro-technical engineering from the University of Milan, he left for England as soon as he married and went to work in a mine in Wales. From there he was sent to a mine in Greece. In 1908, he was living in Constantinople and managing mines in Asia Minor. There, he founded the Eastern Commercial Society, a branch of the Banca Commerciale Italiana. Well-versed in the political and economic realities of the Ottoman Empire, he became the Italian government’s trusted advisor for Easter affairs.  In this role, he was involved in the Ouchy Treaty, which ended the war in Libya between Italy and Turkey. In 1914, Nogara was the Italian delegate to the Board of Administration for the Ottoman Public Debt.  At the end of the First World War, he was part of the economic and financial commission of the Conferences created to draft peace treaties with Austria, Hungary, Bulgaria, and Turkey.



    Transactions of the Institution of Mining Engineers, Volume 34

     By Institution of Mining Engineers (Great Britain) 1908 - Mineral industries


    While in Istambul, he was appointed representative to the Italian Banca Commerciale and then the Italian representative to an international committee overseeing the Ottoman empire's debt and the Italian delegation to the economic committee at the Versailles Peace Conference in 1919, after which he remained on the permanent reparations committee.[9] He was later appointed to manage the industry section of the Inter-Allied Commission that enacted the Dawes Plan in Berlin.


    Within the Banca Commerciale Italiana, Italy's largest private bank, he became a member of the board of directors and later the vice-president. He was also a member of the board of Commissioni Economiche e Finanziarie alle Conferenze (Comofin).

    Nogara's dealings with the Vatican began in 1914, when he purchased a variety of bonds on behalf of Pope Benedict XV.


    He graduated in industrial engineering and electrical engineering at the Polytechnic of Milan in 1894, Nogales was later director of mines in England, Bulgaria, Greece and Turkey. In 1913 he was one of the architects of the signing of the Treaty of Ouchy concluded that the Libyan war between Italy and Turkey. It was also the Italian delegate, from the end of 1912, the Board of Directors of the Ottoman Public Debt, an adviser and then chief executive officer (1913-1935) of the Trading Company of the East (Comor), a sort of branch of the BCI in Turkey and the Balkans, director and vice president of BCI from 1925 to 1958.


    Bernardino Nogara was the financial advisor to the Vatican between 1929 and 1954, appointed by Pope Pius XI and retained by Pope Pius XII as the first Director of the Special Administration of the Holy See.

    Nogara could count on the benefits of a renewed diplomatic activity of the Church.  Benedict XV had left the Vatican coffers empty, because the First World War prevented bishops from coming to Rome for ad limina visits and contribute to Peter’s Pence. From 1930 on, Nogara invested in a web of projects extended throughout Europe and financial centres in the United States and South America. 



    Volpi Connection

    Giuseppe Volpi, 1st Count of Misurata (born in Venice on 19 November 1877; died in Rome on 16 November 1947), was an Italian businessman and politician.

    Count Volpi developed utilities which brought electricity to Venice, northeast Italy, and the Balkans by 1903. In 1911-1912, he acted as a negotiator in ending the Italo-Turkish War. Treaty of Lausanne (1912) as  Mr. Giuseppe Volpi, Commandant of the Orders of St. Maurice and St. Lazare and of the Italian Crown.


    He was Mussolini’s  governor of the colony of Tripolitania  from 1921 to until 1925.

    As Italy's Finance Minister from 1925 until 1928, he successfully negotiated Italy's World War I debt repayment with the United States and with England, and pegged the value of the lira to the value of gold. He was replaced in July 1928 by Antonio Moscini. He also founded the Venice Film Festival. The Volpi Cup (Italian: Coppa Volpi) is the principal award given to actors at the Venice Film Festival.


    His son is automobile racing manager Giovanni Volpi.

    .

    President  1934–1943 of Confindustria (the Italian employers' federation, founded in 1910 ) after Alberto Pirelli (1934)


    Giuseppe Volpi’s manager in Istanbul was Bernardino Nogara (Bellano, June 17, 1870 — Milano, November 15, 1958)  a convert to Catholicism, a Sabbatean [*] Jew.


    [*] Sabbateans (Sabbatians) is a complex general term that refers to a variety of followers of, disciples and believers in Sabbatai Zevi (1626–1676), a Jewish rabbi who was proclaimed to be the Jewish Messiah in 1665 by Nathan of Gaza. Vast numbers of Jews in the Jewish diaspora accepted his claims, even after he became a Jewish apostate with his conversion to Islam in 1666. Sabbatai Zevi's followers, both during his "Messiahship" and after his conversion to Islam, are known as Sabbateans. They can be grouped into three: "Maaminim" (believers), "Haberim" (associates), and "Ba'ale Milhamah" (warriors).



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    Turkey’s economy is doing surprisingly well. In the third quarter of 2017 GDP surged by 11.1% year-on-year, outperforming all major countries. Yet the outlook is not entirely rosy. Turkey’s current-account deficit has swelled from $33.7bn at the end of 2016 to $41.9bn (4.7% of GDP) now. Foreign direct investment is roughly half what it was a decade ago. Stirred by the credit boom, the spectre of high inflation, which haunted Turkey from the 1970s until the early 2000s, has returned. Prices surged by 13% in the year to November, the highest rate in 14 years, and more than double the central bank’s target. 

    Mavi Boncuk |

    Turkey - Credit Rating

    S&P Global Ratings unexpectedly lowered Turkey's sovereign credit rating to "BB-" from "BB" and revised its outlook to "stable" from "negative" on Tuesday 1st May 2018, citing growing concerns about inflation outlook and the long-term depreciation and volatility of Turkey's exchange rate, notwithstanding the central bank's recent decision to hike its late liquidity window rate. The agency also warned about the country's deteriorating external position; rising distress in the externally leveraged private sector and the Turkey's fiscal position due to continued public and quasi-public stimulus to the economy. Moody's credit rating for Turkey was last set at Ba2 with stable outlook. Fitch's credit rating for Turkey was last reported at BB+ with stable outlook. DBRS's credit rating for Turkey is BB (high) with negative outlook. In general, a credit rating is used by sovereign wealth funds, pension funds and other investors to gauge the credit worthiness of Turkey thus having a big impact on the country's borrowing costs. This page includes the government debt credit rating for Turkey as reported by major credit rating agencies.


    Same old same old

    AgencyRatingOutlookDate
    S&PBB-stableMay 01 2018
    Moody'sBa2stableMar 07 2018

    Moody'sBaa3stableMay 05 1992

    S&PBBBstableMay 04 1992

    Turkey Economic Outlook
    April 10, 2018

    Concerns over an economic overheating are on the rise, with annual GDP growth coming in at a stronger-than-expected 7.3% increase in Q4, and inflation and external metrics quickly deteriorating. Investors’ appetite for risky emerging market assets—on which Turkey depends to finance its external deficits—has also moderated in recent weeks amid fears over a trade war between the U.S. and China, causing the lira to tumble to fresh all-time lows in early April. Nonetheless, authorities remain committed to injecting huge stimulus into the economy in an attempt to keep it humming ahead of general elections, currently set for November 2019 but with signs of a potential snap vote mounting. Against this backdrop, Moody’s downgraded the sovereign credit rating further into junk status in early March, arguing that the government’s focus on short-term measures undermined effective policymaking and economic reform.

    Turkey Economic Growth

    The economy is expected to decelerate from last year’s outstanding performance as credit stimulus ebbs and households take a breather following a debt-fueled spending spree last year. That said, the government’s singular focus on delivering strong headline growth ahead of general elections should see fiscal stimulus remaining vigorous this year. Geopolitical noise, widening current account deficits and sticky inflation, however, pose major downside risks to growth. Our panel expects growth of 4.1% this year, which is up 0.2 percentage points from last month’s estimate. It expects growth of 3.8% in 2019.


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    Commemorating Gallipoli through Music Remembering and Forgetting JOHN MORGAN O'CONNELL[1] 

    This monograph examines the relationship between music and memory as it relates to the Gallipoli Campaign (1915-6). Drawing upon a wide variety of sources in many languages, it explores the multiple ways in which music is employed to remember and to forget, to celebrate and to commemorate a victory (on the part of the Central Powers) and a defeat (on the part of the Allied forces) in the Dardanelles during the First World War (1914-8). Further, it argues that commemoration itself can be viewed as an ‘instrument of war’. In particular, it investigates the complex positionality of individual actors during the centennial commemorations of the Gallipoli landings (24 April, 2015) where the Australians and the Turks most notably have employed music to reimagine the past, both nationalities invoking the ‘Gallipoli spirit’ (tr. ‘Çanakkale ruhu’) to advance a nationalist agenda and a resurgent militarism through the selective memorialization of an imperial past. The book interrogates through music the ambivalent position of minorities. With specific reference to the Irish (amongst the British) and the Armenians (amongst the Ottomans), it shows how song might serve both to articulate a nationalist defiance and an imperialist consensus during a tumultuous period of irredentism. By uncovering the complex pathways of musical transmission, it demonstrates through musical analysis how the colonized could become the colonizer (in the case of the Irish) or a minority might conform to a majority (in the case of the Armenians). Further, the publication looks at the uneasy alliance between the Turks and the Germans. It focuses on a German musician (as an imperial bandmaster) and Germanic entrepreneurs (in the recording industry) who entertained or who served the German Mission in Istanbul. Here, it considers by way of musical composition the shared wish on the part of the Germans and the Turks to create a Lebensraum in Asia.  

    Lexington Books Pages: 332 • Trim: 6 1/4 x 9 3/8 978-1-4985-5620-0 • Hardback • December 2017 978-1-4985-5621-7 • eBook • December 2017 


     Mavi Boncuk |

    [1] Professor John Morgan O'Connell MA (Oxon), MA (UCLA), PhD (UCLA), AGSM
    Professor

    School of Music | oconnelljm(at)cardiff(dot)ac(dot) uk |+44 (0)29 2087 0394

    Biography

    I am an Irish ethnomusicologist with a specialist interest in cultural history. I have recently completed a monograph on music and commemoration as it relates to the Gallipoli Campaign from the perspective of the Australians and the Turks, the British and the Germans, amongst others (see O’Connell 2017). I also explore the issues of militarism and orientalism with respect to Irish recruits in the military catastrophe, my own family in particular having an ongoing connection with the Ottoman Empire. Some of my ancestors were administrators and soldiers in Ottoman territories, and others were diplomats and doctors in the Ottoman capital (see Figure 1). Significantly, a number of my relatives were either killed or wounded in the Gallipoli Campaign (see Figure 2).

    This research builds upon my established interest in the music of the Middle East. It also draws upon my continued research on music in conflict zones. These academic strands have resulted in significant outputs in the form of a monograph (see O’Connell 2013) and a collection (see O’Connell Ed. 2010) respectively. I am currently working on a project that concerns music in Ireland during the Great War. I also aim to complete a study on music in the late Ottoman Empire. In addition, I have conducted impact related research in the Muslim world in association with the Aga Khan Humanities Project (see O’Connell 2015) and the Arts and Humanities Research Council (2014).

    My research concerns the musical traditions of the Muslim world, with a secondary area of expertise in the musical traditions of Europe. Other areas of interest include the significance of hermeneutic theory and historical ethnography for ethnomusicology. In 2013, I published a monograph on Turkish style in the early-Republican period (1923-1938). In 2010, I edited a scholarly collection that concerns music and conflict in a global perspective. Further, I have recently published chapters on music and humanism, music and classicism, and music and architecture. Having submitted for publication my latest book on music and commemoration in the Gallipoli Campaign (contract signed November, 2016), I am now undertaking a study of music in Ireland during the Great War.

    I have acted as a music consultant for a number of international organizations, being awarded a Senior Fulbright Fellowship in association with the Aga Khan Humanities Project (2002) and a Getty Foundation Grant to participate in its International Summer Institute (2006). I was also awarded an AHRC fellowship (2014) for a project entitled ‘The God Article’. I have hosted a variety of international conferences including the 15th ICTM International Colloquium (2004) and the annual conference of the British Forum for Ethnomusicology (2008). I was reviews editor for the journal Ethnomusicology. I am currently a member of the editorial boards for the SOAS Musicology Series, Ethnomusicology Forum and the Journal of the Ottoman and Turkish Studies Association, amongst others.

    Forthcoming Publications: Selected

    O'Connell, John M. 2017. Commemorating Gallipoli: Music, Memory, Myth. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books. [Accepted: 130,000 words]

    O'Connell, John M. 2017. ‘Kâr-ı Nev: Elaboration and Retardation in the Musical Performances of a Turkish Classic’. Eds Rachel Harris and Martin Stokes. Theory and Practice in the Music of the Islamic World: Essays in Honour of Owen Wright. London: Routledge, 123-143. [Accepted: 10,000 words]

    Education:

    1996: PhD (Ethnomusicology) UCLA, USA
    1992: MA (Music) UCLA, USA
    1986: AGSM (Performance) Guildhall School of Music, UK
    1985: MA (Geography) Oxford University, UK
    1982: BA (Geography) Oxford University, UK
    Fellowships: Selected

    2006: Getty Foundation Internship, Koç Üniversitesi, Turkey
    2002: Fulbright Senior Scholar Award, Brown University, USA
    2001: Music Consultant, Aga Khan Humanities Project, Tajikistan
    1992: Turkish Government Fellowship, İstanbul Üniversitesi, Turkey
    1991: Graduate Distinguished Scholar, UCLA, USA
    1990: DAAD Fellowship, Freie Universität, Germany
    1988: Graduate Fellowship, UCLA, USA
    1987: Research Associate, York University, UK
    Academic positions
    Permanent Appointments:

    Otago University (Lecturer)
    University of Limerick (Senior Lecturer)
    Cardiff University (Professor)
    Visiting Appointments:

    Queen's University (Visiting Lecturer)
    Brown University (Visiting Professor)
    Haverford College (Distinguished Visiting Professor), among others

    Speaking engagements
    Recent: Selected (2014-)

    2017: ‘Old Gallipoli: Music in the Commemoration of a Campaign', CoHere Symposium, Newcastle University, Newcastle (UK)

    2017: 'Bedî Mensî: Hüseyin Sadettin ve Türk Operası', Hüseyin Sadettin Arel Sempozyomu, İstanbul Üniversitesi, Istanbul (Turkey)

    2017: ‘De la musique pour la guerre: pluralisme et chauvinisme’, La Fondation Royaumont, Paris (France)
    2017: Keynote. ‘Heal the Pain: The Arts in the Dardanelles (1915)’, Centre for Nineteenth Century Studies, Durham University (UK)

    2016: ‘Turân: A Turkic Myth in Turkish Music’, Middle East and Central Asia Music Forum, SOAS, London (UK)

    2016: ‘Telling Tales: Musical Creativity and National Identity in the Gallipoli Campaign’, Commemorating WWI, National Museum, Cardiff (UK)

    2016: ‘Saz as Symbol: A Turkic Lute in the Turkish Diaspora’, Music of the Silk Road, Shanghai Conservatory, Shanghai (China)

    2015: ‘The Classical Style: Modal Analysis of a Vocal Improvisation in Turkey’, 3rd International Mugam Symposium, Baku (Azerbaijan)

    2015: ‘The Pulse of Asia: Musical Diffusion and Environmental Determinism in Central Asia’, International Council for Traditional Music, Astana (Kazakhstan)

    2014: ‘Usûlsüz: A Matter of Meter in the Concerts of Münir Nurettin Selçuk (1923-1938)’, Westfälische Wilhelms-Universität, Münster (Germany)

    2014: ‘Ottomanism Revived: Jewish Musicians and Cultural Politics in Turkey’, Society for Ethnomusicology, Pittsburgh (USA)

    2014: ‘Concert Platform: Style and Space in Turkish Music’, Institute for the Study of Muslim Civilisation, London (UK)

    2014: ‘Mythality: Myth and Reality in Turkish Music’, Arnolfini, Bristol (UK)


    Articles
    O'Connell, J. M. 2015. Iranian classical music: the discourse and practice of creativity. By Laudan Nooshin [Book Review]. Music and Letters 96(4), pp. 677-679. (10.1093/ml/gcv080)
    O'Connell, J. M. 2011. Music in war, music for peace: A review article. Ethnomusicology 55(1), pp. 112-127. (10.5406/ethnomusicology.55.1.0112)
    O'Connell, J. M. 2010. A staged fright: Musical hybridity and religious intolerance in Turkey, 1923-38. twentieth-century music 7(1), pp. 3-28. (10.1017/S147857221100003X)  pdf
    O'Connell, J. M. 2010. Music and the play of power in the Middle East, North Africa and Central Asia. Laudan Nooshin, ed. [Book Review]. Ethnomusicology 54(2), pp. 347-351. (10.5406/ethnomusicology.54.2.0347)
    O'Connell, J. M. 2007. Timothy D. Taylor, Beyond exoticism: Western music and the world (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2007), ISBN 978 0 8223 9571 (hb), 978 0 8223 3968 7 (pb) [Book Review]. Twentieth-Century Music 4(2), pp. 261-265. (10.1017/S1478572208000546)
    O'Connell, J. M. 2007. Falak: the voice of destiny: traditional, popular and symphonic music of Tajikistan. Compiled by Federico Spinetti [Musical Recording Review]. Ethnomusicology Forum 16(1), pp. 179-181. (10.1080/17411910701273101)
    O'Connell, J. M. 2006. National symposium: towards a national ethnomusicology. Bulletin of the International Council for Traditional Music 109, pp. 61-62.
    O'Connell, J. M. 2005. The Edvâr of Demetrius Cantemir: recent publications. Ethnomusicology Forum 14(2), pp. 235-239. (10.1080/17411910500415887)
    O'Connell, J. M. 2005. In the time of Alaturka: Identifying difference in musical discourse. Ethnomusicology 49(2), pp. 177-205.
    O'Connell, J. M. 2005. The 15th ICTM colloquium: identifying conflict in music, resolving conflict through music. Bulletin of the International Council for Traditional Music 106, pp. 55-57.
    O'Connell, J. M. and Smith, T. 2005. Liaison officer report: Ireland. Bulletin of the International Council for Traditional Music 106, pp. 65-67.
    O'Connell, J. M. 2004. Liaison officer report: Ireland. Bulletin of the International Council for Traditional Music 105, pp. 24-27.
    O'Connell, J. M. 2004. The tale of Crazy Harman: the musician and the concept of music in the Türkmen epic tale, Harman Däli by Sławomira Żerańska-Kominek [Book Review]. Yearbook for Traditional Music 36, pp. 171-175.
    O'Connell, J. M. 2003. A resounding issue: Greek recordings of Turkish music, 1923-1938. Middle East Studies Association Bulletin 37(2), pp. 200-216.
    O'Connell, J. M. 2003. Song cycle: the life and death of the Turkish gazel: a review essay [Musical Recordings Review]. Ethnomusicology 47(3), pp. 399-414. (10.2307/3113948)
    O'Connell, J. M. 2003. Music of the Ottoman court: makam, composition and the early Ottoman instrumental repertoire by Walter Feldman [Book Review]. Edebiyât 13(2), pp. 260-263. (10.1080/0364650032000143283)
    O'Connell, J. M. 2001. Fine art, fine music: Controlling Turkish taste at the Fine Arts Academy in 1926. Yearbook for Traditional Music 32, pp. 117-142. (10.2307/3185245)
    O'Connell, J. M. 1991. Die musik der Araber (The music of the Arabs) by Habib Hasan Touma [Book Review]. Asian Music 22(1), pp. 154-156. (10.2307/834296)
    O'Connell, J. M. 1989. Jean During. La musique traditionnelle de I'Azerbayjan et la science des muqâms [Book Review]. Pacific Review of Ethnomusicology 5, pp. 130-132.
    Books
    O'Connell, J. 2017. Commemorating Gallipoli through music: Remembering and forgetting. Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, Lexington Monographs.
    O'Connell, J. M. 2013. Alaturka: Style in Turkish music (1923-1938). SOAS Musicology Series. Aldershot: Ashgate.
    O'Connell, J. M. and El-Shawan Castelo-Branco, S. eds. 2010. Music and Conflict. Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press.
    Book Sections
    O'Connell, J. M. 2017. Usûlsüz: Meter in the Concerts of Münir Nurettin Selçuk (1923-1938). In: Jäger, R. M., Helvacı, Z. and Olley, J. eds. Rhythmic cycles and structures in the art music of the Middle East.   Ergon Verlag, pp. 247-276.
    O'Connell, J. M. 2017. Concert platform: a space for a style in Turkish music. In: Spinetti, F. and Frishkopf, M. eds. Music, Sound, and Architecture in Islam.   University of Texas Press, pp. 79-109.
    O'Connell, J. 2017. Kâr-ı Nev: elaboration and retardation in the musical performances of a Turkish classic. In: Harris, R. and Stokes, M. eds. Theory and Practice in the Music of the Islamic World: Essays in Honour of Owen Wright.   Routledge, pp. 123-143.
    O'Connell, J. M. 2015. Gazel. In: Jankowsky, R. C. ed. Bloomsbury Encyclopedia of Popular Music of the World, Vol. 10.Encyclopedia of Popular Music of the World  Bloomsbury Academic, pp. 35-37.
    O'Connell, J. M. 2015. Modal trails, model trials: Musical migrants and mystical critics in Turkey. In: Davis, R. ed. Musical Exodus: Al-Andalus and its Jewish Diasporas. Europea: Ethnomusicologies and Modernities Lanham, MD:  Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, pp. 101-124.
    O'Connell, J. M. 2015. Music and humanism in the Aga Khan Humanities Project. In: Pettan, S. and Titon, J. T. eds. The Oxford Handbook of Applied Ethnomusicology. Oxford Handbooks  Oxford University Press, pp. 602-638.
    O'Connell, J. M. 2015. The classical style: modal analysis of vocal improvisation in Turkey. In: Agayeva, S. ed. Space of Maugham.   Şerq-Qerb, pp. 124-139.
    O'Connell, J. M. 2013. Pir Sultan Abdal. In: Fleet, K. et al. eds. Encyclopaedia of Islam, Three.   Brill, pp. 135-136 ,(10.1163/1573-3912_ei3_COM_23910)
    O'Connell, J. M. 2013. Beste. In: Fleet, K. et al. eds. Encyclopaedia of Islam, Three.   Brill, pp. 52-53 ,(10.1163/1573-3912_ei3_COM_24017)
    O'Connell, J. M. 2010. Alabanda: Brass bands and musical methods in Turkey. In: Spinetti, F. ed. Giuseppe Donizetti Pasha: Musical and Historical Trajectories between Italy and Turkey [Giuseppe Donizetti Pascià: Traiettorie Musicali e Storiche tra Italia e Turchia]. Saggi e Monografie, Vol. 7. Bergamo, Italy:  Fondazione Donizetti, pp. 19-37.
    O'Connell, J. M. 2010. Music in war. In: O'Connell, J. M. and El-Shawan Castelo-Branco, S. eds. Music and Conflict.   University of Illinois Press, pp. 15-16.
    O'Connell, J. M. 2010. Introduction: an ethnomusicological approach to music and conflict. In: O'Connell, J. M. and El-Shawan Castelo-Branco, S. eds. Music and Conflict.  Urbana:  University of Illinois Press, pp. 1-14.
    O'Connell, J. M. 2009. Ayin. In: Fleet, K. et al. eds. Encyclopaedia of Islam, Three.   Brill, pp. 86-87 ,(10.1163/1573-3912_ei3_COM_23036)
    O'Connell, J. M. 2008. War of the Waves: Cypriot Broadcasting in Great Britain. In: Hemetek, U. and Sağlam, H. eds. Music from Turkey in the Diaspora. Klanglese, Vol. 5. Vienna:  Institut für Volksmusikforschung und Ethnomusikologie, pp. 119-130.
    O'Connell, J. M. 2006. 'The mermaid of the Meyhane: the legend of a Greek singer in a Turkish tavern'. In: Linda, P. A. and Inna, N. eds. Music of the Sirens.   Indiana University Press, pp. 273-293.
    O'Connell, J. M. 2005. 'Sound sense: mediterranean music from a Turkish perspective'. In: Cooper, D. and Dawe, K. eds. The Mediterranean in Music.   Scarecrow Press, pp. 3-25.
    O'Connell, J. M. 2004. Sustaining difference: theorizing minority musics in Badakhshan. In: Hemetek, U. et al. eds. Manifold Identites.   Cambridge Scholars Press, pp. 1-19.
    O'Connell, J. M. 2002. From Empire to Republic: vocal style in twentieth century Turkey. In: Danielson, V., Marcus, S. and Reynolds, D. eds. The Garland Encyclopedia of World Music: The Middle East, Vol. 6.  Routledge, pp. 781-787.
    O'Connell, J. M. 2002. Snapshot: Tanburî Cemil Bey. In: Danielson, V., Marcus, S. and Reynolds, D. eds. The Garland Encyclopedia of World Music: The Middle East.   Routledge, pp. 757-758.
    O'Connell, J. M. 2001. Major minorities: towards an ethnomusicology of Irish minority musics. In: Pettan, S., Reyes, A. and Komavec, M. eds. Music and Minorities.   ZRC Publishing, pp. 165-182.
    O'Connell, J. M. 2001. Münir Nurettin Selçuk. In: Sadie, S. and Tyrrell, J. eds. The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians.   Oxford University Press, pp. 55-56.
    O'Connell, J. M. 1998. The Arab in Arabesk: style and stereotype in Turkish vocal performance. In: Wharton, B. and Adawy, N. eds. The Limerick Anthology of Arab Affairs.   University of Limerick Press, pp. 87-103.

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    Mavi Boncuk |

    London’s East End Film Festival has unveiled the winners from its 17th edition, with Turkish drama Daha taking home best film.
    The directorial debut of Turkish actor Onur Saylak (The Blue Wave), Daha follows an unhappy teenager in a coastal Turkish town whose life is corrupted by his father’s people-trafficking business. It is an adaptation of a novel by Hakan Günday.
    The award was given by a jury comprised of radio and TV host Edith Bowman, producer Dominic Buchanan, actress Ophelia Lovibond, and screenwriter and critic Kate MuirBowman said of the winner, “Such a raw story – really stayed with me. Great performances and incredible first outing for Onur Saylak.”

    The other jurors added that the film was “terrific”, “gripping” and “emotionally devastating”.


    Variety Review

    Karlovy Vary Review: ‘More’
    A young man is corrupted by his father's human trafficking business in Turkish actor Onur Saylak's gripping, grueling directorial debut.
    By Jessica Kiang

    With: Hayat Van Eck, Ahmet Mümtaz Taylan, Turgut Tunçalp, Tankut Yıldız, Tuba Büyüküstün (Turkish, Arabic dialogue)
    The blue Aegean sparkles under blazingly sunny skies. The view from a promontory is of rocky cliffs rising from a curving, fertile, beach-fringed bay, and of a series of crags jutting up out of the water like stepping stones to a hopeful horizon. It’s a picture that’s nobody’s idea of Hell, but all Hell needs is a devil in residence, and this strip of the Turkish coast has one, plus another in waiting. Popular Turkish actor Onur Saylak makes an audacious, provocative directorial debut with his adaptation of Hakan Günday’s novel, a film that impresses for its craftsmanship and performances almost as much as it depresses with its relentless, uncompromising depiction of humanity’s basest depravities. Presenting the refugee emergency from a viewpoint rarely explored — that of the traffickers who exploit it for monetary gain — “More” adds a dimension of horror to the humanitarian catastrophe, and convincingly suggests it’s a crisis that corrupts everyone and everything it touches.
    Gaza (Hayat Van Eck) is a bright young man who has never left the small Turkish seaside town of his birth — and why would he, given that, as he intones in one of the film’s confessional voiceovers, he is “the son of the most important man alive.” His father, Ahad (Ahmet Mümtaz Taylan), hardly looks the part: balding, boorish, jowly and rotund. But Ahad’s real business is not the fruit and vegetable delivery service indicated on his van; it’s the lucrative job of collecting and hiding batches of 20 or 30 people at a time as they flee, mostly from Syria, before some equally unscrupulous boatsmen smuggle them away again across that treacherously calm-looking azure sea.

    Ahad has a cellar built specially for this purpose and it’s Gaza’s job to maintain it, to provide the refugees with the basic necessities of food and water while Ahad feels little compunction in exercising his Godlike powers over them, extorting further cash bribes from the men and raping the women or pimping them out to local bigwigs. And so this is a pivotal moment for Gaza, who has a decision to make about who he is, with his own innocence and decency little more than a guttering candle in the darkness of his vicious and venal father’s example. The already grim proceedings take an even grimmer turn following the death of a little boy and the subsequent murder of his mother, and the point of no return  arrives quickly.

    Saylak has cast his film with care, and gets exceptionally committed performances from Taylan and, in particular, from Van Eck. The sullen Gaza seems to almost physically change over the course of the film, from baby-faced boyishness to a sunken brutishness, his eyes set deep beneath a heavy forehead. In certain light, he can look positively demonic — indeed Feza Çaldiran’s stark, rich photography makes painterly use of directional light throughout, with slices of illumination slanting through otherwise inky frames. Even the sun-drenched exteriors start to feel claustrophobic as the promise of that far-off horizon turns into a taunt. 

    By contrast, a few of the more literary conceits don’t quite work in translation from page to screen, such as the odd occasional inter-title counting down of days, or the sporadic voiceover that ultimately acts as a red herring concerning the film’s intentions for Gaza. And there’s a sense that in following the novel all the way down to its most hellish extreme and lingering there, the film might actually somewhat dull the message: Its villains become so devoid of humanity they’re somehow easier to dismiss as monsters. Less might have benefited “More,” which is already a difficult, despairing watch, but the ferocity of its intent is both justified and admirable.

    It’s ironic that the term for moving undocumented refugees is known as “human trafficking” when its inevitable effect is the dehumanization of its victims. And the central theme of “More” is how that process happens in parallel: the less Gaza sees these people as people, the less of a person he becomes. From there it’s no big leap to understand the film’s most sobering message — one that sits sickly in the pit of your stomach for some time after the movie ends: The lost souls searching for a better life over that duplicitous horizon are far from the only souls lost to this crisis.

    Karlovy Vary Review: 'More'

    Reviewed at Karlovy Vary Film Festival (competing), July 3, 2017. Running time: 117 MIN. (Original Title: "Daha")

    PRODUCTION: (Turkey) An Ay Yapim production, in co-production with b.i.t arts. (International sales: Heretic Outreach, Athens.) Producers: Kerem Çatay. Executive Producer: Yamac Okur.

    CREW: Director: Onur Saylak. Screenplay: Saylak, Hakan Günday, Doğu Yaşar Akal, based on the novel "Daha" by Hakan Günday. Camera (color): Feza Çaldiran. Editor: All Aga. Music: Uygur Yigit.


    WITH: Hayat Van Eck, Ahmet Mümtaz Taylan, Turgut Tunçalp, Tankut Yıldız, Tuba Büyüküstün (Turkish, Arabic dialogue)


    'More' ('Daha'): Film Review | Karlovy Vary 2017 by Boyd van Hoeij

    An impressively controlled and complex debut.  TWITTER

    Turkish actor Onur Saylak ('Autumn') casts young Hayat Van Eck opposite veteran Ahmet Mumtaz Taylan ('Once Upon a Time in Anatolia') in his impressive directorial debut.
    A film about a 14-year-old boy helping out his father at work in a rural outpost on the sea would probably feature gorgeous landscapes but wouldn’t necessarily make for an interesting story. But Gaza, the protagonist of the hard-hitting Turkish drama More (Daha), isn’t just any teen, and his father, involved in smuggling people from the war-torn Middle East into nearby Greece, doesn’t just have any old job. Turkish actor Onur Saylak (Autumn) makes an auspicious debut as a director here, turning Hakan Gunday’s ink-black novel of despair into a film that’s a hard sit but that suggests an awful lot — awful being the operative word — about the world we live in today.

    After its world premiere in competition at the recent Karlovy Vary International Film Festival, this should travel far and wide and drum up significant interest for whatever Saylak decides to do next as a director.

    Ahad (Ahmet Mumtaz Taylan) is a heavy-set man with an equally heavy brow who exploits opportunities wherever he sees them and who expects unquestioned loyalty from the handful of people he works with, including his most loyal aid, Gaza (Hayat Van Eck), his teenage boy. The adolescent, with vivid and alert eyes and a can-do attitude that is probably more rooted in his relative innocence than in his character, is curious about the world and a good student. He’s been secretly testing for a good school in faraway Istanbul, though Dad isn’t very interested in his academic results, telling him to “f— school,” and that’s hardly the first sign he’s not an ideal parent.  

    Ahad — which, when read backwards, spells Daha, the film’s Turkish title — owns a small truck that he nominally transports fruit and vegetables with along the coast. But the vehicle is also used to take especially Syrian refugees from a nearby marsh to the large but dark basement underneath Ahad’s garage and from there, when the weather allows it, onto a boat that will take them to nearby Greece. Refugees generally seem to stay a couple of days in transit in the underground store room, during which Gaza is charged with making them food and distributing water bottles.

    The task isn’t an easy one, but initially Gaza seems to tackle it like any complex challenge at school. There are cultural and language barriers — Syrians don’t speak Turkish and Turks don’t speak Arabic — but the boy manages to do a good job and even tries to improve the refugees’ living standards somewhat by reorganizing the cellar. Whether to show his appreciation or to try and convince him to stay at home rather than leave him behind and move to the big city, Ahad allows Gaza to smoke and drink and feel like he’s an adult. He even offers him to become a partner, rather than an apprentice, in his booming refugee business.

    Neither of the men is a big talker, so Saylak, who co-penned the adaptation with Dogu Yasar Akal and Gunday, has to use other means to communicate what the men are thinking and how their characters are evolving. One of the main conduits of information is their physical reaction to some extreme occurrences, starting with one of the film’s most intense sequences, in which Dad drags a female refugee from the basement into their home one night to rape her. This has happened before and is amply foreshadowed, so it is not much of a surprise when it occurs. What does surprise is the way in which Saylak stages the rape, suggesting its extremely violent impact on both the poor refugee and the perpetrator’s son while keeping the actual rape entirely offscreen.

    As the woman tries to escape the horror, Ahad finally manages to catch her and he brutalizes her in the corridor while director of photography Feza Caldiran stays in Gaza’s tiny bedroom. As if to literally block out what’s happening, the upset teen has closed his bedroom door and has sat down against it, with first the woman banging on the door for help and then a horrific pounding heard as Ahad has his way with her right behind the door. Gaza, who is the only one in the frame, can’t help but put his hands over his ears, a gesture that at once suggests how aggressive the assault is — the soundwork is appropriately terrifying — but which simultaneously reduces Gaza to something of a child, as he knows what’s happening but won’t do anything about it but pretend he can’t hear it.

    There are more scenes that rely on other things than dialogue for their very visceral impact, though Saylak doesn’t always know how to exploit them for maximum impact. A rap song that Gaza has heard from some local boys, for example, seems to toughen his resolve and at one point serves as a way to prep him for a possible confrontation with his father. But the sequence — one of many that showcase the impressive and raw talents of Van Eyck — is all setup and no payoff, as Gaza, chanting the song’s chorus and mock-fighting, works up the courage to see eye-to-eye with his brute of a father. Ahad then arrives to confront his son, but Saylak suddenly skips ahead to the next, seemingly unrelated scene.

    There are a few other small missteps like this, as well as some elements that are unnecessary. They include a sporadic voiceover from the older (but never seen) Gaza that reeks of literary pretension and actually distances the viewer more from the 14-year-old’s point-of-view rather than bringing him closer and a couple of very specific time-jumps — “78 days more” — that not only sound awkward in English (perhaps the nod to the title makes more sense in Turkish?) but don’t really add anything. Even so (spoiler ahead), More remains a tautly structured, carefully crescendoing story of a young boy full of promise whose potential and innate goodness are slowly being ground to a pulp by those around him who, and this is the real tragedy, in turn once probably were bright young things themselves. The bitter irony of becoming a heartless human while handling refugees that are escaping worse situations on their way to what they hope will be a better life makes More not only hard to watch but also announces Saylak as a very gifted storyteller who can handle complex material with impressive directorial confidence.

    For the record, the film received no state funding from Turkey and was made only with private backing.

    Production companies: Ay Yapim, Bit Arts
    Cast: Hayat Van Eck, Ahmet Mumtaz Taylan, Turgut Tuncalp, Tankut Yildiz, Tuba Buyukustun
    Director: Onur Saylak
    Screenplay: Hakan Gunday, Onur Saylak, Dogu Yasar Akal, based on the novel by Hakan Gunday
    Producer: Kerem Catay
    Director of photography: Feza Caldiran
    Production designers: Dilek Ayaztuna, Aykut Ayaztuna
    Editor: Ali Aga
    Music: Uygur Yigit
    Venue: Karlovy Vary International Film Festival
    Sales: Heretic Outreach

    In Turkish, Arabic

    115 minutes

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    Mavi Boncuk |

    Italian Architects and Builders in the Ottoman Empire and Modern Turkey

    Editor(s): Paolo Girardelli, Ezio Godoli[1]

    Hardback
    ISBN-13: 978-1-4438-5194-7
    ISBN-10: 1-4438-5194-9
    Date of Publication: 01/04/2017
    Pages / Size: 301 / A5

    Book Description
    This volume represents the first scholarly work in English devoted to the experience of Italian architects and builders in Turkey, as well as in many of the lands once belonging to the Ottoman Empire. Covering a complex cultural and political geography spanning from the Danubian principalities (today’s Romania) to Anatolia and the Aegean region, the book is the result of individual research experiences that were brought together and debated in an international conference in Istanbul in March 2013, organized in collaboration with the Italian Institute of Culture and Boğaziçi University.

    Grounded on a flexible notion of identitarian boundaries, the book explores a rich transcultural field of encounters and interactions, analyzed and evaluated by scholars from six different countries on the basis of hitherto uncovered archival materials. Forms, ideas, individual mobility of actors and materials, networks of patronage, material and political constraints, and religious and cultural difference all play a significant role in shaping the landscapes, buildings and architectural projects presented and discussed here. From late 18th and early 19th century experiences of interaction between neo-classical backgrounds and westernizing Ottoman forms to the Italian proposals for a Turkish republican iconic landmark like the Ataturk mausoleum in Ankara; from the design of the first Ottoman university building to Ottoman varieties of Art Nouveau and Art Deco, and to the infrastructures and urban developments of the 1950s in Turkey, the book is both a richly illustrated and documented overview of relevant cases, and a critical introduction to one of the most enticing areas of encounter in the global history of 19th and 20th century architecture and design.

    Table of Contents
    Introduction vii
    Paolo Girardelli and Ezio Godoli

    Part I - Landmarks, Spaces and Politics
    From Andrea Memmo to Alberto Blanc:
    Metamorphoses of Classicism in the Italian Buildings
    for Diplomacy (1778-1889) 5
    Paolo Girardelli
    Palazzo Venezia in the mid-19th Century:
    Contributions by Gaspare Fossati and Domenico Pulgher 29
    Rudolf Agstner
    Political Ideals and their Architectural Visibility:
    Gaspare Fossati’s Projects for Tanzimat Istanbul (1845-1865) 45
    Göksün Akyürek
    The Contribution of Luigi Storari to the Analysis
    and Development of the Levantine Urban Fabric 63
    Emiliano Bugatti
    The Italian Presence in the Romanian Principalities
    by the Year 1878: The Historical and Cultural Context 75
    Raluca Tomi

    Part II - Individual Experiences in Context
    Nicola Carelli in Constantinople and in the Levant:
    Some Notes 97
    Fabio Mangone
    Brothers but not Compatriots: The Fossatis in Milan 111
    Giuliana Ricci
    Giulio Mongeri’s Photo Collection:
    The Eye of a Milanese Architect in Turkey 125
    Giovanna D’Amia
    Giovanna D’Amia Luigi Rossetti in Izmir 139
    Cenk Berkant
    Italian Architects in Thessaloniki: New Elements a
    bout the Work of Vitaliano Poselli and Pietro Arrigoni 149
    Vassilis Colonas

    Part III - Institutions and Investments
    Alexandre Vallauri and his Works for the Italian
    Community of Istanbul 165
    Seda Kula Say
    The Italians of Istanbul and their Properties:
    An Analysis through the Petitions addressed
    to the Italian Consulate, 1873-1910 183
    Zeynep Cebeci
    The Interests in Land and Real Estate of the
    “Assicurazioni Generali” in Ottoman Turkey 199
    Francesco Krecic and Diego Caltana
    Giulio Mongeri, Edoardo De Nari and the
    “Società Anonima Ottomana Costruzioni” (S.A.O.C.) 213
    Vilma Fasoli

    Part IV - Late Empire to Republic - A Plural Modernity
    Rediscovering Edoardo De Nari,
    Italian Architect in Turkey (1874-1954) 233
    Büke Uras
    The Italian Participation in the Competition for
    Atatürk’s Mausoleum in Ankara 249
    Milva Giacomelli
    Finding a Balance between Art and Technique:
    The Sports Centers Designed by Paolo Vietti Violi in Turkey 267
    Paola Ricco

    Contributors 281


    [1] Biography

    Paolo Girardelli is Associate Professor in the History Department of Boğaziçi University, Turkey. He was Aga Khan Fellow at Massachusetts Institute of Technology in 2005-06, and has published extensively on issues of identity and space in the late Ottoman Empire. He is currently working on a critical evaluation of the architecture of European diplomacy in Istanbul, from the late 18th to the early 20th centuries.

    Ezio Godoli is Full Professor of History of Contemporary Architecture in the University of Florence, Italy. He is the author of Istanbul 1900: Art Nouveau Architecture and Interiors (with D. Barillari, 1996) and the editor of several exhibition catalogues and proceedings of international conferences on the works of Italian architects and builders in Middle East and Mediterranean countries.


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    Girls of the Sun (FrenchLes filles du soleil) is a 2018 French drama film directed by Eva Husson. It was selected to compete for the Palme d'Or at the 2018 Cannes Film Festival.

    www.lesfillesdusoleil-lefilm.com/presse




    Mavi Boncuk |
    REVIEWS
    'Girls Of The Sun': Cannes Review BY LEE MARSHALL 12 MAY 2018

    A batallion of female Kurdish fighters take on ISIS in Eva Husson’s follow-up to ‘Bang Gang’

    ‘GIRLS OF THE SUN’

    Dir/scr: Eva Husson. France/Belgium/Georgia. 2018. 115mins.

    The feminist message is clear and sincere in Eva Husson’s ponderous women’s war movie, which focuses on a battalion of female Kurdish fighters in the front line of the fight against ISIS. A mid-budget mis-fire after the director’s promising indie debut, Bang Gang, Girls of the Sun seems more concerned with staging sisterly bonding sessions amidst the rubble than in developing what might have been an intriguing story – about how war can reshuffle social and gender inequality.

    The director’s decision to shoot for universal values rather than distracting details gives the entire story a soft-focus feel

    Husson’s surprisingly static drama has a big, theatrical look and high-volume orchestral soundtrack but is lacking in other departments – the story structure being the most problematic.

    There’s a scene towards the end where we see the faces of an advance party of Kurdish fighters led by commander Bahar (Iranian actress Golshifteh Farahani) and the war-toughened reporter embedded with them (Emmanuelle Bercot) poetically illuminated by fiery light from the air strikes that their US allies have launched to support their offensive. Any true soldier would have backed away from the windows in a still active battle zone where enemy snipers and suicide bombers are rife – but it makes for a great widescreen array. It’s one small example of the film’s tendency to overstate, to opt for the easy money shot, that undermines our faith in the authenticity of what we’re watching.

    Bercot’s Mathilde is a recently-bereaved veteran French photoreporter who lost an eye while covering the battle of Homs, and a war correspondent partner in Libya, but is back for more in Northern Iraq where she has come to write a story about a Kurdish women’s unit. She’s assigned to the battalion under the command of Bahar, whose tragic, faraway look is soon explained by great lashings of backstory, introduced in clichéd flashback mode, that take us back to the abduction of this former lawyer by ISIS militants. Sold into sex slavery like thousands of other Kurdish women, she managed to escape and became a fighter to not only take revenge on her captors, but also to fight for “Women, Life, Liberty’” as the battle song of these ‘Girls of the Sun’ have it.

    Husson seems to have decided at an early stage of writing the script that audiences are never going to grasp the difference between Kurdish groups like the PKK, the YPG and the Peshmerga, or the unique place of the non-Muslim Yazidi minority – victims of the Sinjar massacre of August 2014 that initiated the events recounted in the film – within Kurdish culture. Even the town the Kurdish forces are attacking is inexplicably given a name derived from the ancient history of the region, Corduene (it’s clear from the dates that appear onscreen at the beginning that Corduene stands in for the Yazidi town of Sinjar, retaken by the Kurds in November 2015).

    Gritty locations and production design put some realism back into the mix, but the director’s decision to shoot for universal values rather than distracting details gives the entire story a soft-focus feel. Bercot and Farahani emote like the great actresses they are, but there’s little to their characters but tragic backstory. And although there are some lyrical moments in the soundtrack by American musician Morgan Kibby, who also scored Bang Gang, her music is randomly applied – the worst offender being a solo piano lilt that leeches all of the tension out of one of a key escape-from-ISIS scene.

    Production companies: Maneki Films
    International sales: Elle Driver, sales@elledriver.eu
    Producer: Didar Domehri
    Production design: David Bersanetti
    Editing: Emilie Orsini
    Cinematography: Mattias Troelstrup
    Music: Morgan Kibby

    Main cast: Golshifteh Farahani, Emmanuelle Bercot, Zubeyde Bulut, Maia Shamoevi, Evin Ahmadguli, Nia Mirianashvili, Mari Semidovi, Roza Mirzoiani, Zinaida Gasoiani, Sinama Alievi




    Cannes Film Review: ‘Girls of the Sun’

    Eva Husson directs a pedantically commonplace drama about a French journalist embedded with a female peshmerga unit as they free a town under ISIS control.
    By Jay Weissberg

    Reviewed at Cannes Film Festival (competition), May 12, 2018. Original title: Les filles du soleil.

    Director: Eva Husson With: Golshifteh Farahani, Emmanuelle Bercot, Zübeyde Bulut, Maia Shamoevi, Evin Ahmadguli, Nia Mirianashvili, Mari Semidovi, Roza Mirzoiani, Zinaida Gasoiani, Sinama Alievi, Ahmet Zirek, Behi Djanati Ataï, Adik Bakoni, Tornike Alievi, Nuka Asatiani, Arabi Ghibeh. (Kurdish, French, English, Arabic dialogue)1 hour 55 minutes

    At the end of Eva Husson’s “Girls of the Sun,” a female peshmerga fighter enjoins a French journalist: “Write the truth.” The problem, unrecognized by Husson, who also wrote this pedantically commonplace drama, is that there are multiple ways of telling the truth: One brings to life three-dimensional people who respond to based-on-fact situations in ways that reflect the messiness of being human. “Girls” could be used as a case study for the other type of truth telling, the kind that studies real events and then packages them for mass consumption in ways that, while mimicking the facts in their barest form, offer no insight nor any sense of believable character. However, as this is a femme-centric film, directed by a woman, about a group of women courageously fighting ISIS, it’s a shoo-in for international distribution.

    Those expecting something along the lines of Husson’s debut feature “Bang Gang” will be surprised by its old-fashioned earnestness, and to be fair, it’s hard not to be intimidated by the burden of representing the extraordinary Kurdish female forces who’ve been such a crucial element in the fight against ISIS in Iraqi Kurdistan. For that reason, interested parties are better off checking out some of the documentaries, such as “Gulîstan, Land of Roses,” rather than this well-intentioned yet cliché-riddled lunge at the tear ducts.

    Husson crams in as much exposition as possible in the opening scenes, using the hoary formula of a diary-like voiceover to get inside the head of traumatized French journalist Mathilde (Emmanuelle Bercot), sporting an eye patch thanks to wounds she received while reporting from Homs. She’s about to be embedded with a peshmerga unit in north-western Kurdistan (filming was done in Georgia), but courage has fled her soul and she questions her worthiness. Once off the transport plane, she’s introduced to Commander Zirek (Ahmet Zirek), arguing strategy with Bahar (Golshifteh Farahani), the impatient leader of the women’s unit. Bahar, a former lawyer, will of course get her way.

    When Mathilde is informed that the unit is composed entirely of former ISIS captives, Bahar looks off to the side in pained contemplation, allowing the director to clumsily insert a flashback of her husband (Adik Bakoni) and son (Tornike Alievi) before ISIS invaded their home, followed by clouds moving across the sky — yes, it’s that kind of movie. More flashbacks ensure that no element of Bahar’s background is missed: One night she gets a call that ISIS is approaching her town, but it’s too late: The menfolk are murdered while the women and children are rounded up and then separated. Bahar’s sister Suzan (Nuka Asatiani) is raped (Bahar screams, “Take me!”), and then she herself is violated in what was a horrifically common real-life story.

    Flash forward and Bahar has convinced Zirek to allow her to take the unit into a mined tunnel with a captured ISIS soldier in order to infiltrate the town and free children from the school where they’re being held. Following a classic pep talk to her fighters, we get another flashback to show how Bahar found the courage to become the Moses of her people, though Moses never delivered a baby — suffice it to say that not even Melanie Wilkes’ water broke at such an inopportune moment. Through it all, Mathilde is taking notes and photographs while struggling with her inner demons.


    The script is the film’s biggest liability, stuffed with old chestnuts that would be more at home in a Hollywood adventure film from the 1950s. Mathilde and Bahar are assigned personalities according to types, reinforced by what others say about them (or in Mathilde’s case, her Script 101 monologues), while everyone else is blandly interchangeable. Husson even has the hubris to write the lyrics to her very own peshmerga song, translated into Kurdish and sung by the unit (why do that when the Kurdish music tradition is such an important part of the culture?). And isn’t it odd that the word “Yazidi” is never uttered, though its scattered throughout the press notes provided at Cannes? Clearly the director’s positive impressions from her research made her want to create something that would generate popular sympathy for the cause, but writing a glorified TV movie wasn’t the way to go.

    Farahani and Bercot are fine actresses who can’t do anything with lines or situations so lacking in nuance. Even Mattias Troelstrup’s cinematography, one of the stronger points of “Bang Gang,” has a generic feel or worse, such as an incongruously elegant drone shot that circles round the unit as they try shooting at an ISIS escort, prettifying a deadly skirmish that’s further banalized by Morgan Kibby’s sweeping and sappy orchestrations. Sound design is one of the film’s most successful elements.


    PRODUCTION: (France-Belgium) A Wild Bunch release (in France) of a Maneki Films in association with Elle Driver, Wild Bunch, Elle Driver, Arches Films, Gapbusters, 20 Steps Prods., RTBF, Bord Cadre Films production, in association with BackUp Media, Indéfilms 6, B Media 2014, Cinécap, Cinéart, with the participation of Canal Plus, OCS, Proximus, Casa Kafka Movie Pictures, Tax Shelter Empowered by Belfius, LEPL Enterprise Georgia. (International sales: Elle Driver, Paris.) Producer: Didar Domehri. Co-producers: Brahim Chioua, Adeline Fontan Tessaur, Etienne Comar, Joseph Rouschop, Vladimer Katcharava, Arlette Zylberberg, Jamal Zeinal Zade, Dan Wechsler.

    CREW: Director, screenplay: Eva Husson. Camera (color, widescreen): Mattias Troelstrup. Editor: Emilie Orsini. Music: Morgan Kibby.


    WITH: Golshifteh Farahani, Emmanuelle Bercot, Zübeyde Bulut, Maia Shamoevi, Evin Ahmadguli, Nia Mirianashvili, Mari Semidovi, Roza Mirzoiani, Zinaida Gasoiani, Sinama Alievi, Ahmet Zirek, Behi Djanati Ataï, Adik Bakoni, Tornike Alievi, Nuka Asatiani, Arabi Ghibeh. (Kurdish, French, English, Arabic dialogue)

    ----------------------

    'Girls of the Sun' ('Les Filles du soleil'): Film Review | Cannes 2018  by Jordan Mintzer

    A meaty all-female war movie served with an extra slice of cheese.  

    French writer-director Eva Husson (‘Bang Gang (A Modern Love Story)’) unveiled her second feature, about Kurdish women fighters taking on the Islamic State, in competition at Cannes.
    Pulling out the big guns to depict the tragic plight and battlefield heroics of Kurdish female soldiers who bravely took on the forces of ISIS, Girls of the Sun (Les Filles du soleil) is at once mildly harrowing and completely over-the-top, intermittently intense yet so unsubtle it winds up doing damage to its own worthy discourse.

    Written and directed by Eva Husson — whose first, very sexy and ethereal feature Bang Gang (A Modern Love Story) is a far cry from the Hollywood-style machinery of this effort — the film works best when it shows star Golshifteh Farahani leading her all-female battalion through the heat of combat, worst when it indulges in narrative histrionics and a tear-jerking score worthy of a Walt Disney movie. Premiering in competition in Cannes, and preceded by a first ever women’s march on the red carpet, this timely yet heavy war flick should drum up interest for its femme-centric cast, crew and subject matter.

    Based on true events — in this case the stories of Yazidi women who were kidnapped, raped, sold into slavery and then escaped to join the Kurdish army — the script (by Husson, with the collaboration of Jacques Akchoti) follows two characters who find themselves immersed in fierce skirmishes between the Kurds and Islamic extremists in November 2015. One of them, Mathilde (actor-director Emmanuelle Bercot), is an eye patch-wearing war reporter traumatized by the recent death of her husband in Libya. The other, Bahar (Farahani) is a local (the film never mentions the Yazidi people by name) whose life was upended when the Islamists invaded her city, summarily executed all the men in her family and then took her and her young son, Hemin (Tornike Alievi), prisoner.

    Cutting between the present, where Bahar and her squadron prepare to take back their city and perhaps locate her little boy, and the past, where we follow the woman’s traumatic journey from lawyer and mother to Kalashnikov-wielding freedom fighter, the film kicks off in an extremely clunky manner with some eye-rolling expository dialogue. “What are you doing in this hell?” one woman asks Mathilde as she arrives in a hilly and rather picturesque part of northern Iraqi Kurdistan. “You’re the kings of Marxist-Feminist propaganda,” she quips, in what is meant to sound like international shoptalk but comes across as totally unnatural and almost laughable.

    That tone will come back to haunt Girls of the Sun on more than one occasion, especially when composer Morgan Kibby’s thundering score chimes in to pound every single dramatic note into our heads from one scene to the next. A faux-poetic voiceover by Mathilde that both opens and ends the movie — the latter during half of the closing credits roll — doesn’t help matters, either.

    What works slightly better is the focus on Bahar and her truly awful backstory, which includes kidnapping, rape, suicide (of her younger sister) and imprisonment at the hands of Islamists who seem to thrive off the utter degradation of women. The Iranian-born Farahani, performing here in Kurdish and French, is altogether convincing in scenes that show her character deeply suffering yet refusing to let down her guard. After she manages to help her fellow prisoners escape — in a sequence that stretches credulity at times — it’s easy to understand why Bahar then decides to pick up a gun and courageously lead a female squad of Kurds to fight the enemy face-to-face.

    Husson never lets us forget that this is a story of sisterhood in peril, of women bravely risking their lives — several of Bahar’s soldiers are killed off over the course of the film — to rid their land of an evil menace that has enslaved both them and their children. The director even wrote the lyrics to a song (composed by Kibby) that the combatants sing to psyche themselves up: “It will be a new era/Of Women, Life, Liberty” they exclaim one day before the enemy suddenly appears at their doorstep and the fighting kicks into high gear.

    Working with cinematographer Mattias Troelstrup (The Forest), Husson does a good job making the battle scenes both visceral and poetic, with smoke and other effects used to illustrate the fog of war that Bahar and Mathilde — who shadows the soldiers as a reporter but serves little dramatic purpose beyond providing a Western viewpoint — find themselves in. The combat scenes, which include a slew of pyrotechnics, occupy most of the final reel, leading to a finale that seems rather forced and phony, undercutting the more serious historical backdrop of the film.

    It’s impressive to see a relatively new director like Husson trying to make an all-out guts-and-glory war flick a la Oliver Stone (his films Platoon and Salvador both come to mind here), although taking Hollywood movie tropes and applying them to the plight of the Yazidi could be considered a questionable use of her skills. On one hand, she’s shining a light on an important and terrifying story that made headlines a few years ago but has since been forgotten by many of us, and for that deserves some credit. On the other, she’s doing it with an overtly manipulative, rather cheesy approach to the genre that can play more like fantasy than reality, and so no matter how high the stakes are her film ultimately feels like a losing battle.



    Venue: Cannes Film Festival (Competition)
    Production company: Maneki Films
    Cast: Golshifteh Farahani, Emmanuelle Bercot, Zubeyde Bulut, Maia Shamoevi, Tornike Alievi, Nuka Astiani
    Director: Eva Husson
    Screenwriter: Eva Husson, with the collaboration of Jacques Akchoti
    Producer: Didar Domehri
    Director of photography: Mattias Troelstrup
    Editor: Emilie Orsini
    Composer: Morgan Kibby
    Casting director: Bahijja El Amrani
    Sales: Elle Driver

    In French, Kurdish, English, Arabic

    115 minutes

    ---------------------------------
    Girls of the Sun review – Kurdish female fighters film is naïve yet rousing
    4 / 5 stars     
    Eva Husson’s strong-arm approach works well for this powerful, partisan drama based on real-life women driven to fight Isis in 2014

    Peter Bradshaw | Guardian

    ‘There is no irony here’ … Girls of the Sun

    Eva Husson’s Girls of the Sun is a feminist war movie: impassioned, suspenseful, angry. For some, its robust action-film rhetoric will sit ill with contemporary issues and events — a rhetoric which might otherwise pass unnoticed in a conventionally peopled movie about, say, fighting for the allies in the second world war. Like that sort of film, Girls of the Sun is unsophisticated enough to be sure where right and wrong are placed, and incidentally to have faith in the efficacy of warzone journalism. We have all learned a shrugging cynicism about journalists who are “embedded”. Girls of the Sun begs to differ. For me it is heartfelt, forthright and muscular.

    The movie is a fictional story, based on the true story of an all-female Kurdish combat unit fighting in 2014 to reclaim territory from the incel-fascists and rape-enthuasiasts of Isis. And this female unit is to discover that it is armed with a powerful and morale-boosting weapon unavailable to any other combatant: the Jihadis’ terrified conviction that being killed by a woman is a dishonour and humiliation that will send them straight to hell. For the first time in their lives, these women realise that men are afraid of them.

    Golshifteh Farahani plays Bahar, a former professional lawyer and university graduate in northern Iraq, once captured with her husband and son when Isis warriors swarmed into town in their black pickups, accessorised with machine-guns. She was sold into domestic sex slavery, her husband beaten and killed and young son sent off to be trained as a child soldier. Meanwhile, Emmanuelle Bercot plays Mathilde, a French war reporter who has lost an eye in Homs and has now come to Iraq in what may seem a reckless further throw of the professional dice. This persona is evidently inspired by the real-life figure of the American foreign correspondent Marie Colvin who lost her eye in the Sri Lankan civil war in 2001 and affected an eye patch until her death in Homs in 2014. Mathilde comes out to the front, with her minders and fixers, and is naturally fascinated by what a great story the all-female unit is.

    Her liaison officer provocatively raises the question of “propaganda” when they are all introduced — a question that nettles everyone. But they have little lasting interest in the issue. Mathilde, is after all, effectively to go into a combat zone with them without a weapon. And it is here, before the big push begins, that she meets Bahar, and it is in flashback that we learn the story of her capture and how she masterminded her escape with a hidden mobile phone.

    Her male commander infuriates Bahar: a man who is content to wait for the American-led coalition to call in airstrikes, though Bahar is enough of a military person to see the ultimate importance of those. But she claims that the very threat of these airstrikes has caused alarm and despondency amidst the enemy, and the Kurds are in a position to make a bold strike right away and crucially to rescue civilian captives who will almost certainly be murdered en masse as Isis retreats. Reluctantly, the commander lets Bahar and her unit go ahead as commandos.


    The scenes where Bahar makes her escape with other women (one pregnant) and the later scene in which the now careworn warrior Bahar leads a military sortie into a tunnel — these are straight-ahead action scenes, without much in the way of subtlety. But they are well-orchestrated and effective. There is no irony here. I found myself, weirdly, thinking of the revolutionary Women’s Battalion of Death in Sergei Eisenstein’s October — a battalion which is in fact satirised by Eisenstein. These women are not satirised, and they are not dramatically subject to that continued exposure to war which will eventually make any soldier, male or female, desensitised to the business of killing. The film halts with their provisional victory, and yes, it may seem naïve, but then there is naivety in believing there is no plausible way of showing good triumphing. Girls of the Sun is partisan and it wears its heart on its sleeve: a powerful, forceful story.

    ---------------------------------------

    Film français d’Eva Husson. Avec Golshifteh Farahani et Emmanuelle Bercot (1 h 55). Sortie en salle le 21 novembre.

    Cannes 2018 : « Les Filles du soleil », dans les champs de mines de la fiction
    Le deuxième long-métrage d’Eva Husson tente de concilier le récit romanesque et l’évocation des tragédies kurde et yézidie.

    LE MONDE | Thomas Sotinel

    SÉLECTION OFFICIELLE – EN COMPÉTITION

    Est-ce donc si grave que les acteurs ne parlent pas la langue de leurs personnages, que le morceau d’histoire (au sens de ce que fait advenir l’humanité) qu’ils traversent soit seulement « inspiré » de ce qu’il s’est passé ? Après avoir vu Les Filles du soleil, on a tendance à répondre que oui, c’est grave, pour autant qu’un choix cinématographique puisse porter à conséquence. Que le recours à la fiction, quand on veut évoquer une tragédie qui n’est pas encore terminée, implique plus de devoirs que de droits.
    Pour son deuxième long-métrage, après Bang Gang, chronique de la dérive érotique d’un groupe d’adolescents, Eva Husson a sauté à pied joint dans un brasier : la guerre qui a opposé l’organisation Etat islamique (EI) aux combattants kurdes en 2014 et 2015. Comme nombre de chroniqueurs de ce conflit, elle s’est attachée aux femmes qui ont pris les armes, dans des unités rattachées à diverses obédiences kurdes, et ont affronté les forces du « califat ». Mais celui-ci ne sera pas nommé, pas plus que les factions kurdes, un carton prévient que les noms des lieux, des formations politiques et militaires et le détail des événements ont été changés.

    Emmanuelle Bercot et Golshifteh Farahani dans « Les Filles du soleil » d’Eva Husson, en compétition au 71e Festival de Cannes.

    La complexité transnationale gommée

    Ce qui affranchit Eva Husson, qui signe le scénario, de la tâche ardue de donner une idée claire de l’origine de ces unités féminines, de leur place dans le paysage kurde, dont la complexité transnationale est ici gommée. Car l’histoire des Filles du soleil est simple. Bahar (Golshifteh Farahani) commande une unité d’anciennes captives dans une région qui ressemble aux monts Sinjar, au nord de l’Irak, théâtre de la persécution des yézidis par l’Etat islamique.

    Elle accueille dans ses rangs Mathilde (Emmanuelle Bercot), une journaliste française qui arrive sur le théâtre des opérations au moment où tous ses confrères le quittent. Mathilde a perdu un œil (comme la journaliste britannique Marie Colvin, tuée par l’armée gouvernementale syrienne à Homs en 2012) et a été évacuée sur une moto de Homs (comme la journaliste française Edith Bouvier, blessée lors du même bombardement). Elle est aussi veuve d’un journaliste tué en Libye, mère d’une petite fille qu’elle a laissée seule.

    On sent bien que de cet amalgame, Eva Husson voudrait faire sortir un personnage de fiction, tout comme du mélange d’éléments des histoires yézidie et kurde qui fait l’histoire de la commandante Bahar, qui d’ailleurs s’exprime dans la variante iranienne de la langue kurde, alors que ses subordonnées lui répondent dans la forme irakienne.

    Après tout, l’histoire du cinéma ne manque pas d’exemples glorieux qui ont adopté ce rapport plutôt lâche avec l’histoire. Casablanca reste un beau film antifasciste, même si les Marocains, les résistants et les expatriés américains se sont toujours amusés de sa parfaite invraisemblance. Mais Casablanca a été tourné par des Américains à un moment où ils ignoraient presque tout de la réalité atroce de ce qui se passait en Europe. N’importe quel spectateur ou spectatrice des Filles du soleil peut accéder aux éléments qui ont fait l’histoire des unités féminines kurdes, du martyre des femmes yézidies, des premiers mois de la campagne contre l’EI. Et cette connaissance, ou sa seule possibilité, rend difficile de voir ravalés au rang d’éléments malléables, des faits répertoriés, qui ont chacun leur sens précis.

    C’est ainsi que l’invasion des « extrémistes » (c’est le nom que leur donne le film), le massacre des hommes, l’enlèvement des enfants, l’asservissement des femmes, seront découpés en flash-back, qui alternent avec le récit de la prise de la ville où Bahar fut capturée par les forces kurdes. La combattante est persuadée que dans une école tenue par les « extrémistes », son fils est endoctriné.

    Les motivations des protagonistes relèvent donc des figures romanesques les plus élémentaires : l’une ne peut plus regarder sa fille en face, l’autre veut revoir son fils. C’est tout. Bahar a beau être avocate et polyglotte, rien de politique n’entrera dans son discours, avant tout affectif. Quant à Mathilde, la souffrance que lui occasionne son métier de reporter de guerre (qu’Emmanuelle Bercot rend plus que perceptible) rend incompréhensible son acharnement à l’exercer. S’il est une hypothèse qu’Eva Husson ne veut pas évoquer, c’est que certaines femmes puissent aimer la guerre, pour la raconter ou pour la faire, malgré Lee Miller ou Jeanne d’Arc.


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    Mavi Boncuk |

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    Mavi Boncuk |

    Tefrika romanlar geri dönüyor
    Bir dönemin popüler tefrikalarının çoğu, kitaplaşmadan unutulup gitti. Gazete sayfalarında, arşivlerin tozlu raflarında kalmış, edebiyat tarihinde adı hiç geçmeyen bu romanlar, Özyeğin Üniversitesi’nin projesiyle[*] yeniden canlanıyor, okuyucu ile buluşuyor

    Gazetelerde her gün bir bölümü yayımlanan ‘tefrika romanlar’, bir zamanların dizi filmleri gibi takip ediliyor, ‘sezon finalleri’ gazetelerin abone yenileme dönemine denk getirilerek okuyucu kazanılıyordu. Bu romanlardan yarım kalanı da var, ‘reytingi yüksek’ olduğu için 156 bölüm devam edeni de... Bir dönemin bu popüler tefrikalarının çoğu, kitaplaşmadan unutulup gitti. Gazete sayfalarında, arşivlerin tozlu raflarında kalmış, edebiyat tarihinde adı hiç geçmeyen bu romanlar Özyeğin Üniversitesi’nin TÜBİTAK destekli projesi sayesinde şimdi yeniden canlanıyor, okuyucu ile buluşuyor. Proje kapsamında edebiyat tarihinde adına rastlanmayan 239 yeni roman bulundu.
    Harf devriminin yapıldığı 1928 yılına kadar Arap harfli gazete ve dergilerde basılmış 569 telif, 784 çeviri roman, Özyeğin Üniversitesi’nin yürüttüğü 3 yıllık bir çalışma ile 302 gazete ve derginin tüm sayıları taranarak tespit edildi. Tek tek dijital ortama aktarılan bu romanlar, şimdi okuyucu ile buluşuyor. Projenin yürütücüsü Yardımcı Doçent Doktor Ali Serdar’la tefrika romanları ve yaptıkları çalışmayı konuştuk. (Ali.Serdar-at-ozyegin-dot-edu-dot-tr) 

    ‘Gazete satışı artıyor’

    Tefrika roman Osmanlı’da ne zaman ortaya çıkıyor?

    Tefrika, Avrupa’da 18. yüzyılın sonunda çıkıyor ama asıl patlaması 1830’lu yıllarda... Osmanlı’da 1830’lu yıllarda ilk gazete çıkıyor ama bildiğimiz anlamda gazeteler 1860-1870’li yıllarda... Osmanlı’da roman türünün doğuşuyla tefrika roman aynı tarihlerde gerçekleşiyor.


    Tefrika romanın ortaya çıkışıyla kapitalizmin yakın bir ilişkisi var. Kitap pahalı. Kitabı satabileceğiniz kitle bu yüzden sınırlı. Yayıncılar şunu fark ediyorlar: “Kitabın yüzde biri fiyatına gazetenin içine bunu yerleştirirsek hem gazetenin çok satmasını sağlarız, hem romanın çok okunmasını sağlarız.” Bu sayede okuyucu sayısını artıyorlar.

    Tefrikanın, bölüm bölüm yayımlanmasından kaynaklanan kendine ait özellikleri var. Bu durum romanın yapısını nasıl etkiliyor?

    Tefrika gün gün yayımlanıyor, takip eden bir kitle var. Yazar öyle bir bitirmeli ki ertesi gün okur onu yine alsın. Romanda kitapla okur baş başa. Oysa tefrikada bir gazete sayfasının içindesiniz. O günkü siyasi, ekonomik, cinayet haberlerinin ortasında bir roman var. Bir cinayet haberi çıkıyor, o haberden yola çıkarak tefrika roman yayımlanmaya başlıyor. Gerçek ve kurmaca arasındaki farkın yer yer kaybolduğu durumlar ortaya çıkabiliyor.

    Kayıp romancı: Boyar

    Bu proje kapsamında nasıl bir çalışma yürüttünüz? Ortaya çıkardığınız yeni romanlar oldu...

    2014 mayısında başladık. 2017 mayısına kadar sürdü. 302 süreli yayın taradık. Bazıları 20-30 yıl çıkmış gazeteler, bazıları da 10-15 sayı çıkmış. 569 telif roman bulduk. 784 de çeviri roman tefrikası bulduk. 569 romanın 481’i, 155 erkek yazar, 46’sı da 23 kadın yazar tarafında kaleme alınmış. 43 romanın yazarı ise tespit edilemedi. 239 yeni roman bulundu. Bunlar herhangi bir edebiyat tarihinde, arşivde adı geçmeyen, gazete sayfasında kalmış romanlar. Koç Üniversitesi ile bir tefrika dizisi başlattık. Önemli olduğunu düşündüğümüz, mutlaka günümüz okuru ile buluşmalı dediğimiz romanları basmaya çalışıyoruz. İlk bastığımız roman Belkıs Sami Boyar’ın Aşkımı Öldürdüm romanı. Belkıs Sami Boyar, Halide Edip’in kız kardeşi. Bulabildiğimiz tek romanı bu. Dönemin çok satan Son Saat gazetesinde tefrika edilmiş.

    İkinci bastığımız kitap Selahattin Enis’in Orta Malı romanı. Bu roman 156 tefrika sürmüş. Belki 18 bölüm olarak tasarlamış ama roman tutmuş demek ki. 156 sayısına çok az rastladım. Okuduğunuz zaman fark ediyorsunuz, Selahattin Enis bu romanı uzatmak için elinden geleni yapmış.

    ‘Bu ay 2 roman basılıyor’

    Yayına hazırlanan yeni kitaplar var galiba...

    Kasım ayı içinde Fatma Fahrünnisa’nın Dilharap[1] romanı çıkacak. 4. kitap da Mehmet Rauf’un Kâbus romanı. O da bu ay içinde çıkıyor. O da sarsıcı bir metin. Bunlar dışında Recaizade Mahmut Ekrem’in Saime, Ercüment Ekrem’in Şevketmeab ve Vedat Örfi’nin Kırk Bela romanını 2018 yılında çıkartacağız.



    [*] Özyeğin Üniversitesi öğretim üyesi Yrd. Doç. Dr. Ali Serdar tarafından yürütülen ve TÜBİTAK tarafından desteklenen “Türk Edebiyatında Tefrika Roman Tarihi” araştırması edebiyat alanında bilinmeyen romanları okurlara ve araştırmacılara sunuyor.

    Türk edebiyatında 1831 ile 1928 yılları arasında Arap alfabesiyle basılan gazete ve dergilerde yayınlanmış roman tefrikalarını tespit ederek bir tefrika roman tarihi yazılmasını hedefleyen araştırma elde edilen verileri okuyuculara sunuyor. Özellikle harf devrimi öncesinde süreli yayınlarda parça parça yayınlanmış romanların tek tek tespit edilerek derlenmesi amaçlanan çalışma yeni araştırma yapacaklara büyük kolaylık vadediyor.

    ARAŞTIRMACILAR ÜCRETSİZ ERİŞEBİLİYOR

    Araştırma kapsamında 290 süreli yayın tarandı ve 528 telif ve 702 çeviri tefrika roman tespit edildi.Bulunan tefrika romanların dijital kopyalarına Özyeğin Üniversitesi Kütüphanesi’nin eResearch@ozyegin platformunda bulunan “Türk Edebiyatında Tefrika Roman Tarihi” başlıklı veri tabanından tüm araştırmacılar ücretsiz olarak ulaşabiliyor.

    BİLİNMEYEN ESERLER GÜN YÜZÜNE ÇIKTI

    Edebiyat tarihlerinde yer almayan, gazete sayfalarında unutulmuş roman ve romancıların gün yüzüne çıkarılması amaçlanan çalışmada elde edilen taramalar sonucu birçok roman ve romancı keşfedildi.Ahmet Mithat’ın çevirdiği Alayın Kraliçesi ve bizzat kendisinin çeviriye devam olarak yazdığı Alayın Kraliçesi’ne Zeyl günümüz Türkçesine aktarılarak Homer Kitabevi tarafından basıldı.

    DERLENEN TEFRİKALAR BASILACAK

    Dönem koşullarında sansürden dolayı tamamlanamamış, yayınlanan gazetenin kapatılması gibi sebeplerle yarıda kalmış tefrikalar tespit edildi. Daha önce kitap olarak yayımlanmamış ya da Latin alfabesine aktarılmamış romanların bir kısmı Koç Üniversitesi Yayınları tarafından “tefrika dizisi” olarak yeniden yayınlanacak. Hazırlanacak ilk tefrika dizisi ise Halide Edip Adıvar’ın kız kardeşi olan ve çevirileriyle tanınan Belkıs Sami Boyar’ın “Aşkımı Öldürdüm” adlı romanı. Dizinin ikinci kitabı olarak basılması planlanan eser ise Cumhuriyet döneminin sivri dilli yazarları arasında yer alan ve eleştirel yazılar kaleme alan Selahattin Enis’in “Orta Malı” adlı romanı olacak. Edebiyatın unutulan ve keşfedilmeyi bekleyen romanları nisan ayı sonunda okurlarla buluşacak.

    ‘BİR SÜRÜ ROMAN BULDUK’

    1 Mayıs 2014 yılında başlayan ve 1 Mayıs 2017’de tamamlanacak çalışmanın sonraki aşamasında araştırmanın raporları yazılacak. Çalışmanın yürütücülerinden Yrd. Doç. Dr. Ali Serdar tefrika romanla ilgili kapsamlı bir çalışmanın olmamasından dolayı hayata geçirmeyi amaçladıklarını belirtiyor. Serdar araştırmanın amacını şu şekilde özetliyor:

    “1928 yılında alfabe değişimini düşündüğümüzde günümüz okurlarının 1928 öncesini okuması oldukça zor. Böyle bir boşluktan önceki gazete ve dergileri tarayarak hangi yıl kaç tane tefrika ortaya çıktığını, bunların tarihini ortaya koyarak ve veri tabanı oluşturarak araştırmacılara sunmak gayesindeydik. Aynı zamanda gazete sayfalarında kalmış unutulup gitmiş romanlar var mıdır diye yola çıktık. Bir sürü de roman bulduk. Hem edebiyat araştırmacıları ve okurlar tarafından bilinmeyen romanları yeniden edebiyata kazandırdık.”

    BİRÇOK KADIN YAZAR KEŞFEDİLDİ

    Dönem koşullarında Halide Edip Adıvar dışında hakim yayınlarda kadınların yer bulamadığını belirten Serdar, kadınların kendi süreli yayınlarındaki tefrikalarına ulaştıklarını belirtiyor.

    “Gözardı edilmiş, unutulmuş romanları keşfetme yoluna gittik. O dönemdeki edebiyatta kamuya giriş anlamında romancılar kendilerini bu tefrikalar yoluyla kanıtlıyordu. Kadınlar açısından kendi çıkardıkları hanımlara mahsus dergilerle sınırlıydı.O dönemde gözardı edilmiş, kendini dar bir paydada ifade etmiş kadın yazarların tefrikalarına da ulaştık ve araştırmada yer verdik.”

    ‘KÜLTÜR DÜNYAMIZA DA KATKI SAĞLAR’

    Araştırma kapsamında ortaya çıkan ve telif sorunu olan bazı bilinen eserlerin ilk ve son nüshalarının da okuyuculara veri tabanı aracılığıyla sunulduğunu belirten Serdar “Tefrikaların yıllara göre dağılımına baktığınızda bile Türk edebiyatının gelişimini farklı bir şekilde yorumluyorsunuz” dedi. Araştırma ilgili hislerini paylaşan akademisyen “bu konuda baştan beri çok heyecanlıyım. Sonuçları açısından da umuyorum yalnızca edebiyat alanı için değil, umarım kültür dünyamıza da atkı sağlar” açıklamasını yaptı.

    [1] Dilharap
    • Paperback: 234 pages
    • Publisher: Koc Universitesi Yayinlari (2017)
    • Language: Turkish
    • ISBN-10: 6059389856
    • ISBN-13: 978-6059389853

    19. yüzyıl İstanbulu'na kadın gözüyle bakan roman: Dilharap

    Fatma Fahrünnisa’nın kaleme aldığı Dilharap, Koç Üniversitesi Yayınları etiketiyle raflardaki yerini aldı. Fatih Altuğ ve Kevser Bayraktar tarafından Latin harflerine aktarılan kitabın editörlüğünü ise Sabancı Üniversitesi öğretim görevlisi Reyhan Tutumlu ve Özyeğin Üniversitesi öğretim üyesi Ali Serdar üstlendi.

    19. yüzyıl İstanbulu'na kadın gözüyle bakan roman: Dilharap
    Koç Üniversitesi Yayınları (KÜY), “Tefrika Dizisi” ile kitapseverlerle buluşturmaya devam ediyor. Dizinin yeni kitabı, Fatma Fahrünnisa’nın yazıldığı döneme göre oldukça incelikli anlatım teknikleri kullanan Dilharap adlı romanı raflardaki yerini aldı. Fatih Altuğ ve Kevser Bayraktar tarafından Latin harflerine aktarılan kitabın editörlüğünü ise Sabancı Üniversitesi öğretim görevlisi Reyhan Tutumlu ve Özyeğin Üniversitesi öğretim üyesi Ali Serdar üstlendi.

    Ahmet Vefik Paşa’nın torunu olan Fatma Fahrünnisa Hanım’ın yazdığı ve 1896 güzünden 1897 ilkbaharına kadar Hanımlara Mahsus Gazete’de tefrika edilen Dilharap, Türkçe edebiyatta iç monolog tekniğini kullanan ilk metin olma özelliği taşıyor.


    Dilharap yahut 1890'lar İstanbul'unda seçkin bir ailenin kültürlü ve güzel kızı Mazlume, toplumsal açıdan daha düşük bir aileye görücü usulüyle gelin giderse neler olur? Romanının kahramanı gibi kendisi de üst düzey bir aileye doğan, Ahmet Vefik Paşa'nın torunu Fatma Fahrünnisa Hanım, 1896 güzünden 1897 ilkbaharına kadar Hanımlara Mahsus Gazete'de tefrika edilen romanında, kendini istemediği ve neden olmadığı bir zoraki evlilik içinde bulan Mazlume'nin bir yandan bir kadın olarak itibarını korurken bir yandan da bu gönül yıkıcı evlilikten kurtulma mücadelesini anlatıyor. Her şey geride kaldıktan sonra, Mazlume anlatıcıdan kendi hikayesini bir roman haline getirmesini ve böylece bir tür zor evliliklerde sağ kalma rehberi oluşturmayı hedefliyor. Dilharap, Türkçe edebiyatta iç monolog tekniğini kullanan ilk metinlerden biri.


    Dilharap’ın oluşum süreci FATİH ALTUĞ

    1896, Osmanlı edebiyatı açısından bereketli bir yıldı. Osmanlı romanının en önemli teknik sıçramalarını gerçekleştiren Recaizade Ekrem’in Araba Sevdası ve Halit Ziya Uşaklıgil’in Mai ve Siyah’ı  aynı derginin, Servet-i Fünun’un sayfalarında tefrika edilmeye başlamıştı. İstanbul Şehir Üniversitesi Türk Dili ve Edebiyatı Bölümü öğrencisi Kevser Bayraktar ile birlikte yayına hazırladığım Fatma Fahrünnisa’nın (1876-1969) Dilharap romanı da bu iki başyapıtla aynı yıl Hanımlara Mahsus Gazete’de tefrika edildi. Ancak kitaplaşması, 2017 sonunda Koç Üniversitesi Yayınları’ndan çıkan ortak çalışmamızla gerçekleşti.

    Araba Sevdası ve Mai ve Siyah’la kesişen Dilharap, tarihsel olarak da önemli bir dönüşümün merkezinde yer alıyor: Bir kadın tarafından yazılmış ilk Türkçe roman 1877’de basılan Zafer Hanım’ın Aşk-ı Vatan’ı iken 1895’e kadar kadınlar yalnızca beş roman yazdı. Ancak 1895-1900 arasında bu sayı birdenbire en az üç katına çıktı, bu yıllarda Fatma Aliye, Emine Semiye, P. Fahriye, Hatice Behice gibi kadınlar art arda roman yazmaya başladılar.

    Ahmet Vefik Paşa’nın torunu olan Fatma Fahrünnisa, yine 1896’da, bir Osmanlı kadını tarafından yazılan ilk Türkçe seyahat kitabı olan Hüdâvendigâr Vilayetinde Kısmen Bir Cevelan’ı da tefrika etti. Hayatı hakkında çok az bilgiye sahip olduğumuz bu öncü kadın yazarla karşılaşmam Ali Serdar’ın yürüttüğü, benim de ekibinde yer aldığım “Türk Edebiyatında Tefrika Roman Tarihi” projesi vesilesiyle oldu. 1895 sonrası beş yıllık süreçte çok üretken olan ama 1969’a kadar süren ömrünün geri kalanında yazı alanında göremediğimiz bir yazarın eserlerine yakından bakmak, onu tanımaya çalışmak başlı başına heyecan vericiydi. Üstelik bu ilgim meslektaşlarımın desteğiyle ve iş birliğiyle de kesişince çok daha anlamlı ve bereketli oldu. Öğrencim Kevser Bayraktar, proje ile ilgili haberleri görünce hevesle odama geldi ve projeye katkıda bulunmak istediğini söyledi. Hiçbir karşılık beklemeden gönülden gelen bu teklif karşısında Dilharap’ın tefrikasını Kevser Bayraktar ile paylaştım.

    Beş altı aylık bir süreçte Kevser Bayraktar, metni Latin harflerine çevirdi. Sonrasında ben üç ayda metnin kontrolünü yaptım, Dilharap’ın imlasını belirli bir standarta ulaştırıp, hem doğru hem de tutarlı bir okuma gerçekleştirmeye çalıştım. Ali Serdar, Reyhan Tutumlu ve Erol Köroğlu da değişik aşamalarda Kevser Bayraktar ile hazırladığımız metni okudular, tutarsız, eksik ya da yanlış kısımlara işaret ettiler. Metnin orijinali işbirliği ile yayına hazırlanırken metni günümüz Türkçesine de çevirdim. Hem farklı dilsel yetkinliklerdeki okurların anlayabileceği hem de metnin üslubunu bozmayacak bir dil tutturmaya çabaladım.

    Öğrenci, hoca, arkadaş konumundaki meslektaşların bir metnin etrafında buluşup el ve iş birliği yapmasını çok önemsiyorum. Edebiyat araştırmacılığının teorik yanı kadar zanaatkârâne bir yanı da olduğunu hatırlatıyor bu türden çalışmalar. Kusursuz bir Osmanlıca bilgisi bile araştırmacıyı yanlış okumaktan alıkoyamıyor, bir metinle hemhâl oldukça insan kendi hatalarına körleşebiliyor. Bakışlar çoğaldıkça, emek ortaklaştıkça metinler de sahihleşiyor. Richard Sennett’ın Zanaatkâr kitabındaki tespit bu konudaki düşüncelerimi özlü bir şekilde toparlar: “Zanaatkârlık sürekli, temel insan dürtüsüne, [yalnızca] kendi [hatrı] için bir görevi güzel yapma arzusuna işaret eder.”

    İşin daha güzeli, bu kitapta iş birliği yalnızca yayına hazırlama sürecinde gerçekleşmedi. Fatma Fahrünnisa’nın romanının oluşumu da çoğul bir tecrübeden kaynaklanıyor. Fatma Fahrünnisa, 1895’te yazdığı “Romanlar ve Tiyatrolar” makalesinde iflah olmaz bir roman karşıtı olarak karşımıza çıkıyor. Ancak Dilharap’ın “Mukaddime”sinde yer alan bir tartışma / sohbet sayesinde fikirleri değişiyor. Yazarın evindeki bir sohbet meclisi tasvir ediliyor bu mukaddimede. Birbirine “azize”, “hemşire” olarak hitap eden kadın arkadaşlar topluluğu romanlar hakkında konuşmaya başlıyorlar. Vaktiyle polisiye romanlardan etkilendiklerini ama bu romanların sinirleri harap ettiğini düşünen iki arkadaş, artık “hissî tabiî romanlar”dan hoşlanmaktadırlar. İç dünyayı derinlemesine analiz eden gerçekçi metinlerin kıymetinden söz ederken tartışmaya Fatma Fahrünnisa’yı da dahil ederler. Bir yıl önce  roman karşıtı olan, romanların ahlâkı bozduğunu düşünen Fatma Fahrünnisa’nın konumu biraz yumuşamıştır. Artık romanların bozucu değil gereksiz olduğunu düşünmektedir: Bir roman olumlu bir etkide bulunsa bile bu etki geçici olacaktır. Diğer arkadaşları bu görüşlere itiraz eder. Burada, ihtilafa, muhtelifliğe, fikir çeşitliliğine inanan bir ortam söz konusudur: Fikirlerin birliğinden çok tartışma yoluyla değişebilecek fikirlere dayalı eleştirel bir kamu yürürlüktedir; kadın okurların ve yazarların fikirlerini tartışmaktan sakınmadıkları bir dostluk ortamı.

    Kadın okur/yazarların kadın yazarı roman yazma konusunda ikna etmeye çalıştıkları bu alışılmadık mecrada, dikkatler aralarındaki bir kadına yönelir. Roman yanlısı kadınlar, söz konusu kadının başına gelen ibret verici talihsizliklerin romanı yazılmış olsa başka kadınların bu türden zulümler yaşamalarının engellenebileceğini öne sürerler. Sonra Fatma Fahrünnisa ve o kadın baş başa kalır ve kadın, yazardan kendi tecrübesini romanlaştırmasını, hissiyatına tercüman olmasını ister. Böylelikle Fatma Fahrünnisa’nın bir romanı olarak sunulan metnin doğduğu çoğul ortam gösterilmiş olur. Romanın yazarı, (müstakbel) okurları, fikir ortakları ve başkişisi aynı mecliste bir araya gelmiş ve roman bir iş ve fikir birliğiyle oluşmuştur.

    Hem hazırlayıcılarından olduğum yeni basımında hem de orijinalinde dayanışmayla meydana gelen bu roman, Mazlume’nin maruz kaldığı zulmü, yüzyıl sonunda Osmanlı’da kadın erkek ilişkilerini, evlilik kurumunun krizini anlatırken yoğunlaştırılmış, birçok anlamla yüklenmiş bir üslupla yazılır. Fatma Fahrünnisa, Mazlume’nin tecrübesini duyularını, duygularını ve fikirlerini birbiriyle bağlı bir şekilde sunan bir dille edebileştirir. Onun hissiyatını tercüme ederken döneminde ancak Recaizade Ekrem ve Halit Ziya’da görülen iç monolog tekniğini kullanır, belirli yerlerde roman kişilerinin iç seslerinin ifadesine de izin verir. Bu bakımdan roman, hem ortaklaşa bir kadın deneyiminden doğar hem de döneminin Osmanlı edebiyatının zirve noktalarıyla ortaklaşır, akrabalık kurar.

    Dilharap’ın yayımlanmasından birkaç ay sonra, Fatma Fahrünnisa’nın torununun oğlu Ahmet Tezcan telefon etti. Büyükannelerinin romanının yayımlanmasından sonra ailecek duydukları memnuniyeti yoğun duygularını aktararak paylaştı. Duyguların insanda uyandırdığı etkileri, teessürlerin tesirlerini anlatmaya özen gösteren bir yazarın eserinin yeniden yayımlanmasıyla yeni duygular doğurması, bu fikir-his-duyu alaşımında benim de payımın olması beni sevindiriyor. Yaklaşık 120 yıl önce Fatma Fahrünnisa’yı roman yazması konusunda ikna eden arkadaşlarına, hemşirelerine teşekkür ediyorum.




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    Mavi Boncuk |

    Osvaldo Valenti  (b.17 February 1906 Istanbul, Turkey - d. 30 April 1945 Milan, Italy)


    Osvaldo Valenti (17 February 1906 – 30 April 1945) was an Italian film actor. He appeared in 56 films between 1928 and 1945. He was born in Istanbul, Turkey. The career of Osvaldo Valenti found his height in the 40's.

    The Italian actor Oswaldo Valenti began his film career with the German silent movie "Ungarische Rhapsodie" (1928), but with the rise of the sound he was no longer able to continue his work in Germany. Therefore he returned to Italy where he wrote his first name with a "v" again and he gained a foothold in Italy in the 30's.

    In the political view Osvaldo Valenti was a fanatic fascist who had good contacts to fascist politicians and personalities. This was also the reason that his name was noted on the hit list of the partisans. He was a ember of the infamous Decima Mas (Fascist military force) during the Salò Republic (1943-1945).


    During the shooting of "Un' avventure di Salvator Rosa" (1939) he met the actress Luisa Ferida. They fell in love and had a son, Kim who died 4 days after his birth; when they was killed, Luisa was expecting another child. 

    He and his lover, Luisa Ferida[1] , were executed by partisans in Milan, Italy, due to their links with Fascism. At the same day when Adolf Hitler died in Berlin Osvaldo Valenti was killed too together with his pregnant wife Luisa Ferida. 

    They were arrested on April 30, 1945 and were killed in broad daylight at the same day by partisans without a trial. Many years later it turned out that one of the participated heads of the partisans was the later Italian president Sandro Pertini[2].

    The story of Valenti and Luisa Ferida was portrayed in the 2008 film Wild Blood (Sanguepazzo). He was portrayed by Luca Zingaretti and Monica Bellucci  was Luisa Ferida. The film premiered at the 2008 Cannes Film Festival.

    [1] Born Luigia Manfrini Frané 18 March 1914 Castel San Pietro Terme, Emilia-Romagna, Italy Died 30 April 1945 (aged 31) Milan,  Ferida started as a stage actress. In 1935 she made her first appearance in film with a supporting role in La Freccia d'oro. Because of her photogenic looks and talent as an actress, she soon graduated to leading roles by the end of the 1930s.
    In 1939, while working on Un Avventura di Salvator Rosa (1940), directed by Alessandro Blasetti, she met the actor Osvaldo Valenti. The pair became romantically involved and had a son.
    Valenti had been linked with many Fascist officials and personalities for years and he eventually joined the Italian Social Republic, and for this reasons he was on the partisans' hit list. He was finally arrested in Milan, alongside a pregnant Ferida in April 1945. They were both sentenced to be executed and shot immediately in the street, without any proper trial. 
    [2] The partisan chief who organized the execution, Giuseppe "Vero" Marozin, declared years later that one of the partisan leaders that ordered the two actors to be executed was Sandro Pertini, who decades later became president of the Italian republic. No other source, however, supports Marozin's version of the incident.


    See also: Gundle, Stephen. Mussolini's Dream Factory: Film Stardom in Fascist Italy. Berghahn Books, 2013.






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    Mavi Boncuk |

    Les Anciennes Familles Italiennes de Turquie [The Former Italian Families of Turkey] - Willy Sperco[1]


    Among the Italians who currently live in Turkey, many are those whose ancestors left Genoa, of Venice and other towns of Italy, in some cases over five hundred years ago, migrated along with temporary occupancy the islands of Chios, Tinos, Syra, Rhodes, Cyprus and finally electing their residence to be in Istanbul and Izmir.

    It appeared interesting for me to know the origin, to follow the traces of these families through certain documents which one can still find in the files of the Catholic churches and the consulates.

    For the history of the establishment of Italian families, numerous works have been published. Most known are: “Storia delle Colony Genovesi nel Mediterraneo” [The history of the Genoese colonies of the Mediterranean] of Roberto Lopez, “It Dominio Veneziano di Levante” [The domination of Venice of the Levant] of Bruno Dudan, “Histoire du Commerce du Levant au Moyen-Age” [History of the Trade of the Levant of the Middle Ages] of W Heyd, “Les Colonies Vénitiennes de Constantinople” [the Venetian Colonies of Constantinople at the end of XIVème century], in the “Etudes Byzantines” [Byzantine Studies] of Charles Diehl, “Notes sur la Colonie Gênoise de Péra” [Notes on the Genoese Colony of Pera] of Jean Sauvaget, “Questions Historiques” [Historical Questions] of Fustel de Coulanges, the “Relatione della Stato della Christianità di Péra E Constantinopoli” [State of Christianity in Pera and Constantinople] and the “Magnifica Communita di Péra” [Magnificient community of Pera] published by M.C. Dalleggio-of Alessio, “In Giro per I Mar Egeo idiot Vincenzo Coronelli” [A turn for the Aegean Sea by Vincenzo Coronelli] of Armao, who was Consul-General of Italy here, in 1935 and 1936, “It Dominio dei Giustiniani” [The dominion of the Giustinianis] of Giovanni Filippucci-Giustiniani, “Les Principautés Franques du Levant” [The Frankish principalities of the Levant] by G. Schlumberger, “Histoire de la Latinité de Constantinople” [History of Latin Constantinople] of M.M.A. Balin and remarkable works of Mr. Philip P. Argenti: “The Expedition of the Florentines to Chios (1599)”, “The Occupation of Chios by the Venetians (1694)” which is a very invaluable collection of documents drawn from the files of Venice and the principal European states. Finally the “Istoria tis Chios” [History of Chios] of Georghio Zalota, “Sur les routes d’Asie” [On the roads of Asia] of Gaston Deschamps.

    Source

    [1] Willy Sperco appears to be most prominent Levantine writer, specialising in subjects of history, including his observations of wartime Italy where he seems to have spent some time. The books published include ‘L’ecroulement d’une dictature – choses vue en Italie Durant la guerre 1940-45 [collapse of a dictator – things seen in Italy during the war] – Paris, Librairie Hachette – 1946’, ‘Ataturk, créateur de la Turquie moderne [Ataturk, creator of modern Turkey] (1882-1938) – Paris – 1958’, ‘Turcs d’hier et d’aujourd’hui, D’Abdülhamit a nos jours [Turks of yesterday and today, from Abdülhamit to present time] – 1961’, ‘Yüzyılın başında Istanbul [Istanbul at the commencement of the century] – 1989’. For his work he was decorated with the Italian commador merit, the French legion d’honneur, and the Dutch orange-Nassau office. G. Scognamillo, reveals on the Internet, that W. Sperco was a writer / newspaper man in the 1930/40s working for the Istanbul Levantine papers in French, ‘Beyoglu’ (owned by Gilberto Primi) and ‘Journal d’Orient’. 

    Author of Yüzyılın Başında İstanbul Published 1989 by İstanbul Kitaplığı and Mustafa Kemal Atatürk 1881-1938 Paperback, 229 pages Published by Bilgi Yayınevi ISBN139789754949605 by Willy Sperco, Zeki Çelikkol (Translator) 

    Willy Sperco, pseudonimo di Guglielmo Sperco (Smirne, 20 ottobre 1887 – Roma, 22 aprile 1978), è stato un giornalista e scrittore italiano, di famiglia levantina, ha saputo esprimere, nei suoi scritti, l’orientalismo di un occidentale e l’apprezzamento per la modernizzazione della Turchia della sua generazione. 

    Michel Guglielmo a.k.a. William Sperco (Willy Sperco), 1887'de İzmir'de doğdu. Babası aslen Venediklidir. Annesi de, Osmanlı İmparatorluğu nezdinde Fransa Büyükelçisi Jean-Babtiste Robly'nin torunudur. Fransız Lazarist Koleji'ni bitirdikten sonra, yüksek öğrenimine Dresden (Saksonya) Yüksek Ticaret Okulu'nda ve Paris Hukuk Fakültesi'nde devam etti. Avukatlık ve İngiliz Müsadere Mahkemesi nezdinde savcı yardımcılığı yaptı. Birinci Dünya Savaşı sonunda, gemi donatım ve gemi acentası olarak Türkiye'ye döndü. Yakın Doğuda, Fransızca çıkan bütün gazetelerrle işbirliği yaparak, İzmir'de, Doğunun en çok okunan gazetesi 'Le Levant' (Doğu) gazetesini çıkardı. Ayrıca 'İzmir Postası' ve 'İstanbul'a, Jean Peyrat takma adıyla, günlük sorunlarla ilgili yazılar yazdı.

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    Mavi Boncuk |

    May government courts Erdogan

    Gonul Tol, Director for Turkish Studies

    Britain is eager to cultivate close ties to Erdogan's Turkey.

    President Recep Tayyip Erdogan began a three-day state visit to the UK on Sunday that includes a meeting with Queen Elizabeth II. The visit comes amid calls on Prime Minister Theresa May from human rights activists and British MPs not to remain quiet on the Turkish government's systematic arrest of journalists, opposition politicians and activists.

    The visit comes at a time of fraying relations between Turkey and other European countries. Erdogan is in the middle of a high-stake election campaign. He said that he wanted to hold an election rally in European cities to reach out to Turkish communities there. But several European countries, including Germany, which hosts the largest Turkish expatriate community, have banned Turkish politicians from campaigning on their soil. 

    But Britain is eager to cultivate close ties to Erdogan's Turkey. Due to the economic uncertainties of Brexit, developing stronger economic ties is particularly crucial for London and May is eyeing lucrative contracts in Turkey's arms industry. In 2017, the two countries signed a contract for BAE Systems to develop a new Turkish fighter jet. 

    For Erdogan, a photo op with the queen at a time when his international image as an autocratic president is stronger than ever, is priceless. The UK was also one of the first countries to express solidarity with Erdogan in the aftermath of the failed coup and remained quiet on post-coup surges. London also remained silent on Turkey's military operation against Kurdish militants in northern Syria. What else could Erdogan ask for?



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  • 05/15/18--08:07: Terâvih | Tarawih
  • Mavi Boncuk | 

    Terâvih namazı | Tarawih prayer at Taipei Grand Mosque, Taiwan.
    Tarawih (Arabic: تراويح‎) refers to extra prayers performed by Sunni Muslims at night in the Islamic month of Ramadan. 

    Tarawih prayers are prayed in pairs of two and can be prayed in at least 08/12/20 raka‘āt according to the Hanafi and Shafi'i schools of Sunni Islam. A break is taken after every 4(2+2) raka‘āt. This prayer is performed only during Ramadan of the Islamic calendar after salat of Isha the last Tarawih prayers from moon-sighted evening (Start) to last day of Ramadan . Muslims believe it is customary to attempt a khatm "complete recitation" of the Quran as one of the religious observances of Ramadan by reciting at least one juz' per night in tarawih. Tarawih prayers are considered optional, not obligatory.[1]

    In all the Sunni hadith scriptures, the prayer Tarawih has been mentioned as Qiyamul Layl min Ramadan (Standing of night in Ramadan) and Qiyam-ar-Ramadan (Standing of Ramadan). Some Sunni Muslims regard the Tarawih prayers as Sunnat Mu'akkadah. Other Sunni Muslims believe tarawih is an optional prayer that may be performed at home. According to this tradition, Muhammad initially and briefly prayed the tarawih in congregation during Ramadan, but discontinued this practice out of fear it will be mandated but never forbade it, as evidenced in Ahadith. During the time when Umar was the caliph, he reinstated the praying of Tarawih in congregation.

    [1] The Prophet (peace be upon him) offered the Tarawih prayer in his mosque the first night when he was joined by one or two people, and on the following night he was joined by a fair-sized congregation. On the third night, he looked through his door and found the mosque full of people. Therefore, he did not come out. When asked why, he said that he did not wish that this prayer should become obligatory. This shows how thoughtful of his community the Prophet was. Even in matters of worship, he always wanted what was easier for them. If he were to offer this prayer in the mosque every night, throughout Ramadan, people would over the years elevate it to the obligatory or semi-obligatory status. Therefore, he decided to offer it at home to retain its status as voluntary night worship, which we can do at any time.

    However, it is not true that it was never offered in congregation in the Prophet’s Mosque until Umar did what he did. In fact it continued to be offered in congregation, but without regular arrangements. What Umar did was to organize it in a proper way. One night in Ramadan he came into the mosque and found several groups of worshippers offering the Taraweeh prayer in several congregations. He disliked this, because it suggested division within the Muslim community. Therefore, he told them to form one congregation and appointed Ubayy ibn Kaab to lead the congregation. Ubayy was one of the best reciters of the Qur’an among the Prophet’s companions. Umar did not join because, as caliph, he led the obligatory prayers. Again he was keen not to give this prayer any impression of being obligatory. On the following night, he checked what was happening, and when he saw that there was one congregation, he made his comment that it was a fine bid’ah. He was not referring to the Tarawih prayer itself, because the prayer was known to all and practiced by many. He was simply referring to the fact that it was offered in one congregation. So the addition is the organization of the prayer, not adding a new prayer.

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    Mavi Boncuk |See also: Ottoman Maritime Arsenals and Shipbuilding Technology in the 16th and 17th c

    EXCERPT "....In a map of Istanbul in Pin Rei&s book, K/tab-i Bahriye, among the outhouses of the Galata Maritime Arsenal that extended from Azap Kapisito Haskoy, were the Meyyit Seaport located in the eastern coast of the Golden horn, Old Hall of Audience, kurekilk (the oar warehouse), Hall of Audience, cellar, maritime arsenals and Maritime Arsenal Garden. 

    From 1515 on, the activities of the maritime arsenal were transferred from Gallipoli to Istanbul and the Galata maritime arsenal had become the central base. The development and the process of shipbuilding activities were possible only through the books of registers. The first of such books that belonged to the years 933- 934, (1527-1528) indicated that the annual revenue provided for the expenses of the Galata Maritime Arsenal were 1,662,377 coins. The expenses of the Galata Maritime Arsenal comprised the salaries (mevacibat) paid to the people who worked in the shipbuilding process such as caulkers, carpenters, parutiras (cutters), makaraci (pulley workers), kumbaraci (bombardiers), haddad (blacksmiths), ustubucu (mop workers), and menders. In addition to that, the mubayaat (brokers) spent for the purchase of the necessary inputs to be used for the shipbuilding process, icarat (wages) that were paid to the artisans, who worked in the transportation and construction phases. 

    The total population of the Maritime Arsenal ranged around 84 to 89 people during the years 933-934, (1527-1531). According to the accounting books, shipbuilding had continued in the Istanbul Maritime Arsenal between the years 1527-1531. 

    The artisans who worked in ship-building were composed of caulkers, carpenters, oar-workers, pulley workers, bombardiers, iron-workers, mop-workers and repairers. The number of the artisans that were working at the maritime arsenal on a regular basis was 89. However, when there was a need for craftsmen, they were brought to Istanbul from the coastal areas of the empire and employed at the maritime arsenal.[*]

    Until the discovery of steam ships in the nineteenth century, oar-crafts and sail-ships were built in this maritime arsenal. Among them were oar-ships like galleys, small war galleys, firkate (frigates), kalyata (small galleys) and mavna (barges), and sail-ships like kalyon (galleon), burtun (large warships), barca (old large galleys) and agribar (pirate ships). 

    To give an example, It is possible to argue that 1200 ships were built and repaired at the Istanbul Maritime Arsenal in the seventeenth century. In the campaign years, this number naturally increased."

    [*] People like the Maniots or Maniates (GreekΜανιάτες)  the inhabitants of the Mani PeninsulaLaconia, in the southern PeloponneseGreeceThey worked mostly at the admiralty shipyards of Kasimpasa by Halic/Golden Horn. The region where they came was mountainous and inaccessible hence they historically must have developed sailing skills. Homer's "Catalogue of ships in the Iliad mentions the cities of Mani: Messi, Vitilon (Itilo), Kardamli (or Skardamoula), Enopi, Gerinia, Pefnos, Avia, Githio, Kotronas, etc.




    Kadırga: galiot, galley EN[1] ; kalyon TR oldGR kátergon κάτεργον Bizans donanmasında kullanılan kürekli gemi, kadırga  oldGR katergázomai κατεργάζομαι emek sarfetmek, uğraşmak oldGR kata+ ergázomai εργάζομαι çalışmak oldGR érgon έργον emek, iş → erg Possible from Pontic Greek.

    Oldest source: katarga [ Hou (1343) ] Çoban, Gümüşlük'e su almak için uğrayan bir kadırgaya tayfa yazıldı. - Halikarnas Balıkçısı

    Marangoz: fromGR ; carpenter EN[2] marangón/marangós μαραγγόν/μαραγγός gemide ahşap işleri yapan sanatkâr VEN marangón 

    Oldest source: "her türlü ahşap işçisi" [ Bianchi, Dictionnaire Turc-Français (1851) ]; marankoz "gemide ahşap işçisi" [ Evliya Çelebi, Seyahatname (1680 yılından önce) : Galata kavmi birkaç fırkadır: birinci fırkası gemiciler, (...) dördüncü marankoz ve kalafatçılardır. ]

    maranko/ marankon/ marangon [ Meninski, Thesaurus (1680) ]
    marangon/marangos

    Kalafat: caulk EN[3] oldGR kalafátizō καλαφάτιζω gemi tahtaları arasına paçavra sıkıştırarak ziftlemek (vi) AR ḳalafaṭ/calfaṭa قلفط/جلفط [#ḳlfṭ/clft] Aramaic ḳəlāptā/ḳəlaptā קלפתא/קלפתא kabuk, zarf, tahılın kepeği Aramaic ḳəlāpā קלפא soymuk, meyve kabuğu, balık pulu → kılıf

    Oldest source: [ Seydi Ali Reis, Mirat-ül Memalik (1557) ]

    [1] galley (n.): a low, flat ship with one or more sails and up to three banks of oars, chiefly used for warfare, trade, and piracy. Similar to trireme with the addition of sails.

    13c., "seagoing vessel having both sails and oars," from Old French galie, galee "boat, warship, galley," from Medieval Latin galea or Catalan galea, from Late Greek galea, of unknown origin. The word has made its way into most Western European languages. Originally "low, flat-built seagoing vessel of one deck," once a common type in the Mediterranean. Meaning "cooking range or cooking room on a ship" dates from 1750.

    The printing sense of galley, "oblong tray that holds the type once set," is from 1650s, from French galée in the same sense, in reference to the shape of the tray. As a short form of galley-proof it is attested from 1890.

    trireme (n.) : "ancient ship with three rows of oars," c. 1600, from Latin triremis, from tri- "three" (see tri-) + remus "oar" (from PIE root *ere- "to row").

    galleon (n.) kind of large ship, 1520s, from French galion "armed ship of burden," and directly from Spanish galeón "galleon, armed merchant ship," augmentative of galea, from Byzantine Greek galea "galley" (see galley) + augmentative suffix -on. Developed 15c.-16c., it was shorter, broader, and with a higher stern superstructure than the galley. In English use, especially of Spanish royal treasure-ships or the government warships that escorted private merchant ships in the South American trade. The galleon was powered entirely by wind, using sails carried on three or four masts, with a lateen sail continuing to be used on the last (usually third and fourth) masts.

    The accepted term for the type of ship which the Spaniards used in 1588; that is, an armed merchantman of exceptional quality, combining the strength of the mediaeval trader with some of the finer lines and fighting features of the GALLEY. [Sir Geoffrey Callender, "Sea Passages," 1943]

    Italian agumented form of galea, galeaza, led to a different 16c. ship-name in English, galliass (1540s).

    galliot (n.)
    "small galley," mid-14c., from Old French galiote, galiot "small ship," diminutive of galie

    [2] carpenter (n.) "artificer in timber, one who does the heavier sort of wood-working," c. 1300 (attested from early 12c. as a surname), from Anglo-French carpenter, Old North French carpentier (Old French and Modern French charpentier), from Late Latin (artifex) carpentarius "wagon (maker), carriage-maker" (in Medieval Latin "carpenter," properly an adjective, "pertaining to a cart or carriage," from Latin carpentum "wagon, two-wheeled carriage, cart." This word is from Gaulish, from Old Celtic *carpentom (compare Old Irish carpat, Gaelic carbad "carriage"), which probably is related to Gaulish karros "chariot" (source of car), from PIE root *kers- "to run." 

    Also from the Late Latin word are Spanish carpintero, Italian carpentiero. Replaced Old English treowwyrhta, which is literally "tree-wright." German Zimmermann "carpenter" is from Old High German zimbarman, from zimbar "wood for building, timber," cognate with Old Norse timbr (see timber). 

    First record of carpenter-bee, which bores into half-rotten wood to deposit its eggs, is from 1795. A carpenter's rule (1690s) is foldable, suitable for carrying in the pocket. 

    [3] caulk (v.) late 14c., "to stop up crevices or cracks," from Old North French cauquer, from Late Latin calicare "to stop up chinks with lime," from Latin calx (2) "lime, limestone" (see chalk (n.)). Original sense is nautical, in reference to making ships watertight by driving oakum into the seams. Related: Caulked; caulking. As a noun, "caulking material," by 1980 (caulking in this sense was used from 1743). Related: Caulker.



    The history of medieval naval warfare is the history of the galley. Since ancient times, battles at sea have taken place largely on the decks of ships and were fought much like land battles, with hand-to-hand combat. Medieval naval battles usually followed a similar pattern. First, smaller, more maneuverable ships would pin down the enemy fleet. Then the larger, more heavily armed galleys would attack, initially firing missiles and then ramming or grappling the enemy vessel in order to board it. Blasts of lime were often fired to blind the enemy and were then followed by volleys of stones. One of the most dreaded tactics was to fling onto the enemy ship what was known as Greek fire, a substance that, once ignited, was inextinguishable in water. Crossbows, lances, bows and arrows, and, by the late Middle Ages, guns and cannons served as well at sea as on land. However, the ship itself was the most powerful weapon, often determining the outcome of a naval battle. The warship at sea was likened to the warhorse on land and, like the warhorse, the warship was bred for fighting.

    Equipped with sails for distance and oars for maneuverability, the medieval galley was ideally suited for the purpose of war. Medieval variations on the classical galley were many. The dromon, developed by the Byzantines, was a large galley that utilized one or two tiers of oars, a square sail set on a single mast, and a stern-hung rudder. In times of war, the dromon could carry troops, weapons, supplies, and cavalry horses, as well as engage in sea battles when necessary. The beam of the dromon permitted mounted cannons in the bow of the ship, which could be fired directly ahead of the vessel. A variation on the dromon was the Italian galley, which had one level of oars with two or three oarsmen to each rowing bench, a total of approximately 120 oarsmen. The Italian galley was manned by about fifty soldiers and typically had a large catapult mounted on a platform on the front deck.

    The galleas was another variation on the galley. Developed by the Venetians, the galleas had a gun deck, oars, and two to three masts. The triangular lateen sails, adopted from those of the Arab dhows, permitted the galleas to sail nearly straight into the wind, impossible with square sails. Sailors armed with crossbows and lances could fight on the ships’ decks.

    The last major naval battle in which galleys were employed was the Battle of Lepanto II, fought off the coast of southwestern Greece on October 7, 1571, between the Ottoman Turks, under the command of Ali Pala (died 1616), and the Christian forces, under the command of Don Juan de Austria (1547-1578), half-brother of King Philip II of Spain (1527-1598). The Turks’ 273 ships (210 were galleys) and the Christians’ 276 ships (208 were galleys) faced off in long lines across from one another, with the Christian forces hemming in the Muslim forces. Don Juan skillfully placed his most heavily armed galleys in the center of the line and his smaller, more maneuverable galleys on the outside, where they could dominate the flanks. The massive and heavily armed Christian galleys eventually triumphed over the lighter and less armed Arab ships, giving naval supremacy to the Christian forces in the Eastern Mediterranean. The Battle of Lepanto was the last major naval battle in which galleys were employed, and it was the first major naval battle in which guns and gunpowder played the decisive role. From this point on, guns and cannons would be increasingly important in naval warfare.

    Although the galley was the vessel of choice in the Mediterranean Sea for more than four millennia, it was a typically unstable ship, particularly in rough waters. Maneuverability during battle was provided by oars, rather than by the sails, which had to be lowered during battles to prevent the enemy from tearing or setting fire to them. Despite their shortcomings, however, various forms of galleys continued to be employed in the Mediterranean until 1717 and in the Baltic Sea until 1809. In an effort to produce a more seaworthy craft, medieval shipbuilders turned to other designs for seagoing vessels.

    https://weaponsandwarfare.com/2010/11/26/the-medieval-galley/


    Fredrik Henrik af Chapman, the author of “Architectura Navalis Mercatoria” was an internationally renowned naval architect. Vessels he designed included the Swedish King Gustav III’s ship “Amphion,” the cabin of which is preserved at the Swedish National Maritime Museum.

    Starting in 1765, Chapman devoted himself for two years to creating Architectura Navalis Mercatoria, a volume of drawings which he beleived exemplified the best and most interesting vessels of the time. The work was published in 1768. Several original copies of the book, together with the copper plates originally used to print the illustrations, are in the collection of the Swedish national Maritime Museum.

    The book contains 62 illustrations of vessels from around the world. Some were designed by Chapman himself, but many were vessels he had encountered on his travels. The book includes everything from warships to small fishing craft. This particular plan is of an oar-powered galley from Malta.The Capitana, Gallery of Malta, of 30 pairs of oars, 5 men per oar.  Forward artillary is one 36-pounder long gun, two 8-pounders, & two 6-pounders; along the sides 18 2-pounders and 18 pivot guns. In the accomodation plan, A is the Gavon (stern quarters);  B the rear cabin;  C The great cabin and lodging for the Officers;  D Hold for the provisions of the Captain;  E The stores of bread and vegetables.  F Storage of wine & meats.  G The powder magazine; H The saloon;.  I Storage for the sails & ropes.  K. The sickbay & medical stores.  LL. The forecastle and anchor locker.  M is a section of the galley amidships.


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  • 05/17/18--11:02: Word Origin | Ramadan

  • From اِرْتَمَضَ‎ (irtamaḍa, “to be consumed by grief and sorrow”). Compare رَمَض‎ (ramaḍ, “parchedness, scorchedness”) and رَمْضَاء‎ (ramḍāʾ, “sun-baked ground”).

    Mavi Boncuk | 

    Ramazan: RamadanEN[1] fromAR ramaḍān رمضان İslamiyetten önce Araplarda Temmuz/ Ağustos aylarına tekabül eden ay, İslami ayların dokuzuncusu AR ramaḍ رمض kuru sıcak Oldest source: [ İrşadü'l-Mülûk ve's-Selâtîn (1387) : kim ramazān ayı kilginçe barçasın birge kılur ] 

    Oruç:FastEN[2] from Sogdian *rōçag oruç tutma (oldFA rōzak ) Sogdian rōç gün → ruz Oldest source: [ Codex Cumanicus (1300) ]
    [1] Ramadan (n.): ninth month of the Muslim year, 1590s, from Arabic Ramadan (Turkish and Persian ramazan), originally "the hot month," from ramida "be burnt, scorched" (compare Mishnaic Hebrew remetz "hot ashes, embers"). In the Islamic lunar calendar, it passes through all seasons in a cycle of about 33 years, but evidently originally it was a summer month. From Arabic ramaḍān, from ramaḍa ‘be hot.’ 

    For Muslims, fasting is not an act of penitence, but a method of self-purification, both physical and spiritual, as well as a way of showing solidarity with the needy. For many believers, it is also an asceticism that brings spiritual elevation and the collective affirmation of faith. 


    In addition, Ramadan is also important in religious terms, because beyond the fast, it’s a month during which the Quranic revelation started. It was during the "night of Destiny", Laylat al-Qadr, that the Quran began to be communicated to the Prophet. The first day following the end of the month of Ramadan is Eid al-Fitr, or "celebration of breaking the fast". It is also known as "Eid al-Saghir", the Little Eid, as opposed to the other large religious festival, Eid al-Kebir (big Eid) or Eid al-Adha "the festival of sacrifice".


    The month of Ramadan comes between the months of Sha’ban and Shawwal and is the only one in the Hegira calendar to be cited in the Quran. Surah (or chapter) II, dubbed "genesis", details its prescriptions over several verses[i] (these were also completed by the al-Sunna tradition).  


    [2]  fast (adj.) Old English fæst "firmly fixed, steadfast, constant; secure; enclosed, watertight; strong, fortified," probably from Proto-Germanic *fastu- "firm, fast" (source also of Old Frisian fest, Old Norse fastr, Dutch vast, German fest), from PIE root *past- "firm, solid" (source of Sanskrit pastyam "dwelling place").

    Meaning "rapid, quick" is from 1550s, from the adverb (q.v.). Of colors, from 1650s; of clocks, from 1840. The sense of "living an unrestrained life, eager in pursuit of pleasure" (usually of women) is from 1746 (fast living is from 1745). Fast buck recorded from 1947; fast food is first attested 1951. Fast lane is by 1966; the fast track originally was in horse-racing (1934), one that permits maximum speed; figurative sense by 1960s. Fast-forward is by 1948, originally of audio tape.

    fast (adv.) Old English fæste "firmly, securely; strictly;" also, perhaps, "speedily," from Proto-Germanic *fasto (source also of Old Saxon fasto, Old Frisian feste, Dutch vast, Old High German fasto, German fast "almost," but in earlier use "firmly, immovably, strongly, very"), from *fastu- (adj.) "firm, fast" (see fast (adj.)).

    The meaning "quickly, swiftly, rapidly" was perhaps in Old English, certainly by c. 1200, probably from or developed under influence of Old Norse fast "firmly, fast." This sense developed, apparently in Scandinavian, from that of "firmly, strongly, vigorously" (to run hard means the same as to run fast; also compare fast asleep, also compare Old Norse drekka fast "to drink hard," telja fast "to give (someone) a severe lesson"). Or perhaps from the notion of a runner who "sticks" close to whatever he is chasing (compare Old Danish fast "much, swiftly, at once, near to, almost," and sense evolution of German fix "fast, fixed; fast, quick, nimble," from Latin fixus). The expression fast by "near, close, beside" also is said to be from Scandinavian. To fast talk someone (v.) is recorded by 1946.

    fast (n.) "act of fasting," late Old English fæsten "voluntary abstinence from food and drink or from certain kinds of food," especially, but not necessarily, as a religious duty; either from the verb in Old English or from Old Norse fasta "a fast, fasting, season for fasting," from a Proto-Germanic noun formed from the verbal root of fast (v.). In earlier Old English fæsten meant "fortress, cloister, enclosure, prison."

    fast (v.) "abstain from food," Old English fæstan "to fast" (as a religious duty), also "to make firm; establish, confirm, pledge," from Proto-Germanic *fastan "to hold fast, observe abstinence" (source also of Old Frisian festia, Old High German fasten, German fasten, Old Norse fasta "abstain from food"), from the same root as fast (adj.).

    The original meaning in prehistoric Germanic was "hold firmly," and the sense evolved via "have firm control of oneself," to "hold oneself to observance" (compare Gothic fastan "to keep, observe," also "to fast"). Perhaps the Germanic sense shifted through use of the native words to translate Medieval Latin observare in its sense "to fast." The verb in the sense "to make fast" continued in Middle English, but was superseded by fasten. Related: Fasted; fasting.