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Major Named Istanbul Fires

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See Also: Kenan Yıldız

ISTANBUL FIRES DURING THE OTTOMAN PERIOD AND THEIR EFFECT ON THE CITY’S TOPOGRAPHY

“… The first edict that directed a radical shift from wood to stone as the prevalent construction material in Istanbul was enacted in the 17th century,3 but change did not really yield positive results until the 19th century. There were many reasons behind this delay, among them the frequent large earthquakes in the region, the high cost of stone construction materials in terms of labor and transportation, the greater necessity urging people to reconstruct their houses shortly after disasters, and the fact that wooden buildings were easily heated and altered or renovated. It is also clear that with every fire, changes in the topographical structure of the city appeared…”

Mavi Boncuk |

The period with no organized Tulumba Fire Crews until 1714.

Important fires of this period;

1510    It started in a neighborhood and spread to Balat and then to Bahçekapı, and 800 shops were burned.

1539    Zindankapı Fire

1540    Eski saray Fire

1554    The fire started in 1555, from Hagia Sophia to Tahtakale.

The fire caused great damage to Galata.

18.02.1560     Galata Fire

1558, 1590      Topkapı Sarayı Fire

1627    Cibali tarihi Kebiri Fire

1639    The flames, which started from the candle shop outside Balatkapı, spread to the houses outside the city walls under the influence of the north wind, and soon spread to Suriçi, burning the Balat district to ashes until the morning. The fire continued until Çukurbostan, and the area between Fener Gate and Çukurbostan was reduced to ashes.

1646    Tavuk pazarı

1647    Odun kapısı

1652,1660       Ayazma Kapısı Fire

1653    Oduncu Kapısı Fire

1660    Büyük İstanbul and Galata fires

1665    Topkapı Sarayı Fire

1673    Fener Fire

1675    Mahmutpaşa Fire

1676    Galata Kürkçü kapısı Fire

1678    Galata Kurşunlu mahzen Fire

1678    Tavşantaşı

1685    Eyüp  Çarşısı

1688    Cibali

1689     Ayazmakapısı

1690    Çarşuyikebir

1690    Eyüp Fire

1691    Mısır çarşısı Fire

1692    Work started in a rooming shop near Ferrah Kethuda Mosque, and 1500 houses were burned down to Kesmekaya.

1693   Cibali Fire and Ayazağa kapı Fire

1694   Şehremini

1697   Çarşuyikebir

1699    Alacahamam

1703    Tersane

1703    Vezneciler

1704     Eyüp

1704     Hocapaşa

1711     Beyazıt

1712    Eski Saray

1712    Kahraman çarşısı

1713    Sandıkçılar




Fires of the Janissary Tulumbacı Crews Period. (1714-1826) 

The abolition of the Janissary corps in this second period continued until 1826. During this period, historians recorded that there were 44 major fires, and 7000 buildings, inns, baths and madrasahs burned down in these fires. But during this period, the fire fighting period also began. Some fires were extinguished instantly.

Fire pump crews were unknown until the early 18th century. In 1579, Murat III issued one of the oldest edicts regarding fire and requested that fire escapes be added to roofs and roofs. Fires were tried to be extinguished with water carried from cisterns. Seeing this destruction in Istanbul, a French engineer invented a pump in the early 18th century. The engineer, whose real name was David, later converted to Islam and his name was changed to Davud Gerçek.

In the same year, Davud Agha rushed to a big fire with his pump, and the young people gathered around him helped him. Following this service, Davud Gerçek was appointed "Tulumbacı Ağası" by the grand vizier of the period and a tulumbacı organization affiliated with the Janissary Corps was established. Thus, the foundation of the oldest fire brigade in the world was laid.

1714    Cibali

1715    Gedikpaşa

1717    Küçükmustafapaşa

1717    Tüfekhane  fire

1719    Gedikpaşa  fire

1719    Üsküdar

1720    Üsküdar

1720    Balkapanı  fire

1720   Cibali

1721    Hocapaşa

1722    Tahtakale

1723    Mahmutpaşa

1724   Kutucular

1725   Üsküdar

1727   Fındıklı

1729    Ayakapısı

1729    The fire broke out in a greengrocer outside Balatkapı, and in a short time, due to the influence of the north wind, it reached very large dimensions and became a disaster. Approximately one-eighth of Istanbul was reduced to ashes. It stretched from Fener Gate to Ayvansaray and destroyed the surroundings of Tekfur Palace.

1731    Unkapanı

1736   Bâb-ı Âli

1737  Üsküdar

1737   Bayazıt

1738   Sultanahmet

1739   Kadırga

1739   Şehzadebaş

1740   Bâb-ı Âli  fire

1741   In the Hagia Sophia fire, 200 shops burned.

1741   Boyacıkaıpı

1742   Hocapaşa

1742   Tersane

1743   Kürkçüler

1743   Balat

1744    Samatya

1746    Bahçekapısı

1746    800 houses burned in the Fener fire.

1746    Balatkapı

1746    200 houses burned in the Samatya fire.

1747    Küçükpazar

1747    Çarşuyikebir

1747    Üsküdar

1749    Gedikpaşa

1749    Kandilli

1749    Langa

1750    Cibali

1750    Uzunçarşı

1750    Sultanhamamı

1750    Ayvansaray

1750    100 houses burned in the Üsküdar fire.

1750    Büyük Kapalıçarşı  fire

1752    500 shops and 1500 houses were burned in the Langa-Aksaray fire.

1752   Hocapaşa

1753    Samatya

1753    Cibali

1755    Bâb-ı Âli  fire

1756    In the Cibali fire, 70 baths, 580 mills and bakeries, 10 inns, 200 mosques and masjids, 1000 shops and 800 houses were burned.

 1756   Nakilbend

1759    Odunkapısı

1760    Karaman

1762    Cihangir

1764    Hocapaşa

1777    Arabacılar

1780    Samatya

1780    Balat

1780    Cibali

1782 7000 buildings on the shores of the Golden Horn, between Sultan Selim Mosque and Karagümrük and Religious Treasury Hazine-i Şerif, were completely burned.

1793       Balıkpazarı

1795       Azapkapı

1796       Arnavutköy

1812    The fire, which broke out in a house around Dörtyol and spread to many places in a short time, spread in five branches; one branch was Tekfur Palace, the second branch was Balat Bath and its surroundings, the third branch was Ayvansaray, the fourth branch was towards Eyüp and was finally extinguished at Zalpaşa Pier.

1822    Firuzağa

1822    Sultanhamamı

1825   Hocapaşa

1833    Cibali

Municipal Offices and District Pumping period fires (1826-1874)

When the Janissary organization was abolished in 1826, the Janissary Tulumba corps was also abolished.

 

Important fires of this period;

1826    Hocapaşa Fire

1828    The fire broke out near Abacı Çeşme. Many houses and workplaces burned.

1833    Cibali Fire

1854    Küçükmustafapaşa,  140   buildings burned

1855    Aksaray, 748  buildings burned

1856    Haliç, 200  buildings burned

1856    Kadıköy, 250  buildings burned

1857    Edirnekapı, 111  buildings burned

1857    Beyoğlu Sakızağacı, 209  buildings burned

1857    Kumkapı, 86  buildings burned

1857    Galata Mumhane, 76  buildings burned

1860    Hasköy, 80  buildings burned

 1861    Unkapanı, 600  buildings burned

1861     Fener, 1100  buildings burned

1862    Küçükmustafapaşa, 242  buildings burned

1862    Ayvansaray, 219  buildings burned

1863    Cihangir, 42  buildings burned

1863    Kasımpaşa, 526  buildings burned

1864    Ayvansaray, 76  buildings burned

1864    Mahmutpaşa,   57  buildings burned

1865    Hocapaşa , 1007  buildings burned

1865    Kumkapı, 1903  buildings burned

1865    Kazlıçeşme, 99  buildings burned

1865     Edirnekapı, 170  buildings burned

1865     Yenikapı, 68  buildings burned

1866    Hocapaşa, 150  buildings burned

1866    Balat, 500  buildings burned

1868    Balat, 118  buildings burned

1868   Uzunçarşı, 220  buildings burned

1869   Langa, 79  buildings burned

1870   Rumelihisarı, 64  buildings burned

1870    In the Beyoğlu fire, today's Beyoğlu, Galata and Karaköy were completely burned. The Great Beyoğlu Fire, 11 Rebiülevel 1287 (June 5, 1870) Sunday, one hour after noon, the fire broke out in the house where Hungarian Riçini lived as a tenant on Feridiye Street. It broke out among the wooden houses and since the weather was very windy that day, it spread into five or six branches in different directions. . Although extinguishing efforts were carried out seriously and diligently in the Beyoğlu fire, the burning of a large area could not be prevented. The flames proceeded from Hungary, from Tarlabaşı to Taksim, one end of which went to Cadde-i Kebir (İstiklal Street) opposite Galatasaray High School, another branch went down to Bülbül Creek and from there to the vicinity of Papaz Bridge and Emin Bey Mosque and from the border of Sururi neighborhood to Aynalı Çeşme. It extends from to around Galatasaray High School, including the British Embassy. A separate column advanced towards Kalyoncu Kulluğu and burned many of the buildings in front of it. In the area where this branch advanced, the Italian embassy and more than five hundred masonry and wooden houses and shops were burned.

1872    Edirnekapı, 305  buildings burned

1873    Beyoğlu, 60  buildings burned

1873    Aksaray, 186  buildings burned

1873     Kuzguncuk, 591  buildings burned

 


 

 


Recommended | 100 Yeşilçam Movies

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Mavi Boncuk |

I no longer update the site. We continue all studies related to Istanbul on the Cultural Inventory project with a larger and volunteer group. You too can join. Therefore, I apologize in advance if you do not receive a response to your comments or if you receive a response too late.

Caner Cangul | caner.cangul at gmail.com



So Which 100 Yeşilçam Movies? SOURCE

I created the video by sorting the movies by date. I removed the copyright infringed movies and the movies containing logos from my list and completed the remaining 100 movies. Frankly, I would like to at least include these movies in the list, but if I had, this video would definitely be deleted.

In the list below, the link on the MOVIE goes to the Facebook address of the processed video, and the link on the Director goes to the original movie. However, it is possible that you may encounter broken links over time for various reasons, and this has nothing to do with me.

SıraFilmSeneYönetmen
1Şehvet Kurbanı1940Muhsin Ertuğrul
2Kanun Namına1952Lütfi Ö. Akad
3İngiliz Kemal Lawrense
Karşı
1952Lütfi Ö. Akad
4Mahallenin Namusu İffet1953Avni Dilligil
5Kadın Severse1954Atıf Yılmaz
6Leylaklar Altında1954Suavi Tedü
7Cingöz Recai1954Metin Erksan
8Kanlarıyla Ödediler1955Osman F. Seden
9Ebediyete Kadar1955Turgut Etingü
10Kardeş Kurşunu1955Lütfi Ö. Akad
11Beş Hasta Var1956Atıf Yılmaz
12Ana Hasreti1956Memduh Ün
13Berduş1957Osman F. Seden
14Bir Şoförün Gizli defteri1958Atıf Yılmaz
15Altın Kafes1958Osman F. Seden
16Meyhanecinin Kızı1958Ö. Lütfi Akad
17Mavi Boncuk1958Esat Özgül
18Ateş Rıza1958Şinasi Özonuk
19Gönül Kimi Severse1959Asaf Tengiz
20Annemi Arıyorum1959Faruk Kenç
21Şoför Nebahat1959Metin Erksan
22Gurbet1959Osman F. Seden
23Kalpaklılar1959Nejat Saydam
24Kırık Çanaklar1960Memduh Ün
25Gecelerin Ötesi1960Metin Erksan
26Can Mustafa1960Muharrem Gürses
27Yangın Var: Eski İstanbul Kabadayıları1960Ö. Lütfi Akad
28Aslan Yavrusu1960Hulki Saner
29Liman Yosması1960Şinasi Özonuk
30Kızıl Vazo1961Atıf Yılmaz
31Otobüs Yolcuları1961Ertem Göreç
32Bir Bahar Akşamı1961Orhan Elmas
33Mahalleye Gelen Gelin1961Osman F. Seden
34Avare Mustafa1961Memduh Ün
35Naciyem1961Sırrı Gültekin
36Ölüm Film Çekiyor1961Aydın Arakon
37Yalnızlar İçin1962Orhan Elmas
38Ver Elini İstanbul1962Aydın Arakon
39Ümitler Kırılınca1962Orhon M. Arıburnu
40Aşka Kinim Var1962Semih Evin
41Öldüren Bahar1962Süha Doğan
42Üç Tekerlekli Bisiklet1962Ö. Lütfi Akad / Memduh Ün
43Bir Gecelik Gelin1962Atıf Yılmaz
44Boşver Doktor1962Faruk Kenç
45Cilalı
İbo Perili Köşkte
1963Osman
F. Seden
46Çapkın Kız1963Memduh Ün
47Çapraz Delikanlı1963Nejat Saydam
48Beyaz Güvercin1963Nejat Saydam
49Bahriyeli Ahmet1963Türker İnanoğlu
50Kamil Abi1963Yavuz Yalınkılıç
51Barut Fıçısı1963Zafer Davutoğlu
52Badem Şekeri1963Osman F. Seden
53Maceralar Kralı1963Hulki Saner
54Korkusuz Kabadayı1963Tarık Dursun
55Bir Hizmetçi Kızın
Hatıra Defteri
1963Nejat Saydam
56Keşanlı Ali Destanı1964Atıf Yılmaz
57Gurbet Kuşları1964Halit Refiğ
58Şoför Nebahat ve Kızı1964Süreyya Duru
59Bitirimsin Hanım Abla1964Nişan Hançer
60Halk Çocuğu1964Memduh Ün
61Acemi Çapkın1964Nejat Saydam
62Anadolu Çocuğu1964Osman F. Seden
63Kral Arkadaşım1964Zafer Davutoğlu
64Son Tren1964Nejat Saydam
65Suçlular Aramızda1964Metin Erksan
66Uzakta Kal Sevgilim1965Ülkü Erakalın
67Sonsuz Geceler1965Aydın Arakon
68Bitmeyen Yol1965Duygu Sağıroğlu
69Son Kuşlar1965Erdoğan Tokatlı
70Sevmek Zamanı1965Metin Erksan
71Bekçi Murtaza1965Tunç Başaran
72Altın Şehir1965Orhan Elmas
73Kadın İsterse1965Nejat Saydam
74Tehlikeli Adımlar1965Mehmet Dinler
75Üç Kardeşe Bir Gelin1965Mehmet Dinler
76Ben Öldükçe Yaşarım1965Duygu Sağıroğlu
77Kırık Hayatlar1965Halit Refiğ
78Siyah Gözler1965Nejat Saydam
79Hırsız1965Zafer Davutoğlu
80Şeref Kavgası1966Mehmet Aslan
81Tehlikeli Oyun1966Semih Evin
82Ah Güzel İstanbul1966Atıf Yılmaz
83Karakolda Ayna Var1966Halit Refiğ
84Cibali Karakolu1966Hulki Saner
85Boğaziçi Şarkısı1966Nejat Saydam
86Kenarın Dilberi1966Osman F. Seden
87Boyacı1966Sırrı Gültekin
88Şoför Deyip Geçmeyin1966Ülkü Erakalın
89Babam Katil Değildi1966Osman F. Seden
90Erkek ve Dişi1966Halit Refiğ
91Hindistan Cevizi1967Osman F. Seden
92Bir Şoförün Gizli Defteri – 21967Remzi Jöntürk
93Merhamet1967Osman F. Seden
94Garip Bir İzdivaç1967Nejat Saydam
95Sözde Kızlar1967Nejat Saydam
96Zengin ve Serseri1967Süreyya Duru
97Serseriler Kralı1967Mehmet Dinler
98Erikler Çiçek Açtı1968Nuri O. Ergün
99Sabahsız Geceler1968Ertem Göreç
100Seninle Düştüm Dile1969Nejat Saydam

Book | The Last Muslim Conquest by Gábor Ágoston

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Mavi Boncuk | 

The Last Muslim Conquest: The Ottoman Empire and Its Wars in Europe

Gábor Ágoston[1]

  • Publisher ‏ : ‎ Princeton University Press (June 22, 2021)
  • Language ‏ : ‎ English
  • Hardcover ‏ : ‎ 688 pages
  • ISBN-10 ‏ : ‎ 0691159327
  • ISBN-13 ‏ : ‎ 978-0691159324

The Ottomans have long been viewed as despots who conquered through sheer military might, and whose dynasty was peripheral to those of Europe. The Last Muslim Conquest transforms our understanding of the Ottoman Empire, showing how Ottoman statecraft was far more pragmatic and sophisticated than previously acknowledged, and how the Ottoman dynasty was a crucial player in the power struggles of early modern Europe.

In this panoramic and multifaceted book, Gábor Ágoston captures the grand sweep of Ottoman history, from the dynasty’s stunning rise to power at the turn of the fourteenth century to the Siege of Vienna in 1683, which ended Ottoman incursions into central Europe. He discusses how the Ottoman wars of conquest gave rise to the imperial rivalry with the Habsburgs, and brings vividly to life the intrigues of sultans, kings, popes, and spies. Ágoston examines the subtler methods of Ottoman conquest, such as dynastic marriages and the incorporation of conquered peoples into the Ottoman administration, and argues that while the Ottoman Empire was shaped by Turkish, Iranian, and Islamic influences, it was also an integral part of Europe and was, in many ways, a European empire.

Rich in narrative detail, The Last Muslim Conquest looks at Ottoman military capabilities, frontier management, law, diplomacy, and intelligence, offering new perspectives on the gradual shift in power between the Ottomans and their European rivals and reframing the old story of Ottoman decline.

CONTENTS

Prologue 1

part i. emergence 15

1 The Early Ottomans 17

Turks and the Byzantine World 17

Holy Warriors and Marcher Lords 19

Historical Contingency and Accidents 23

Material Rewards and Religious Legitimation 26

Balkan Geopolitics 28

The Crusade of Nikopol 32

2 Defeat and Recovery 35

Timur and the Defeat at Ankara 35

Pillars of Power: Timars and Sancaks 40

Pillars of Power: The Child Levy and the Standing Army 42

Strategies of Conquest 46

Halting the Ottoman Advance: King Sigismund’s Buffer States 53

Danubian Border Defense 61

The Habsburg-Jagiellonian Rivalry 63

Europe’s Last Offensive Crusade: Varna 1444 65

Bows, Firearms, and Military Acculturation 68

3 Constantinople 73

The Conquest of Constantinople 73

Claiming Universal Sovereignty 79

A New Imperial Capital 81

A New Cadre of Viziers 83

Controlling the Military 88

A New Palace and the Imperial Council 90

Ottoman Constantinople and Europe 94

4 Conquests 103

Belgrade 1456: European Crusade—Ottoman Defeat 103

Manipulating Internal Strife: From the Morea

to the Crimea 106

Ottoman Threat and Dynastic Rivalry in Central Europe 112

Challenge from the East: Akkoyunlus and Safavids 119

The Conquest of the Mamluk Sultanate 129

Missed Opportunity: The Indian Ocean 133

European Reactions and Ottoman Naval Preparations 138

Changing Balance of Power along the Danube 144

part ii. clash of empir es 149

5 Süleyman in Hungary 151

Süleyman and the Collapse of the Danubian Defense 151

Mohács: 1526 159

The “Greatest Victory”? 169

Contested Accessions 170

Damage Control 178

6 Imperial Rivalries 188

Ottoman-Habsburg Rivalry 188

Quest for Universal Kingship 197

Realpolitik and the Partition of Hungary 200

Ottoman-Safavid Struggle for Supremacy 213

Trouble in Transylvania 217

Death at Szigetvár 225

7 Overreach 229

The Red Sea and the Indian Ocean 229

Muscovy and the Ottomans 235

Cyprus and the Battle of Lepanto 240

After Lepanto 244

Small Wars: The Bosnian-Croatian Frontier 247

The Long War in Hungary 251

Defeat and Consolidation: The Safavid Frontier 258

part iii. sinews of empir e 263

8 Resources and Military Power 265

Mapping Empires, Frontiers, and Resources 266

The Ottoman Army 275

Ottoman Naval Power 284

The Gunpowder Revolution and the Ottomans 288

Habsburg Military Commitments and Border Defense 298

9 Military Transformations 306

Habsburg Military Transformation 306

Habsburg War Finance and the Estates 309

Ottoman Army Growth 315

The Metamorphosis of the Janissaries 321

Provincial Forces and the Rise of the Kapu Halkı 324

Ottoman War Finance 328

10 Lawfare and Diplomacy 334

Competing Titles and Claims of Sovereignty 335

Instruments of Ottoman Lawfare: Truces and Peace Treaties 339

From Short-Term Truce to Perpetual Peace 343

Ad Hoc Embassies and Resident Ambassadors 349

Language and Diplomacy 358

11 Embassies, Dragomans, and Intelligence 365

European Embassies as Centers of Espionage

in Constantinople 365

Embassy Dragomans and Intelligence 375

The Porte’s Dragomans and Intelligence 383

Agents of Many Masters 389

Ottoman Intelligence Gathering 392

Intelligence on the Frontiers 395

part iv. frontiers a nd wars of exhaustion 405

12 Borders and Border Provinces 407

Survey Books and Sovereignty 407

Border Demarcations 412

Geography and Border Defense 421

Border Provinces and Administrative Strategies 425

13 Contested Bulwark of Islam 430

Fortifications and Garrisons 430

Guardians of the Frontier 440

The Cost of Defense 447

Condominium and the Geography of Sovereignty 453

14 Wars of Exhaustion 460

War with Venice: Dalmatia and Crete 460

Transylvania and Its Rebel Princes 466

Disciplining Vassals and Stabilizing the Northern Frontier 472

Habsburg-Ottoman Wars 480

The Last Conquests: Candia and Kamieniec 486

The Ottoman Siege of Vienna 490

Wars against the Holy League 495

 Epilogue 511

Acknowledgments 519

Chronology 525

Glossary of Terms 533

Glossary of Place-Names 537

Notes 541

Bibliography 597

Index 647

REVIEWS 
  "An intellectual tour de force that does not mince words."—Abdullah Drury, Muslim World Book Review

 "An impressive book, well written, making good use of both Ottoman and Western sources, and crafted to keep the reader engaged."—Michigan War Studies Review "[W]hen it comes to the role of the Ottomans in the history of central Europe . . . the book succeeds brilliantly… Ágoston has also succeeded in what I think will stand for a long time as the definitive political and military narrative of the Ottomans in southeastern and central Europe. Over and over again his command of the facts provides the reader with a strong basis for comparing the various powers and their capabilities at the level of population, natural resources, military technology and so on and so forth. . . . Any future research on this area in the early modern period will find Ágoston’s book to be enormously useful, indeed essential, when writing their own studies."—Molly Greene, European Legacy 

 "Gábor Ágoston has written a much-needed overview of Ottoman warfare from the early state along the Byzantine frontier to the empire’s wars with the Holy League in the late seventeenth century. The Last Muslim Conquest successfully combines the work of several regional historiographies and makes important interventions. Along with a narrative and analysis of the wars in this period, Ágoston includes detailed chapters on Ottoman military organization, tactics, and technology. The Last Muslim Conquest also balances both older historiography that over-emphasized religious antagonism as well as newer research that focuses more on cultural contacts between the Ottomans and Europe."—Samuel Stevens, International Journal of Military History and Historiography

 "Ottomanists, military historians, and non-specialists will find The Last Muslim Conquest an accessible book and one that can provide starting points for further research. Ágoston’s work is an analytical narrative of early modern Ottoman military history that has been needed for some time."—Samuel Stevens, International Journal of Military History and Historiography "Unique."—Colin Imber, Journal of the American Oriental Society 

 "Remarkable in combining a high level of detail with a remarkable clarity of exposition. . . . The richness and brilliant organization of his material and the careful attention to detail invite wider speculation."—Colin Imber, Journal of the American Oriental Society 

 "An outstanding, highly readable study of the Ottoman military, a calm defense of the emphasis on Europe and on conflict on the European frontier in Ottoman historiography, and a work of deeply informed, mature scholarship."—Douglas Howard, Journal of the Ottoman and Turkish Studies Association "Fascinating and wonderfully rich in detail."—Virginia H. Aksan, author of Ottoman Wars, 1700–1870: An Empire Besieged 

 "The appearance of any work by Gábor Ágoston is a matter of significance for those interested in early modern military history, but the range, scholarship, and intellectual ambition of this book make it of particular importance. In assessing the Ottomans, Ágoston provides a crucial corrective to many standard views on Western military history."—Jeremy Black, author of War and Technology

 "Gábor Ágoston's The Last Muslim Conquest is an authoritative, wide-ranging, and up-to-date account of the decisive Ottoman impact on early modern Europe, by one of its leading present-day historians."—Hamish Scott, author of The Birth of a Great Power System, 1740–1815 “A substantial contribution to Ottoman military history.” –Mark L. Stein, Journal of Royal Asiatic Society

[1] 

Gábor Ágoston joined Georgetown University’s Department of History in 1998 as a specialist on the Ottoman Empire. Before Georgetown, he taught Ottoman, Hungarian, and Balkan history at the Universities of Budapest (ELTE) and Pécs (JPTE), Hungary. His research has focused on the Ottoman Empire and its Habsburg, Russian and Safavid imperial rivals, and on Ottoman and European warfare, diplomacy, and intelligence gathering. 

In 2003, he was visiting professor at the University of Vienna, Austria. In 2008 and 2009 he taught at Georgetown's McGhee Center for Eastern Mediterranean Studies in Alanya, Turkey, and in 2018 at Georgetown’s Doha, Qatar, campus. He is the author of ten monographs and collected studies on Ottoman history, including Guns for the Sultan: Military Power and the Weapons Industry in the Ottoman Empire (Cambridge University Press, 2005) and The Last Muslim Conquest: The Ottoman Empire and Its Wars in Europe (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2021). 

He has written more than ninety scholarly articles and book chapters in English, Turkish, and Hungarian on Ottoman, European, and Hungarian history. He is also the co-author of the first English-language Encyclopedia of the Ottoman Empire (2009) and the co-editor of the upcoming Cambridge History of War.

E-Pub | Başka Kayda Rastlanmadı: Reşad Ekrem Koçu

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This is one of the best news to end 2023 on a high note.

Mavi Boncuk |


Salt's e-publication No Other Records Found, prepared within the scope of Reşad Ekrem Koçu and Istanbul Encyclopedia Archive studies, has been made available.


Historian and novelist Reşad Ekrem Koçu (1905-1975), in his own words, constitutes the "enormous record" of Istanbul in his encyclopedia, which he started to publish in fascicles in 1944. It records the city in many aspects, including people, places, structures, events, customs and legends. He continued to work for the Istanbul Encyclopedia, which he said, "From now on, I will probably spend my life working on it" until the end of his life.

No Other Record Found takes its name from the phrase "no other record found about" at the end of some articles in the encyclopedia. Following the exhibition of the same name, which pursued various narratives about Istanbul under the guidance of Koçu and looked at the "strange" and "improper" city of those who are not recorded anywhere else, the aim of the publication is to interpret and evaluate this comprehensive archive from different perspectives. Like the Koçu corpus, which blurs the distinctions between literature and history, private and public, the articles in this compilation address many historical, geographical, architectural, literary and cultural issues raised by the Istanbul Encyclopedia, beyond disciplinary boundaries. Prepared with the contributions of writers from different fields, the publication offers a versatile look at Koçu's working methods, the formation process and content of the archive, with both historical and personal perspectives.

About Reşad Ekrem Koçu and the Istanbul Encyclopedia Archive

Reşad Ekrem Koçu and the Istanbul Encyclopedia Archive, which started its work in 2018 in collaboration with Salt and Kadir Has Universities, brings together the printed volumes of Koçu's Istanbul Encyclopedia and thousands of documents that form the raw material of the unpublished volumes. The archive, consisting of more than 40 thousand documents, is a kind of "media archeology laboratory" in terms of Koçu's working methods as well as the ideas he gave about the production of a multi-volume and multi-authored publication with limited resources in the second half of the 20th century. Among the documents detailing the complex and multi-layered creation process of the encyclopedia, there are text drafts for the articles planned to be included in volumes G-Z, early versions of some articles in the published volumes, and materials such as photographs, drawings, clippings, and collages. The archive, whose digitization and cataloging efforts have been completed, is planned to be made available online at the beginning of 2024.

No Other Records Found
Turkish, 332 pages ©2023 Salt/Garanti Kültür A.Ş. (Istanbul)
ISBN: 978-605-69760-8-7
Prepared by: Bülent Tanju, Cansu Yapıcı, Ezgi Yurteri, Gülce Özkara, Masum Yıldız
Authors: Agah Enes Yasa, Ahmet Ersoy, Ayşe Erek, Bülent Tanju, Cansu Yapıcı, Çağlar Fidan, Çiğdem Kafescioğlu, Ece Eldek, Efe Murad, Emirhan Altuner, Ezgi Sarıtaş, Gülce Özkara, Gürbey Hiz, İrvin Cemil Schick, Lorans Tanatar Baruh, Innocent Yıldız, Mehmet Kendirci, Merve Ünsal, Murat Tülek, Nazım Dikbaş, Nurşen Gürboğa, Özge Ertem, Shirine Hamadeh, Tan Morgül, Yağmur Yıldırım, Yonca Güneş Yücel, Zehra Betül Atasoy
Illustrations: Cem Dinlerini
Graphic Design and Application: Elif Tuna, Gamze Cebeci

The Wiener Bankverein in Karaköy Redux

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My mother worked at the Ziraat Bank. (old The Wiener Bankverein or Bank-Verein [1] 1912 building).

Mavi Boncuk |


Karaköy Mosque stood behind the bank building until 1959. Build during the reign of . Abdülhamit the second by the royal architect Raimondo D'Aronco[1] it was dismantled during the massive modernisation that caused many architectural treasures to dissappear. With plans to be transfered to Kınalıada, one of the Princes islands the transport ship listed and lost its unbalanced cargo during the short trip.

One of the marble pices saved is in the courtyard of the Kınalıada Mosque. It's intricately carved ebony mihrab/prayer niche can be seen at 'daki Yahya Kethüda Mosque in
Kasımpaşa.

[1]Wiener Bank- Verein. branches in Istanbul and Izmir.The Wiener Bankverein or Bank-Verein (WBV, lit. 'Viennese Bank Union') was a major bank in the Habsburg Monarchy and the First Austrian Republic, founded in 1869. In 1888 it was the fourth-largest bank of Austria-Hungary by market capitalization, behind the Austro-Hungarian Bank, the Länderbank, and the Creditanstalt.

The Wiener Bankverein's creation was sponsored in 1869 by the Allgemeine Bodencreditanstalt, which had been established in Vienna in 1863.[3] In 1871, with assistance from Anglo-Austrian Bank and Darmstädter Bank, it sponsored the creation of a joint-stock bank in Constantinople, the Austro-Ottomanische Bank;  but that venture soon faltered and was acquired by the Imperial Ottoman Bank in 1874.




In 1906, it returned to Constantinople and opened a branch office there, soon followed by the construction of a prominent branch building inaugurated in 1912. On 25 July 1914, the prospect of impending war triggered a bank run at the Wiener Bankverein's branch in Constantinople, which was subsequently closed on 1 August 1914. The Wiener Bankverein [Vienese banking trust] branch in Constantinople opened a branch in Smyrna in 1910. After the First World War was lost, the bank had lost its function as a link between Vienna and the Orient. The Wiener Bankverein was therefore forced to cede the branches in Constantinople and Smyrna to a related French bank for around 7 million francs.



1895 Republic of Turkey Ziraat Bank Building on R. Huber maps


1906 C.E. Goad Istanbul Insurance Map Karaköy Square and the Credit Lyonnais building seen on the site of the building.

Late 19th century-20th. Karaköy Square and Credit Lyonnais building sign at the turn of the century.

Le Crédit lyonnais au Levant : Constantinople (Istanbul), Smyrne (Izmir) et Jérusalem. 



[2] Raimondo Tommaso D’Aronco (1857–1932) was an Italian architect renowned for his building designs in the style of Art Nouveau. He was the chief palace architect to the Ottoman Sultan Abdülhamid II in Istanbul, Turkey for 16 years.

Art Nouveau was first introduced to Istanbul by d'Aronco, and his designs reveal that he drew freely on Byzantine and Ottoman decoration for his inspiration. D'Aronco made creative use of the forms and motifs of Islamic architecture to create modern buildings for the city.

The buildings, which he designed at Yıldız Palace, were European in style. The best known of these are Yildiz Palace pavilions and the Yildiz Ceramic Factory (1893–1907), the Janissary Museum and the Ministry of Agriculture (1898), the fountain of Abdulhamit II (1901), Karakoy Mosque (1903), the mausoleum for the African religious leader Sheikh Zafir (1905–1906), tomb within the cemetery of Fatih Mosque (1905), Cemil Bey House at Kireçburnu (1905), clock tower for the Hamidiye-i Etfal Hospital (1906). Casa Botter (1900–1901), a seven-story workshop and residence building in Istiklal Avenue in Beyoğlu, which he designed for the sultan’s Dutch fashion tailor M. Jean Botter, represents a turning point in D’Aronco’s architecture.



Turks in German Cinema | Cinema and Immigration

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Mavi Boncuk | See also: 



YOUNG TURKS OF THE GERMAN CINEMA


This unusual series includes a generous sampling of bitter, fresh, zany, and touching films from a “new wave” of contemporary Turkish-German directors. These young men and women question their identities and their sense of belonging as they move between Germany and Turkey, challenging the culture of their parents, creating road movies of alienation, and dealing with sexual discovery. Over the last thirty years, the Turkish diaspora has grown to more than two and a half million people in Germany. It is a community that has established a dynamic ethnic and urban presence and formed a curious and exciting blend of cultural identities. Showcasing their assimilation in a flurry of documentaries, shorts, and feature films, this new generation of Turkish-Germans has migrated once again: this time within the artistic landscape, using new visual tools to shape their identities as part of a new culture and new generation.

WHAT IS "GERMAN CINEMA"?

Films have been transgressing national boundaries since their invention. Film productions, regardless of their country of origin, have been made the world over, and projected all over the world. German film history is no exception, and was always populated with foreign film makers. Is it even possible to imagine German silent film without the Danish actress Asta Nielsen and her husband, the director Urban Gad? Or without the American actresses Fern Andra and Louise Brooks? The Italian composer Giuseppe Becce wrote the scores for countless German films; and German screen operettas would have been much poorer without the Italian director Carmine Gallone ("Dir gehört mein Herz") or the Polish tenor Jan Kiepura ("Die singende Stadt").

Source: Murnau-Stiftung, DIF

Lilian Harvey in "Glückskinder" (1935)

Swedish actress Zarah Leander ("La Habanera") and the Hungarian Marika Rökk ("Die Frau meiner Träume") sang and danced their way across the aryanized screen of the Third Reich. The Englishwoman Lilian Harvey ("Glückskinder") could be counted on to put viewers in a good mood; and Czech actress Lída Baarová was much more than a lover in "Die Geliebte." Although German film had always had plenty of foreigners working in it, the situation changed fundamentally following World War II. The intensification of global labor migration beginning in the 1960s brought huge groups of foreigners to Germany, which initially gave rise to the idea that these cultures could exist parallel to each other but clearly segregated. Globalization, the spread of mass media, and immigrant children who were born in foreign countries have gradually shifted and obliterated boundaries - and given birth to a transnational cinema that is still waiting for clearer definition.

CINEMA AND IMMIGRATION 

SOURCE PAGE

TOTALLY NORMAAAL: ACTORS OF FOREIGN ORIGIN IN CONTEMPORARY CINEMA

Until the mid-1990s a commonplace amongst Turkish-German actors in Germany was that "German film may have Turkish roles, but it doesn't have roles for Turks." This situation has since changed. Beyond being cast for comic effect as walking stereotypes in film comedies, as shady figures in television mysteries or as the token foreigner on tv shows like "Lindenstraße", a whole host of young, transnational actors have established themselves as stars on the German film and television scene. Among those who have found leading roles in some of the most popular German films of the past few years are Hilmi Sözer ("Elefantenherz", "Voll Normaaal"), Mehmet Kurtulus ("Nackt" [Naked]), Stipe Erceg ("Die fetten Jahre sind vorbei"), and Jasmin Tabatabai ("Mondscheintarif" [Moonlight Tariff]). These successful actors and actresses comprise as heterogeneous a group as their director colleagues, from the comedian Hilmi Sözer to the manly Mehmet Kurtulus, from young rebels like Max Ophüls Award winner Stipe Erceg ("Yugotrip") to the wild and melancholic Birol Ünel ("Gegen die Wand").

 

Source: Senator, DIF

 

Moritz Bleibtreu and Idil Üner in "Im Juli" (In July, 2000)

Does Background Even Matter?

Whether they appear in films by German or non-German directors, the background of the characters performed by this new generation of actors tends to play a secondary role in casting decisions. Even when Hilmi Sözer, in "Auslandstournee" ("Tour Abroad", 2000), plays a Turk who travels all the way across Europe to Istanbul, or when Serpil Turhan plays a Turkish woman from Berlin in "Der schöne Tag" ("A Fine Day", 2001) - the development of these characters and the conflicts they experience are generated by issues that now have little to do with their own ethnic background or that of their parents. And Idil Üner's performance of a Turkish bombshell in Fatih Akin's spirited road movie "Im Juli" ("In July", 2000) consciously plays with the old cliché of the "exotic and mysterious beauty," just as the entire film toys with all manner of national stereotypes. On the other hand, transnational actors are frequently cast without anyone noticing their background at all. Performers of Eastern Europe origin often play German characters. Stipe Erceg comes across as unquestionably German in "Die fetten Jahre sind vorbei" ("The Edukators", 2004), just as Lenn Kudrajwizki does in "Kiki & Tiger" (2003). One might well see this casting policy as providing a method for breaking down boundaries.

"WHAT YOU LOOKING AT?" THE COMEDY OF IMMIGRATION: THE FOREIGNER AS LAUGHING STOCK AND WALKING CLICHÉ

Parallel to the attempts made by ambitious film makers in the 1970s and 1980s to draw attention, via social dramas and documentaries, to the plight of foreign workers in Germany, a cliché of the foreigner as clown was developing in other areas of the cinema. This began in the 1970s with films like "Laß jucken, Kumpel" or "Geh zieh dein Dirndl aus," sex farces starring Italian actor Rinaldo Talamonti, who plays characters named "Roberto Ravioli" or "Vittorio Parmesano" and repeatedly gets into mischief with large, buxom blondes to the amusement of viewers. It has continued in more recent films as well: "Das merkwürdige Verhalten geschlechtsreifer Großstädter zur Paarungszeit" ("Love Scenes From Planet Earth", 1998), for instance, which has the German actor Dieter Landuris in the role of a puckish Italian who speaks a titillatingly broken German and is so stereotypically Mediterranean in his hot-headedness that, out of heartbreak, he decides to jump off the roof of a house. While the male lead in Doris Dörrie's entirely well-meaning comedy "Keiner liebt mich" ("Nobody Loves Me", 1994) is African, the character he plays is absurdly exaggerated, a mystic and "life artist" who paints his face with apparently archaic symbols, plays African drums, and possesses clairvoyant powers like a shaman. In her comedy-thriller "Happy Birthday, Türke" ("Happy Birthday!", 1992), on the other hand, Dörrie succeeds with a number of gags in which clichés of and prejudices toward Turks and other non-Germans are scoffingly played out ad absurdum.

 

Source: Constantin, DIF

Tom Gerhardt and Hilmi Sözer in "Voll normaal" (1994)

 

Humor and Immigration: Strange Bedfellows Even Now

All in all there are surprisingly few films that deal with the issue of immigration through comedy. Rolf Lyssy's satire "Die Schweizermacher" ("The Swissmakers", 1978), which takes potshots at the Swiss naturalization process, was the first attempt at a comedic approach to the grotesque circumstances under which foreigners are "accepted" by an affluent Central European society. Another film from Switzerland is Bernard Safarik's "Hunderennen" ("Dog-Race", 1983), which nonchalantly, albeit with tragicomic vitriol, depicts the fate of East Europeans, former critics of the system, who end up selling out to consumption-oriented Western Europe. In Germany, "Ich Chef, Du Turnschuh" ("Me Boss, You Sneakers!", 1998) was one of the first productions that dared take a satirical look at the problems of immigration and asylum. The film tells the story of a newly arrived Armenian who leaves no stone unturned in his quest to get a residency permit. "Ich Chef, Du Turnschuh", however, was not as successful as the Swiss or Austrian comedies on the same subject. Apparently the "immigrant problem" in Germany is still considered too serious an issue to make jokes about. Nonetheless, some comedies have managed, in passing as it were, to ironically undermine clichés and stereotypes. The performances of non-German characters by Moritz Bleibtreu in "Knockin' on Heaven's Door" (1997), Erkan Maria Moosleitner in "Erkan & Stefan" (2000), and Hilmi Sözer in "Voll Normaaal" (1994) do not so much revisit racist stereotypes as reflect on obsolete clichés. Their figures are consciously deployed as hopelessly exaggerated not only to produce the obvious comic effects, but as an occasion for playing with wholly incidental prejudices and clichés ad absurdum. As simple as these films and their humor may seem, they subtly but surely hit their mark; for the only place where the image of the kooky foreigner with frightful German, bumbling through the world like a simple Simon, still obtains today, is in jokes.

 

ON THE BEAT, RECORDING LIFE: IMMIGRANT LIVES IN DOCUMENTARIES

Parallel to the wave of feature films that in the 1970s and 1980s dramatized the lives of guest workers in Germany, Austria, and Switzerland, documentarians also set about exposing immigrants' living conditions and their social and cultural conflicts. Like the feature films, these documentaries at first focused primarily on the difficult situation facing foreign workers abroad. "Siamo italiani" (1964), one of the first films of the "New Swiss Cinema," was also one of the first German-language documentaries to deal with Italian immigrant workers in Switzerland; initially invited as cheap labor, they were soon considered by many Swiss citizens as "job stealers". The German documentary "Die Kümmeltürkin geht" (1984/85) centers around a guest worker who is both exploited for her labor and socially segregated until, after years of humiliation and exhausted from the isolation and discrimination she has experienced, she returns to her country. Jörg Gförer's "Ganz Unten" (1986) represents a thematic high-point or end-point for documentaries dealing with the problems of this first immigrant generation. Few films have been so graphic in showing the discrimination against (primarily Turkish) workers. Based on the book of the same name by undercover journalist Günther Wallraff, the film combines surreptitiously filmed documentary material with retroactively conducted interviews to show the shocking everyday working conditions for Turkish day laborers at the Thyssen Steel Works.

Source: DIF

"Günter Wallraff - Ganz unten" (1986)

 

The Second Generation Looks Back

While such films were concerned solely with the first immigrant generation, Michael Lentz's "Verländert" (1983) was already focusing on the next one - the non-Germans who were born in Germany and grew up here. In "Verländert", Lentz portrays a girl in a Turkish family who is forced to choose between the traditional way of life of her parents, who want to send her back to Turkey, and a (relatively) self-determined life in Germany, at the cost of severing relations with her parents. The 1990s saw the production of more and more documentaries dealing primarily with the second generation. Sometimes they focus on the family, as in Serap Berrakkarasus's "Töchter zweier Welten" (1990/91) and Seyhan Derin's "Ich bin die Tochter meiner Mutter" (1996), in which the directors describe their own complicated lives "between two cultures." Sometimes they train their sights on society, as in Aysun Bademsoy's "Deutsche Polizisten" (1999), which accompanies young German police officers of non-German origin on the job in neighborhoods with large immigrant populations. Bademsoy's documentary "Mädchen am Ball" (1995), "Nach dem Spiel" (1997), and "Ein Mädchen im Ring" (1996) all deal with young, non-German women whose lifestyles not only are indistinguishable from that of their German friends, but also launch them into traditionally male domains. As football players and boxers, they dream of a future in professional sports. The self-reflexive perspective of these films, all of which are made by women directors who themselves are children of immigrant parents, occasionally expands to take in a view of their parents. Kadir Sözen's "Mein Vater der Gastarbeiter" (1994) and Fatih Akin's "Wir haben vergessen, zurückzukehren" (2000) are attempts to understand the difficult situation their parents faced when they left their own countries to start a new life in a strange land.

 

"ME BOSS, YOU SNEAKERS": ON THE CULTURE CLASH AND THE REPRESENTATION OF GERMANS

If one looks at the immigrant films of the 1970s and 1980s that dealt with guest workers and their desperate attempts to orient themselves in an alien and mostly alienating culture, the question automatically arises as to how Germany and the Germans were being represented, especially as most of the films on this issue were made by German directors, including Jan Schütte ("Drachenfutter" ["Dragon Chow"]) and Helma Sanders-Brahms ("Shirins Hochzeit"). From today's perspective, the characterization of the German figures unavoidably comes across as rather clichéed. The German (or Swiss or Austrian) characters are typically represented as intransigent authoritarians ("Jannan - Die Abschiebung,""Das kalte Paradies"), exploitative schemers ("In der Fremde,""Drachenfutter,""Reise der Hoffnung") or as uncomprehending or indifferent passers-by, co-workers, or neighbors ("Palermo oder Wolfsburg"). The essence of these films often consists in the (thoroughly suspect) recognition that the cultures coming into contact with each other are irreconcilable, and that this fact has less to do with any intention on the part of the immigrants than with the disinterest of the locals. In this way, the German film makers, all of whom were on the left of the political spectrum, frequently used their films about immigrant lives; to launch a harsh critique of existing social-political conditions. Other directors, on the other hand, ironically portrayed the ignorance of affluent Central Europeans in comedies like "Die Schweizermacher" ("The Swissmakers", Switzerland, 1978), "Ilona und Kurti" ("German Guy Sexy!", Austria, 1991), or "Ich Chef, Du Turnschuh" ("Me Boss, You Sneakers!", Germany, 1998) - this last showing a shrewd asylum seeker who takes advantage of the Germans' typical reverence for authority in order to fake his residency status.

Source: DIF

Marius Müller-Westernhagen and Guido Gagliardi (from left) in "Theo gegen den Rest der Welt" (Theo Against the Rest of the World, 1980)

 

Insurmountable Differences?

The films in which Germans and non-Germans achieve anything like mutual understanding, however, can be counted on one hand. Hark Bohm's intercultural love story "Yasemin" (1988) abounds with German do-gooders who are at pains to demonstrate their respect and tolerance for traditional Turkish values. In "Anam" ("My Mother", 2001), a German cleaning lady helps her Turkish co-worker find her son. It is characteristic of these films that understanding and friendship between Germans and Turks are only possible when the individual parties are members of lower social classes. In Fassbinder's "Angst essen Seele auf" ("Ali: Fear Eats the Soul", 1974), an older cleaning lady falls in love with a young Moroccan. "Wenn der Richtige kommt" ("When the Right One Comes Along", 2003) also has a cleaning lady, an unquestionable outsider, falling in love with a Turkish man. In Tevfik Baser's "Abschied vom falschen Paradies" ("Farewell to False Paradies", 1989), a Turkish woman, in prison following the killing of her tyrannical husband, befriends the German inmates. In films like "Theo gegen den Rest der Welt" ("Theo Against the Rest of the World", 1980) or "Voll Normaaal," the close friendship between a "white trash" German protagonist and a foreigner throws the outsider status of the German into sharp relief. Similarly, in a genre film like Lars Becker's "Schattenboxer" (1992), the crew of socially marginal tough guys only becomes truly whole when the non-German joins them. What is likeable about all of these films is that the origin of the foreign friend is not at all a problem: "The cultural and racial differences [have been] subordinated to a masculine [...] canon of behavior. [...] What is important is that the men can rely on each other and that they have mastered a common symbolic language."

 

Source: timebandits, DIF

"Gegen die Wand" (Head On, 2004)

With his melodrama "Gegen die Wand" ("Head On"), Fatih Akin gave German cinema its first Berlinale triumph since 1986. Winning the Golden Bear and five German Film Awards, Akin's story about a Turkish-German woman put a whole generation of young, non-German film makers and actors into the limelight - despite the fact that they had already been making significant creative contributions to German film for years.

IMAGES OF IMMIGRANTS

Source: Concorde, DIF

"Kanak Attack" (2000)

For most moviegoers, contemporary "immigrant cinema" consists in fast, hip films by and with young foreigners, in which the "scene" is depicted more or less successfully as an easy counterpart to models from American genre films: "Kanak Attack", "Kurz und schmerzlos", "Freunde", "Lost Killers", or the Kreuzberg hip-hop film "Status Yo!" all convey the image of a cool neighborhood or ghetto milieu. Contemporary cinema by and about immigrants, however, is quite a bit more diverse than one might think based on these examples. But it has taken years, decades even, for films by first- and second-generation immigrants to achieve such diversity and self-sufficiency. A few individual films dealing with the fate of foreigners in Germany were made as early as the early 1960s. This was at the very beginning of the wave of immigration of migrant workers from countries like Turkey, Greece, and Italy. The romantic drama "Bis zum Ende aller Tage" ("Girl From Hong Kong", 1961) was likely the first feature film to deal with the antagonisms, prejudices, and exclusionary processes that immigrants and foreign-born citizens then  faced. In 1965 Franz Antel addressed the problems of so-called "guest workers" in his heimat-film "Ruf der Wälder".

THE 1970S AND 1980S

Source: DIF

"In der Fremde" 1975

By the mid-1970s, there was a real surge of films that depicted straightforwardly and with considerable complexity the problems and crises confronting immigrants. With the exception of "In der Fremde" by Iranian exile Sohrab Shahid Saless, these films were almost all made by German directors, such as Christian Ziewer ("Aus der Ferne sehe ich dieses Land"), Helma Sanders ("Shirins Hochzeit"), Rainer Werner Fassbinder ("Angst essen Seele auf") and Werner Schroeter ("Palermo oder Wolfsburg"), to name just a few of the more prominent. These film makers consistently demonstrated a fine feeling for social problems in their work. They established in the domain of art a mouthpiece for a marginalized social group that had no lobby - not in the society itself and certainly not in the world of culture.

Source: DIF

"Palermo oder Wolfsburg" (1980)

Even when non-German film makers like Tevfik Baser ("40 qm Deutschland" ["Forty Square Meters of Germany"]) or Bernard Safarik ("Das kalte Paradies") began addressing the conditions of their compatriots' lives 'on foreign soil', the (cinematic) image of immigrants remained much the same; the foreigner was depicted as little more than a tolerated and exploited, oppressed and humiliated guest worker in an arrogant, ignorant, and prejudiced society. A few rare attempts to consider the relationship between natives and newcomers with satirical humor were produced in Austria and Switzerland ("Die Schweizermacher" [The Swissmakers, 1978], "Hunderennen" [Dog-Race, 1983]). The German cinema, on the other hand, as Katja Nicodemus succinctly put it in Die Zeit, "with its impulse toward social enlightenment, presented so-called guest workers as victims of a policy toward foreigners that was economically oriented and unconcerned with integration."

THE CLASH OF CULTURES

When positive German figures appeared in these films at all, they came across as didactic do-gooders like the idealistic lawyer in "Jannan – die Abschiebung" (1985). But such figures remained the exception. At the same time, feature films like "Palermo oder Wolfsburg" and documentaries like "Die Kümmeltürkin geht" (1985) were conveying the message, at least implicitly, that the encounter between Mediterranean or Near Eastern mentalities and the Central European way of life could never generate anything but conflict, so insurmountable were their differences. Only in a few films, like Tefvik Baser's "Abschied vom falschen Paradies" ("Farewell to False Paradise", 1989), do the cultures ever reach a mutual understanding based on respect. Sometimes, as in Baser's "40 qm Deutschland" (40 Square Meters of Germany, 1986), the usual narrative is reversed, and it is the prejudices of a Turk toward his host country that are at the heart of the conflict. But regardless of the configuration, the attempt at coexistence is almost always doomed to failure in these "immigrant films" of the seventies and eighties.

THE 1990S: FIRST (AND SECOND) GENERATION IMMIGRANTS BEHIND THE CAMERA

 

Source: DIF

"40 qm Deutschland" (40 Square Meters of Germany, 1986)

In the 1990s the second generation of immigrants—those born in Germany—began to direct films about their generation's dreams, troubles, and hopes. These contrasted with the feature films of the 1970s and 1980s, in which primarily German directors portrayed their parents' lives. This second-generation cinema started out with documentaries like Serap Berrakkarasu's "Töchter zweier Welten" (1990), which portrays a confident young Turkish-German woman and her more traditionally oriented mother. And it has continued since, with numerous films made by directors like the Turkish-Germans Fatih Akin ("Kurz und schmerzlos" ["Short Sharp Shock"]), Thomas Arslan ("Geschwister – Kardesler"), and Züli Aladag ("Elefantenherz"), the Greek-Germans Filippos Tsitos ("My Sweet Home") and Daphne Charizani ("Madrid"), the Croat-German Damir Lukacevic ("Heimkehr"), and the Berlin-based Georgian Dito Tsintsadze ("Schussangst" ["Gun-shy"]). They are joined by female directors like Nadya Derado ("Yugotrip"), Ayşe Polat ("En Garde") and Buket Alakus ("Anam" [My Mother]). With all of their stylistic differences, these films testify to the new self-confidence of the second generation. Their protagonists provide audiences with identification figures who, while not without conflict, are thoroughly positive, and whose actions are characterized by energy and vitality rather than resignation and homesickness. While the issue of immigration continues to play a relatively large role in their lives, life 'between the cultures' is no longer the problem that it was for their parents. Their films show no sign of the sentimentality or depression so typical of the immigrant dramas made by German directors in the 1970s and 1980s. On the contrary, "Here was a cinema that had little to do with juvenile delinquency, social issues, cultural isolation or ghettoization," as Katja Nicodemus writes in Die Zeit. Instead, she continues, these films convey a perspective "that in a globalized world of ubiquitous migration has multiplied to such astronomical numbers that it hardly bears mentioning."

THE ISSUE OF IMMIGRATION IS NO LONGER OBLIGATORY

While Fatih Akin's Berlinale success "Gegen die Wand" (2004) specifically deals with the problems of a young Turkish-German woman attempting to free herself from the confining moral universe of her conservative family, the film effaces distinctions between German and immigrant cinema. The issues Akin is dealing with are so universal that it is difficult to describe the film in terms of an immigrant cinema or particularly Turkish problems. Other transnational directors have already left the foreigner or immigrant theme far behind them. With "Lautlos" (2004) Mennan Yapo made a dyed-in-the-wool thriller about a (German) hit man. And the films of prizewinning documentary and feature film director Romuald Karmakar ("Warheads,""Manila"), who resists being labeled a foreign director, have long focused almost exclusively on German characters and on conflicts that arise in decidedly German middle-class milieus. This thematic approach is one Karmakar shares with a member of the older generation of transnational directors, namely Sohrab Shahid Saless, the Iranian exile who took a rancorous view of the realities of German life in films like "Ordnung" ("Order", 1980), "Empfänger Unbekannt" (1983), and "Utopia" (1983). Sales is also known for his documentary "Die langen Ferien der Lotte Eisner" ("The Long Vacation of Lotte Eisner", 1979), which is about one of the best-known film critics of German silent film.

NOT ONLY, BUT ALSO: "TURKISH-GERMAN" CINEMA TODAY | WITHOUT BORDERS: TRANSNATIONAL

© Wüste Filmproduktion, photo: Romano Ruhnau

"Anam" (2001)

The development of a Turkish-German cinema is not only part of the international phenomenon of "Cinema du métissage" but also a sign of the new, self-confident "intrusion" of Turks onto the German cultural scene. At the same time, any discussion of Turkish-German cinema automatically begs the question: Where does "Turkish-German" cinema end and "German" cinema begin? Turkish-German cinema has demonstrated considerable diversity with its distinctive orientations, styles, genres and subjects. One of its most important tendencies is the gradual emancipation of the film maker from surreptitious expectations and deep-seated stereotypes. "We're a lot more German than a lot of Germans," said Buket Alakus in 2002. "Our apartments, our goals: there aren't as many differences as many people used to think."

With their range of subject matter, the fact that these directors have Turkish-German biographies is often obvious only in the fact that their films regularly take up quarters in a multicultural milieu. Significantly, there is a growing awareness that while these films could easily narrate the experiences of immigrants and their children, they are by no means bound to do so. In his first film, "Mach die Musik leiser" (1994), Thomas Arslan portrays German youths from the Ruhr region on the threshold of adulthood. Similarly, Mennan Yapo's thriller "Lautlos" (2004) has no visible link to an immigrant history. In films like Züli Aladag's "Elefantenherz" (2002) and Ayse Polat's "En Garde" (2004), immigration only comes up in the subplot.

Source: Peripher, DIF

"Der schöne Tag" (2001)

 

Unlike the immigration films of the 1970s and 1980s, which generally showed clearly delineated cultures in conflict with each other, most of these new films center around open forms of coexistence in a hybrid, urban society. In "Gegen die Wand," for instance, the Turkish-German characters, their lives fraught with problems and contradictions, are rooted in different ways not only in Germany but also in Turkey. Even so, since the end of the 1990s, this double background is generally depicted as something secondary, commonplace, auxiliary to the film. Thomas Arslan put it this way when discussing his film "Der schöne Tag": "Deniz's character no doubt stands for experiences that many people her age have. [...] The frequently invoked clash between cultures is something she has never experienced herself. [...] She feels absolutely at home and at ease in the environment she lives in."

Source: Delphi, DIF

"Lola und Bilidikid" (1998)

One consequence of this orientation is that ethnic identity in these films is presented simply as one element amongst many others. "Lola und Bilidikid" (1999) portrays the sense of dislocation a transvestite feels in a Turkish-German no-man's-land of sexual roles and assumptions. "Yara" (1999) depicts mental instability and the hopelessness of the psychiatric establishment. "Dealer" (1999), as Horst Peter Koll writes in the magazine film-dienst, is "an existential story that only indirectly deals with social conflicts and controversies." Another consequence is that the politically confrontational gravity of many films about immigrants is no longer inevitable. Films like Hussi Kutlucan's "Ich Chef, Du Turnschuh" ("Me Boss, You Sneakers," 1998) show that today even the subject of asylum can be dealt with in the form of comedy. This rise in humorous treatments of multiculturalism corresponds on the one hand with the filmmakers' new self-understanding, and on the other with the increasing importance of comedy in German television, where not only Erkan & Stefan, but Kaya Yanar ("Was guckst Du?") and Django Asül ("Quatsch Comedy Club") as well, have firmly established themselves in recent years.

© Wüste Filmproduktion, photo: Kerstin Stelter

"Gegen die Wand" (Head On, 2004)

While films by immigrants or second generation immigrants were the exception in German cinema well into the 1990s, a greater normality and continuity can be seen today in the work of both transnational male and female Turkish-German directors. The same holds true for those who work in front of the camera: actors like Birol Ünel (winner of the 2004 German Film Award) and actresses like Idil Üner are now familiar faces in German cinema. They are visible not only on screen, but on television, where for some years now the ranks of non-German performers have been increasing. Heterogeneity and a complex and elusive connection between biography and fiction all characterize the new Turkish-German cinema. At the same time, broad swathes of the public still associate these films with "authentic" perspectives on the social problems of immigrants. The elements of fantasy, fictionalization, and aesthetic processes that characterize any film rarely remain for long in the public eye. People expect "authentic stories" about a homogeneous society of Turks in Germany - i.e. something that the films with all their diversity emphatically contradict. Even when some films continue to proliferate stereotypes and social-critical clichés, these films testify not only to the experience of immigrants, but to a hybrid German reality beyond the confines of Leitkulturen or "majority cultures".

THREE QUESTIONS ABOUT TURKISH-GERMAN CINEMA

 Question 1: Who are we talking about here?

Who are these so-called "Turkish-German" filmmakers? They are women and men who came with their parents to Germany when they were children or teenagers, or who were born in Germany. Some of them have German citizenship, others do not. The majority of them grew up bilingually, but it would be hard to say who considers which language to be his or her native tongue. And how they define themselves is up to them. Their films are as diverse as their biographies.

© Trans-Film

"Geschwister – Kardeşler" (1997)

 

Question 2: What is a German film?

Where does the boundary lie between German and Turkish-German cinema? Does one even exist? How do we categorize a film like "Gegen die Wand" ("Head On"), which was produced by a German company and made under the direction of a Hamburg-born, ethnically Turkish director, and whose forerunners can be found in American genre film? Compounding matters further is the fact that the film was set partly in Hamburg, partly in Istanbul, with a German, Turkish, and "Turkish-German" crew, and was shot in both Turkish and German. Is it a German, a Turkish, or a Turkish-German film? Is Thomas Arslan's "Geschwister - Kardeşler," which is about three very different Berlin teenagers (played by Serpil Turhan, Tamer Yigit, and Savas Yurderi), "more Turkish" than, say, Mennan Yapo's thriller "Lautlos", which has Joachim Król playing the lead? Is "Lautlos" more "Turkish" than Wolfgang Becker's "Good Bye, Lenin!", which deals with East and West Germans? Both films were produced by the Berlin-based X Filme Creative Pool; which raises the question: to what extent do the production conditions of a film by a Turkish director living in Germany, or by a German one of Turkish origin, differ from those of a ("merely") German film maker? How German or how Turkish is "Yara"? The film is a German-Turkish-Swiss co-production directed by Yilmaz Arslan, who was born in Turkey and has lived in Germany since 1978. "Yara" has played in German and in Turkey. The female lead, Yelda Rynaud, is a French citizen who was born in Austria. The cameraman, Jürgen Jürges, is from Hannover. Editing and sound were covered by two Brazilians, André Bendocchi Alves and João da Costa Pinto. And the music was composed by the Lebanese-born sound artist Rabih Abou-Khalil. Does this say anything about immigrants? About Turks? About Germans? About European film production in the twenty-first century?

 

Source: Pegasos, DIF

"Yara" (1998)

 

Question 3: The meaning of "Turkish-German"

How ought we to talk about these films? To what extent does the phrase "Turkish-German" actually solidify an opposition and further affirm assumptions and stereotypes? We have a dilemma here: Nowadays, when globalization and border crossers of all kinds have become the norm, these films present us with the challenge of describing cultural phenomena without recourse to established, albeit questionable, categories such as nationality and ethnicity. Simply to ignore differences that are perceived (in whatever form) by the public, however, would mean turning a blind eye to an important aspect of the reception of these films. During the 2004 Berlinale, for example, Fatih Akin still had to repudiate people labeling "Gegen die Wand" as a "guest-worker film". For lack of a more precise term for this net of markedly different films, we will call it here, in quotes, "Turkish-German cinema".

DAUGHTERS OF TWO WORLDS? WOMEN CHARACTERS, FILMS BY WOMEN

A favorite subject of German immigrant film in the 1970s and 1980s was the fate of the Turkish woman; twice alienated, once as a woman and again as a foreigner, she had no language, no rights, and no way out. Enormous changes have taken place since then in the lives of second- and third-generation Turkish-German women. A generation of self-confident women directors now stands behind the camera. "German viewers still expect socially critical films, but I'm interested in making stories for the heart and soul," states Buket Alakus, whose film "Anam" ("My Mother") came out in 2001. She intended the film "to entertain but sometimes, too, to go against convention. [...] Anam ultimately isn't a Turkish woman, at least not in the way Turkish women are portrayed in the movies she's seen."

 

© Wüste Filmproduktion, photo: Romano Ruhnau

Saskia Vester, Nursel Köse, Audrey Motaung in "Anam" (My Mother, 2001)

In the documentary "Töchter zweier Welten" (1990), Serap Berrakkarasu depicts the problems of arranged marriages and marital violence, but without glorifying victimhood. The film centers around a dialogue between two generations of women who must find their own way between two cultures. In "Mädchen am Ball" (1995) and "Nach dem Spiel" (1997), Aysun Bademsoy portrays five Turkish-German football players. The focus of her thirty-minute documentary "Ein Mädchen im Ring" (1996) is the boxer Fikriye Selen, who trains along with forty men at the "Faustkampf" Boxing Club in Köln. In "Wie Zucker im Tee" ("Like Sugar for Tea", 2001), Hatice Ayten shows people who "with their winning, open smiles put paid to the old story about fractured identities." With "Auslandstournee" ("Tour Abroad", 2000) Ayse Polat has succeeded in treating radical cultural changes and sexual boundaries with a sense of humor. In this road movie, a gay torch singer travels with an eleven-year-old girl from Turkey to Germany on the trail of her vanished mother. Polat's second feature, "En Garde" (2004), tells of the friendship of two unusual girls: the Kurdish asylum-seeker Berivan, and the lower class German Alice. "En Garde" was distinguished with a Silver Leopard at the Locarno International Film Festival.

 

© X Verleih

Pinar Erincin, Maria Kwiatkowsky in "En Garde" (2004)

The actress Idil Üner is likewise no stranger to the director's chair. Her directorial debut, the comedy "Die Liebenden vom Hotel Osman", won the 2001 German Short Film Award (Gold Medal). The young director Canan Yilmaz provides a refreshing cinematic treatment of transnationality with her questioning film: "Ben Kimim?/Wer bin ich?" (2003). The four-minute short shows a young woman in a black sweater and dreadlocks, turning around inside a room. When she's facing the viewer, she ask herself (and her public) in German and Turkish, "Ben kimim? Wer bin ich? - Who am I?" And answers at once: "I'm a German! A Turk! A Turkish-German citizen. A Turkish German, a Turkish woman born in Germany, a German woman of Turkish origin, a half-German woman. German. Turkish. Turkish-German?" At the end of the film she recites, with ironic pathos, a poem in Turkish: "The day will come when you'll know what you are. My heart is bleeding, my heart is on fire. What am I? Where am I from, and where am I going? Who am I?" The young woman, now wearing a head scarf and clad in blue silk from head to toe, turns around inside the room. The director/actress's body is both an authentification of her identity, which resists stereotyping, and a playing field. "Ben Kimim" is both a game with the camera and a game with self-image and the image of the other: the director's self-image and images of other, as well as those had by her viewers, who in viewing have become part of the game.

 

Source: Ottfilm, Dif

Manfred Zapatka, Daniel Brühl in "Elefantenherz" (Elephant Heart, 2002)


Source: zero film, DIF

Poster from "Der schöne Tag" (A Fine Day, 2001)

 The new "Turkish-German" films are regularly praised for providing, from an insider perspective as it were, a complex picture of the everyday reality of young Turks in Germany. This may be the case for some films, but it ignores the considerable differences between these productions. While a film like "Winterblume" (1997) tells of an immigrant in a politically confrontational manner, "Kurz und schmerzlos" ("Short Sharp Shock", 1998) celebrates multicultural solidarity; and in "Der schöne Tag" ("A Fine Day", 2001) the main character's ethnic background plays no role whatsoever - significantly, this film is the third in a trilogy about Turkish-German youth in Berlin.

Some of these films are only marginally concerned with immigration ("Elefantenherz" [2002], "En Garde" [2004]), while others pay it no heed at all ("Mach die Musik leiser" [1994], "Gott ist tot" [2003], or "Lautlos" [2004]). Some of them have nothing to do with Turkish immigrants ("Schwarze Polizisten" [1991] or "Solino" [2002]), or only partly ("Wie Zucker im Tee" ["Like Sugar for Tea", 2001]). Decidedly different documentary productions like "Deutsche Polizisten" (1999) "Mein Vater, der Gastarbeiter" (1994), or "Wir haben vergessen zurückzukehren" (2001) stand back to back with light, poetic feature films like "Sommer in Mezra" (1991) or social-critical dramas dealing with psychic pressures and social violence ("Aprilkinder" ["April Children", 1998], "Kleine Freiheit" ["A Little Bit of Freedom", 2003]). In some films ("Töchter zweier Welten" [1990], "Geschwister - Kardeşler" [1997], "Gegen die Wand" [2004]), images of self and other are treated with considerable complexity, and protagonists are much more than just members of an ethnic group. Still other films remain fraught with stereotypes even today, with ethnic clichés, e.g. in "Anam" (2001) or "Solino," and with questionable attempts to stage a kind of "ghetto pride" as in "Kanak Attack" (2000) or "Alltag" (2002). The comedic deconstruction of stereotypes has functioned so far only rarely, examples being "Ich Chef, Du Turnschuh" ("Me Boss, You Sneakers", 1998) and "Getürkt" (1996).

These differences are by no means limited to subject matter and themes, but can be found in directing styles as well. In Fatih Akin's films, Hamburg-Altona is shown with a lot of local pride as a sort of "cool hood", while Berlin's streets have never looked so cosmopolitan as in Thomas Arslan's work. The two directors (to stay with these particular examples) also differ considerably in their distinctive positionings. In the one corner, there's Fatih Akin, who stated in the Süddeutsche Zeitung in February 2004: "I want to be a commercial film maker," and who makes movies that are modelled on American genre films and are capable of moving viewers with considerable emotional force. In the opposite corner, there's Thomas Arslan, a member of the so-called "Berlin school" who produces complex and formally rigorous films whose forerunners can be found in European auteur cinema; he is clearly in opposition to the mainstream. These "Turkish-German" film makers have abundant opportunities before them: Akin and Arslan are (cinematic) worlds apart, and those worlds have nothing to do with the adjectives "Turkish" or "German."

FROM "FORTY SQUARE METERS OF GERMANY" TO "FORTY SQUARE METERS OF ISTANBUL"

The film "40 qm Deutschland" ("Forty Square Meters of Germany", 1986) by Tevik Baser, who was born in Turkey in 1951, is a condemnation of existing conditions. The film foregrounds the story of an immigrant, Turna, who is brought by her husband Dursun to Hamburg and locked inside their apartment. She is shown as being powerless in a macho society and isolated in a foreign land that she knows only from looking out the window. The film ends when her husband dies and she stands before the front door, a door to the world that according to Dursun was full of dangers and infectious immorality.



Source: DIF

"40 qm Deutschland" (Forty Square Meters of Germany, 1986)

Twenty-four years later, Fatih Akin's film "Gegen die Wand" focuses on the life of Sibel, a young woman of Turkish descent who lives in Hamburg. Akin, who was born in Hamburg in 1973, does not condemn anyone in the film, even though he does show constricting relations and considerable existential uncertainty. Sibel is banging her head against a wall just like her husband, Cahit, is. 

In the foreground are ambivalent characters who resist ethnic categorization, who are as anchored in the Hamburger "scene" as they are in the world of Turkish immigrants, and whose lives are as typical as they are unique, wherever they are. This evolution from Turna to Sibel is characteristic of a development in films by immigrants. One might put it this way: in 2004, the filmmakers (like their protagonists) have far more than "forty square meters of Germany" at their disposal; rather, their opportunities extend so far that they might take in even "forty square meters of Istanbul" (Sibel chooses, after all, to start a family in the Turkish metropolis).

We can see a radical change not only in relation to Turkish culture, but also in the choice of filmic material. While Turna's Anatolian garb in "40 qm Deutschland" marks the cultural gap between Turkey and Germany, Akin pays homage not only to multicultural Germany but also to multicultural Turkey: "Gegen die Wand" is punctuated with music acts in which the "Turkish-German" actress Idil Üner, accompanied by the Roma musician Selim Sesler and his orchestra, sings traditional Turkish songs in front of the Byzantine Hagia Sophia.


© WÜSTE Film, photographer: Kerstin Stelter

Crossing the Bridge: The Sound of Istanbul 2005

 

THE HISTORY OF IMMIGRATION IN THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANY

1st Phase (1955 – 1973): Recruitment Phase

Negotiations for temporary work migration to be initiated by the recruitment countries. Regulations differ from agreement to agreement, those with Turkey, Morocco, Tunisia, and Yugoslavia being more restrictive.

1955 The West German government concludes recruitment negotiations with Italy.

1960 The West German government concludes recruitment negotiations with Greece and Spain.

1961 The West German government concludes recruitment negotiations with Turkey.

1963 The West German government concludes recruitment negotiations with Morocco.

1964 The West German government concludes recruitment negotiations with Portugal. Two-year residency restriction for Turkish immigrants struck from recruitment agreement.

1965 The West German government concludes recruitment negotiations with Tunisia.

1965–1971 Number of immigrant schoolchildren in West Germany rises from 35,000 to 159,000.

1966/67 Recession: Foreign workforce reduced to 400,000.

1968 The West German government concludes recruitment negotiations with Yugoslavia.

1968–1973 Economic boom: Foreign workforce increases from 991,300 to 2,595,000.

1969 Italians make up largest contingent of immigrants at 23%. Intensified recruitment in Yugoslavia and Turkey.

1971 Change in work-permit regulation: Foreign employees who have worked longer than five years in West Germany may be granted a special work visa.

1972 Turks comprise largest contingent of immigrants.

1973 Highpoint of immigration. "Action Program on Foreign Employment" for reducing the number of immigrants. Turkish workers go on strike in West German factories.

November 23, 1973 Ban on recruitment.

Sources: The webpage of the Bundesbeauftragte für Migration, Flüchtlinge und Integration: http://www.integrationsbeauftragte.de/. Hisashi Yano, "Migrationsgeschichte," in Carmine Chielino, ed., Interkulturelle Literatur in Deutschland: ein Handbuch (Weimar: Metzler 2000).


 

Two Books | Ottoman Painting, What is Islamic Art by Wendy M. K. Shaw

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Mavi Boncuk | 


From the Harem, Osman Hamdi Bey, 1880 [Erol Kerim Aksoy collection]




Ottoman Painting: Reflections of Western Art

from the Ottoman Empire to the Turkish Republic

by  Wendy M. K. Shaw[1]

Publisher‏ : ‎ I.B.Tauris (March 15, 2011)

Hardcover ‏ : ‎ 288 pages

ISBN-10 ‏ : ‎ 1848852886

ISBN-13 ‏ : ‎ 978-1848852884

The late Ottoman Empire witnessed widespread and dramatic reform, which was vividly reflected in its visual culture. However, while other political and social developments in this period have received much attention, the interaction between Ottoman and Western artists and artistic practices is less widely understood. Ottoman Painting explores fully this complex and fascinating relationship for the first time, using vivid examples and drawing many intriguing and original connections.

Wendy Shaw demonstrates how during the 19th century -- the very era when rapidly proliferating modernist artistic movements in the West were giving up traditional styles, techniques and functions of art -- artists in the Ottoman Empire and Turkey were harnessing these discarded traditions as a novel and modern means of communication. And far from being simply slow in embracing modernity, Ottoman art tells the story of a different kind of avant-garde, representing a cultural revolution. Ottoman Painting is an important corrective to a Western-dominated view of the art history of an era and a stimulating addition to our understanding of the cultural life of the late Ottoman Empire.

What is 'Islamic' Art?: Between Religion and Perception

Publisher ‏ : ‎ Cambridge University Press (December 5, 2019)

Language ‏ : ‎ English

Hardcover ‏ : ‎ 382 pages

ISBN-10 ‏ : ‎ 1108474659

ISBN-13 ‏ : ‎ 978-1108474658

Revealing what is 'Islamic' in Islamic art, Shaw explores the perception of arts, including painting, music, and geometry through the discursive sphere of historical Islam including the Qur'an, Hadith, Sufism, ancient philosophy, and poetry. Emphasis on the experience of reception over the context of production enables a new approach, not only to Islam and its arts, but also as a decolonizing model for global approaches to art history. Shaw combines a concise introduction to Islamic intellectual history with a critique of the modern, secular, and European premises of disciplinary art history. Her meticulous interpretations of intertextual themes span antique philosophies, core religious and theological texts, and prominent prose and poetry in Arabic, Persian, Turkish, and Urdu that circulated across regions of Islamic hegemony from the eleventh century to the colonial and post-colonial contexts of the modern Middle East.

Review

'This book is exactly what art history needs when it attempts to think about Islamic art. Instead of asking what properties make an image Islamic, this book asks, what is an image in Islam? When art history begins to understand its secularism, concepts like art, image, vision, matter, and history necessarily change. Shaw gives us a different perceptual culture, one that begins from Islamic discourses, and gradually becomes visible as art and history. It is the first book of its kind, and I hope there will be many more.' James Elkins, School of the Art Institute, Chicago

'By questioning the primacy of the art object and placing the experience of perception at center stage, Shaw challenges a number of paradigms within the field of Art History. In this master stroke of scholarship, she pries open the affective and aesthetic landscapes of pre-modern Islamic cultures, untethered from any single-point perspective and re-enchanted by the soaring poesis of her prose.' Christiane Gruber, University of Michigan

'A radical rethinking of modern art history and the secular terms of Islamic art history. Stepping out of the perspectival frame, this marvelous book unpacks not only a vibrant Islamic perceptual culture thriving on sensation and mimesis but also imagines the possibility of studying art from a de-colonial angle. An amazing tour de force revealing an alternate approach to art!' Birgit Meyer, Universiteit Utrecht

'A question that may seem simple, but behind that door is the history of everything - the shape of thought, the logic of imagination, the cradle of taste. Creative, sophisticated, fluent and spirited, Shaw paints in the rich landscape that gives meaning to self and other.' Victoria Rowe Holbrook, Istanbul Bilgi University

[1] Wendy M K Shaw is a professor of the Art History of Islamic Cultures at the Free University, Berlin. She is the author of Possessors and Possessed: Museums, Archaeology, and the Visualization of History in the Late Ottoman Empire (University of California Press, 2003) and Ottoman Painting: Reflections of Western Art from the Ottoman Empire to the Turkish Republic (I.B. Tauris, 2012). Her articles explore the intersection between modernity, colonialism, postcoloniality, philosophy and art in the Islamic world through museums, art historiography, archaeology, religion, film, photography and contemporary artistic production. They feature a regional emphasis on the Ottoman Empire and the Republic of Turkey, and comparative perspectives with other regions of the global south and those with legacies of Islamic hegemony.

She works on the art and thought of Turkey and the postcolonial Middle East, particularly in its relationship with historical remembrance.

In Memoriam | Alev Alatlı (1944-2024)

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Alev Alatlı, a distinguished Turkish author, and Historian writer Alev Alatlı died in the hospital where she had been treated for a while due to multiple organ failure.

After the noon prayer at Alev Alatlı Eyüp Sultan Mosque, she will be bid farewell to God at Mihrişah Valide Sultan Cemetery.

Alatlı, who had been unwell for some time, left an indelible mark on the literary world with numerous works, including titles like "Jasmines Smell No More!" and "OK Mustafa, Turkey's Done!"

President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan said: "I offer my condolences to our esteemed professor Alev Alatlı, whose passing we learned with deep sorrow. May God rest her soul."

Minister of Health Fahrettin Koca used the following statements in his post on Alev Alatlı's death on his social media account:

“We lost Lady Alev. He had been under treatment for a while. When I went to visit him, he said, 'We must make people love these lands more.' I understood this statement as a testament to our intellectuals, administrators, and everyone who has the power to influence the present and future of our country. Alev Alatlı was one of the great names of our intellectual and artistic life. She was honored with many awards, especially the Presidential Culture and Arts Grand Prize in literature in 2014. “My condolences to all of us.”


Culture and Tourism Minister Mehmet Nuri Ersoy expressed his condolences to the late writer, as well. In a condolence message shared on his social media account, Ersoy stated: "I am deeply saddened by the loss of a distinguished figure in our country's intellectual and literary world. The light of Alev Alatlı, one of the important figures in our intellectual realm, will not fade away; she will continue to guide our people with the works she leaves behind. I extend my condolences to the family of Alatlı, who is also the recipient of the Grand Presidential Culture and Art Awards. May Allah have mercy on her."

Mavi Boncuk |

Alev Alatlı (b. Menemen, Izmir 16 September 1944 – d. Istanbul 2 February 2024)

Alev Alatlı, a prominent figure in the intellectual and artistic world, was born in 1944. Due to her father's assignment, she attended high school in Tokyo.

She earned her bachelor's degree in Economics and Statistics from the Middle East Technical University, and her master's degree in Economics and Econometrics from Vanderbilt University, where she went with a "Fulbright" scholarship. Although she began her doctoral program at Dartmouth College, focusing on theology, thought, and the history of civilization, Alatlı returned to Türkiye in 1974 without completing her doctoral degree.

Honored with the "Medal of Freedom" by then-Palestinian President Yasser Arafat in 1986 during his exile in Tunisia for her contributions to promoting the Palestinian cause, the seasoned writer reflected on her fortunate life in an interview with Anadolu Agency (AA) last year.

"I position myself as a very fortunate person. This fortune begins first as the daughter of a soldier. Being a child of a family always operating on a limited budget is crucial. If you are constantly relocated as the child of a civil servant, you see a lot of Türkiye. This is my greatest fortune. Living, going to school and witnessing the difficulties in the east of Türkiye, especially, was a significant stroke of luck," she said.



Term of office of the Central Bank Governors of Türkiye

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Turkish Central Bank Governor Hafize Gaye Erkan resigned. 

A major reputation assassination campaign has recently been organised against me,” Erkan said in a social media statement.

“In order to prevent my family and my innocent child, who is not even one-and-a-half-years-old, from being further affected by this process, I have requested from our president to be pardoned from my duty, which I have been carrying out with honour since the first day.”

Minister of Treasury and Finance Mehmet Şimşek issued a statement concerning the resignation of Central Bank Governor Hafize Gaye Erkan.

In his statement, Şimşek said, "Our economic program, under the leadership of our President, Mr. Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, continues uninterrupted and with determination. President Erdoğan's support and trust in our economic team and the program we implement are complete. The decision taken by the former President of the Central Bank, Mrs. Hafize Gaye Erkan, is entirely personal and at her own discretion. I respect and appreciate her decision, and I thank her for the valuable service and contributions she has provided to our country. In line with my recommendation, I wish success to the new President of the Central Bank of the Republic of Turkey and the team to be appointed. Within this framework, as a team, we will continue to progress steadily towards our goal of price stability with strong cooperation and coordination. Respectfully announced to the public."

Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan appointed Erkan as the central bank governor on June 8, 2023, replacing Sahap Kavcioglu who served as Turkey's apex bank Governor since 20th March, 2021.[1]

The respected former Wall Street executive’s decision threatens to unsettle Turkey’s nascent recovery from an economic crisis that saw the annual inflation rate reach 85 percent in 2022.

Erkan won major plaudits from Western investors for spearheading a rapid series of interest rate hikes that helped stabilise the slumping lira and tame Turkey’s dire cost of living crisis.

Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan — a lifelong opponent of high interest rates — dropped his support for unconventional economics and repeatedly praised Erkan for her work.



Fatih Karahan

Fatih Karahan to Replace Erkan as Turkish Central Bank Governor. Born in 1982, Karahan has become one of the youngest CBRT governors in the country.

He started his career as an economist at the Federal Reserve Bank of New York. In 2022, he became a senior economist at Amazon and was later appointed as the principal economist of the global e-commerce giant.

He was appointed as the deputy chief of CBRT in July 2023.








Mavi Boncuk |

[1] Term of office of the Central Bank Governors who have been serving since 2001: 

1-Süreyya Serdengeçti: 1826 days 
2-Durmuş Yılmaz: 1821 days 
3-Erdem Başçı: 1832 days 
4-Murat Çetinkaya: 1172 days 
5-Murat Uysal: 490 days 
6-Naci Ağbal: 133 days 
7-Şahap Kavcıoğlu: 810 days 
8-Hafize Gaye Erkan: 239 days

In Memoriam | Üstün Karabol (1937 - 2024)

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Mavi Boncuk |

Üstün Karabol, one of the founders of Umut Sanat company and the owner of Feriye Cinema, who made quality films such as "İstanbul Kanatlarımın Altında | Istanbul Under My Wings" and "Dar Alanda Kısa Paslaşmalar | Short Passes in a Tight Area" in the nineties, died of a heart attack in the hospital where he was treated today. Üstün Karabol will be buried in the family cemetery after the funeral prayer to be performed at Anadolu Hisarı Mosque at noon on Sunday, February 4.


His daughter
Nida Karabol Akdeniz was born in Istanbul in 1967. Further to studying at Istanbul Italian High School, she graduated from Istanbul University, Faculty of Sociology. She began her producer career with "Istanbul Beneath My Wings" in 1995 and also produced "Offside" in 2000. She produced Pelin Esmer's award winning documentary "Oyun/The Play" and feature length films "10 to 11" and "Wathctower". She has worked at the board of directors of Turkish Producers Association (SESAM) from 1996 to 2007. She was the Chairman of Movie Producers Professional Association (SE-YAP) between 2007 and 2011. She is a partner and managing director of Umut Sanat Company.

Founded in 1974 as a copyright and film distribution company, Umut Sanat is a group of companies which is active in the production of works of art and in animation. As a result of its experience from past years, Umut Sanat invested in areas that have prospects in the entertainment industry.

It Started Here

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Mavi Boncuk | St. Stefano | Yesilkoy Airport from a German airship photo.


In 1911, a small apron with two hangars was built in Yeşilköy, Istanbul, for the Ottoman Armed Forces.[7] Mustafa Kemal Atatürk founded Türk Tayyare Cemiyeti (Turkish Aircraft Company, today Türk Hava Kurumu - THK) in 1925. 

In 1933, today's Turkish Airlines, the Türkiye Devlet Hava Yolları started its flights with two Curtiss Kingbird aircraft. Flights from Istanbul to Ankara and Athens began. The small apron was expanded and a new passenger terminal was built. 

This is considered the beginning of the airport's 86-year history. It was originally named Yeşilköy Airport. In the 1980s, it was renamed Atatürk International Airport.

In Memoriam | Mario Levi (1957-2024)

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Mavi Boncuk |

Mario Levi, a distinguished author and communication instructor, breathed his last at 66 in Istanbul, the city he was in love with, on Wednesday.

The news of Levi's demise was announced through a post on Buart Art Sanat Atölyesi's social media account. The post expressed deep sorrow: "With profound sadness, we announce the loss of our dear teacher, the dynamic and powerful pen of our literature, the unique individual, our beloved Mario Levi. We are grateful for his contributions to literature. Our condolences go out to all his admirers and family."

Born in Istanbul in 1957, Mario Levi graduated from Saint Michel French High School in 1975 and Istanbul University with a French and Romance Philology degree in 1980. Levi penned his first story in 1975; from 1984 onward, he contributed writings to various publications.

His debut book, "Jacques Brel: A Lonely Man," was published in 1986 and in 1990, he released his first short story collection, "Not Being Able to Go to a City," earning him the Haldun Taner Short Story Award that year. Levi gained recognition with his second book, "Madame Floridis May Not Return," in 1991 and his first novel, "Our Best Love Story," in 1992.

Initiated in 1993 and completed in 1999, Levi's work "Istanbul Was a Fairy Tale" earned him the Yunus Nadi Novel Award in 2000. In addition to his career as a literary figure, Levi also engaged in French teaching, import-export, journalism, radio hosting and advertising writing. He also conducted writing creation workshops.

PAŞABAHÇE | Stem Zero Wine Glass

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Stem Zero Şarap Bardağı

10026705


Mavi Boncuk | Made from the world's strongest and thinnest lead-free crystal glass thanks to "Ion Shielding" technology, Stem Zero puts an end to the fragility of elegance with its thinness and lightness. Stem Zero is a simple and stylish collection that will please wine connoisseurs with its elegant designs.




Word Origins | Çimento, Beton, Harç

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Mavi Boncuk |

Çimento: fromIT cimento duvarcı harcı << Lat caementum 1. kırık taş, mıcır, 2. taş duvarın iç bölümüne doldurulan kırık taş ve kireç karışımı < Lat caedere, caes- kesmek, kırmak, bıçak veya keski vurmak → +sid

oldest source: [ Tıngır & Sinapian, Istılahat Lugati (1892) ]

İtalyanca cimento "duvarcı harcı" sözcüğünden alıntıdır. İtalyanca sözcük Latince  caementum "1. kırık taş, mıcır, 2. taş duvarın iç bölümüne doldurulan kırık taş ve kireç karışımı" sözcüğünden evrilmiştir. Bu sözcük Latincecaedere, caes- "kesmek, kırmak, bıçak veya keski vurmak" fiilinden türetilmiştir. Daha fazla bilgi için +sidmaddesine bakınız

Beton: fromFR béton çimento veya kireç harcı << Lat bitumen 1. akçaağaçtan elde edilen reçine, 2. genelde reçine, zift, yapıştırıcı madde ~ Kelt *betu- akçaağaç 

oldest source: beton [ Tıngır & Sinapian, Istılahat Lugati (1892) ]

betoniyer "[Fr bétonière] beton karıştırma makinesi" [ Özön, Türkçe-Yabancı Kelimeler Sözlüğü (1961) ]

betonarme "[Fr béton armé] demir donanımlı beton" [ Mehmet Bahaettin, Yeni Türkçe Lugat (1924) ]

betonlaşma [ m (1972) : sahillerimizi betonlaşmadan kim kurtaracak? ]

Fransızca béton "çimento veya kireç harcı" sözcüğünden alıntıdır. Fransızca sözcük Latincebitumen "1. akçaağaçtan elde edilen reçine, 2. genelde reçine, zift, yapıştırıcı madde" sözcüğünden evrilmiştir. Bu sözcük Kelt dillerinde yazılı örneği bulunmayan *betu- "akçaağaç. 

Latince betula (akçaağaç) Gallia dilinden alıntıdır.

Harç – Harc: fromAR χarc خرج [#χrc msd.] 1. çıkma, harcama, masraf, 2. gereken şeyler, gereç, malzeme < Ar χaraca çıktı, dışarı çıktı, çıkış yaptı, çıkıntı yaptı, yoldan çıktı 

oldest source: "1. sarf, masraf" [ Mukaddimetü'l-Edeb (1300 yılından önce) ] "2. dolaylı vergi, resmi işlemler için ödenen para" [ Meninski, Thesaurus (1680) ] "3. bir şeyin üretiminde kullanılan hammadde, 4. duvar örmede kullanılan kum ve kireç karışımı" [ Kamus-ı Türki (1900) ] harcamak "sarf etmek" [ Aşık Paşa, Garib-name (1330) ]

vekilharç "[Fa wakīl-i χarc] harcama yetkilisi, evin alışveriş ve ödeme işlerini yapan görevli" [ Filippo Argenti, Regola del Parlare Turco (1533) ]

harcırah "[Fa χarc-i rāh] yolluk, yol için gerekenler" 

harcıalem "[Fa χarc-i ˁālam] herkesin harcı, sıra malı, banal" 

Arapça  χrc kökünden gelen  χarc خرج  "1. çıkma, harcama, masraf, 2. gereken şeyler, gereç, malzeme" sözcüğünden alıntıdır. Arapça sözcük Arapça  χaraca"çıktı, dışarı çıktı, çıkış yaptı, çıkıntı yaptı, yoldan çıktı" sözcüğünün masdarıdır.

i. (Ar. ḫarc “sarfetme, masraf”tan) [Kelime aşağıdaki anlamları Türkçe’de kazanmıştır]

1. Kumun çimento veya kireç ile karıştırılmasından meydana gelen ve yapılarda taş ve tuğla örgüsünün yapıştırılmasında, duvarların sıvanmasında kullanılan, koyu bulamaç kıvâmındaki madde: Taşımış harcını gāzîleri, serdârıyle / Taşı yenmiş nice bin işçisi mîmâriyle (Yahyâ Kemal). Fazladan her bir taşı Eskişehir’in ılıca hamamı kubbesi kadar, dahası horasanla dondurulmuş ve de harcı çeşitli tılsımla karılmış (Kemal Tâhir).

2. Bir şeyin yapılmasında kullanılan öteberi: “Aşûrenin harcı bol olsun.”

3. Elbise, perde vb.ne dikilen süsleyici veya tamamlayıcı malzeme: Sırmakeş Toroğlu’ndaki dîbâsı Hint’ten, harcı Venedik’ten gelme Pembe İncili Kaftan’ı alacağım (Ömer Seyfeddin). Boncuklu harçlarla müzeyyen yavru ağzı, ikisi bir örnek bir çift ferâce… (Hâlit Z. Uşaklıgil).

4. Çiçekler ve bitkiler için özel şekilde hazırlanmış toprak. Harç karıştırmak (karmak): Bir harcı meydana getiren malzemeleri istenen kıvâma gelecek şekilde birbirine iyice yedirerek karıştırmak. … Harcı: –nin yapabileceği iş: “Tepeye çıkmak herkesin harcı değil.” “Kötülüğe kötülük her kişinin harcı, kötülüğe iyilik er kişinin harcı.” (Bir iş birinin) Harcı olmak: (O kimse o işi) Yapabilecek durumda ve yetenekte olmak, elinden gelmek: … Bu zorlu işi başarmak, Sinan ustadan gayrı pek herkesin harcı olmasa gerek (Sâmiha Ayverdi).

Cement kind of mortar or other substance that hardens as it dries, used to bind, c. 1300, from Old French ciment"cement, mortar, pitch," from Latin cæmenta "stone chips used for making mortar" (singular caementum), from caedere "to cut down, chop, beat, hew, fell, slay" (from PIE root *kae-id- "to strike"). The sense evolution from "small broken stones" to "powdered stones used in construction" took place before the word reached English. Cement-mixer is from 1875.

 nature as to admit of their assuming, under certain conditions, sticky, tenacious, or stone-like consistency. [Century Dictionary]

also from c. 1300 cement (v.) c. 1400, "to bind (solid bodies) together with or as with cement," from cement (n.) or Old French cimenter. The figurative sense "to unite firmly" is from c. 1600. Related: Cemented; cementing.

also from c. 1400 concrete (adj.) late 14c., "actual, solid; particular, individual; denoting a substance," from Latin concretus"condensed, hardened, stiff, curdled, congealed, clotted," figuratively "thick; dim," literally "grown together;" past participle of concrescere "to grow together," from assimilated form of com "together" (see con-) + crescere "to grow" (from PIE root *ker-(2) "to grow").

A logicians' term (opposed to abstract) until meaning began to expand 1600s (see concrete (n.)). Concrete poetry (1958), which depends much on the form or shape of its printing, is translated from terms coined independently in mid-1950s in Brazil (poesia concreta) and Germany (die konkrete Dichtung).

also from late 14c. 1520s, "that which is material or not abstract," a noun use of concrete (adj.). Meaning "a mass formed by concretion" is from 1650s, from the literal sense of Latin concretus. Hence "building material made from sand, gravel, stone chips, etc., cemented together" (1834). 

con·crete late Middle English (in the sense ‘solidified’): from French concret or Latin concretus, past participle of concrescere ‘grow together’. Early use was also as a grammatical term designating a quality belonging to a substance (usually expressed by an adjective such as white in white paper ) as opposed to the quality itself (expressed by an abstract noun such as whiteness ); later concrete came to be used to refer to nouns embodying attributes (e.g. fool, hero ), as opposed to the attributes themselves (e.g. foolishness, heroism ), and this is the basis of the modern use as the opposite of ‘abstract’. The noun sense ‘building material’ dates from the mid 19th century.

concrete (n.)


Word Origins | Yalpa

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Mavi Boncuk |

Yalpa: roll, shimmy, wabble EN i. (Fars. yāl pā “kol bacak”tan) Geminin rüzgâr ve dalgaların etkisiyle bir iskeleye, bir sancağa yatıp kalkması: Rüzgâr dahi şiddetini arttırdıkça arttırmakta bulunduğundan geminin ziyâdece yalpa etmesi ve herkesi kusturması hüccâcı şikâyete mecbur eylemiş idi (Ahmed Midhat Efendi). Sarayburnu’nu tutar tutmaz vapurda yalpa başladı (Burhan Felek).

Yalpa vurmak: İki tarafa sallanmak: … trabzanlara tutunup yalpa vura vura merdivenlerden nasıl çıkacağını düşünüyordu (Mahmut Yesâri). Araba, kötü kaldırımlar üzerinde fırtınalı denizlerde çalkalanan bir gemi gibi yalpa vurdukça Zeyno iki tarafına oldukça şiddetli çarpıyor (Hâlide E. Adıvar). İbrâhim Çavuş… Etem Bey’in cellâdıydı… Yalpa vurarak yürüyordu (Bekir Büyükarkın).

Yalpak: sıf. (< yalpa+k) halk ağzı. Sallanarak yürüyen; sokulgan, cana yakın: Kızlar da yalpak mı yalpak (Burhan Felek).

ѻ Yalpak yalpak yürümek: İki yana sallanarak yürümek: Altındaki ördek yumurtalarından, çarpık çurpuk biçimsizliklerini yalpak yalpak yürüyüşleriyle sürükleyen ucûbeler çıkmasına mütehayyir… (Hâlit Z. Uşaklıgil).

Yalpalamak: geçişsiz. f. (< yalpa+la-mak) Dengesi bozularak iki yana sallanmak.

Yalpalık: i. deniz.  Yön ölçümü veya ayarlamasında kullanılan, açı dengesinin korunması ilkesiyle çalışan alet, jiroskop, cayroskop: Gövde biçimleri, karina basamakları, yalpalıklar/çeneler, flaplar/hız kesiciler, pervaneler... gibi konuları içeren 50 ayrı öneriden edineceğiniz bilgiler, artık sürat teknelerinin sualtı bölümlerine de merakla bakmanıza neden olacak (Yelken Dünyası).



In Memoriam | Sevda Ferdağ (1942-2024)

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Sevda Ferdağ died at her home in Cihangir, Istanbul, on February 17, 2024, at the age of 81. Ferdağ, who made significant contributions to Turkish cinema throughout her 81-year life adventure, had been struggling with health problems for a long time

Mavi Boncuk | 




Sevda Ferdağ (15 August 1942, Balıkesir - 17 February 2024, Istanbul), Turkish actress, theater artist and singer.

Her birth name was Lütfiye Dumrul. She spent her childhood in Istanbul. She lost her father when she was in primary school. She was encouraged to act by her family, who valued art and wanted their children to become artists. He was introduced to cinema as a result of the pressure of his mother and his older sister, actress Ferda Ferdağ.

In 1958, when she was only 16 years old, she stepped into Turkish cinema with the movie After That Day. After the failure of her first film and the unattractive working conditions, she went to Germany with her sister. Here, She became a model for the cover pages of many magazines and received acting offers from many movie managers. When she missed her hometown, Istanbul, she returned to Turkey five years later. In 1963, she appeared in Yeşilçam again with the movie Azrael's Messenger. In 1964, she played the role of a belly dancer in Halit Refiğ's film Gurbet Kuşları.

The Yeşilçam sex craze, which emerged after the second half of the 1970s, also affected Sevda Ferdağ. In addition to comedy and arabesque films, popular movies also attracted attention. During this period, Ferdağ took part in films such as Hop Dedik Kazım and Şöhret Budalası. Ferdağ, who stays away from being an actor with rules, has appeared in more than 150 films in fifty years. She played the roles of "vamp woman who seduces men" in many productions.

In 1979, she won the Best Actress award at the Antalya Golden Orange Film Festival for her role as Nesrin in the movie Senile Son Defa. In 1998, she was awarded the Golden Orange Best Supporting Actress award for her role in the movie Ağır Roman. At the 2003 Sadri Alışık Theater and Cinema Actor Awards, he was given the Honorary Award together with Orhan Aksoy. 

In 2009, she was given the Golden Orange Lifetime Honor Award together with Vedat Türkali, Ülkü Erakalın and Yalçın Tura. Ferdağ said that he received his award on behalf of Halit Refiğ.

Sevda Ferdağ, who played the leading role in living room comedies and "soap bubble" films and supporting actress roles in more permanent films, worked as a singer in Fahrettin Aslan's casinos to make a living during a period when interest in Turkish films decreased. 


Book | Dervishes and Islam in Bosnia by Ines Aščerić-Todd

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Mavi Boncuk | 

Dervishes and Islam in Bosnia Sufi Dimensions to the Formation of Bosnian Muslim Society 
Series: The Ottoman Empire and its Heritage, Volume: 58 
Author:  [1]

In Dervishes aInes Aščerić-Toddnd Islam in Bosnia, Ines Aščerić-Todd explores the involvement of Sufi orders in the formation of Muslim society in the first two centuries of Ottoman rule in Bosnia (15th - 16th centuries C.E.). Using a wide range of primary sources, Aščerić-Todd shows that Sufi traditions and the activities of dervish orders were at the heart of the religious, cultural, socio-economic and political dynamics in Bosnia in the period which witnessed the emergence of Bosnian Muslim society and the most intensive phase of conversions of the Bosnian population to Islam. In the process, she also challenges some of the established views regarding Ottoman guilds and the subject of futuwwa (Sufi code of honour). 

[1] Ines Aščerić-Todd 
Head of Department, Lecturer in Arabic and Middle Eastern Cultures
University of Edinburgh  Google Scholar

NOTE: Almost all of Bosnian Muslims identify as Bosniaks; until 1993, Bosnians of Muslim culture or origin (regardless of religious practice) were defined by Yugoslav authorities as Muslimani (Muslims) in an ethno-national sense (hence the capital M), though some people of Bosniak or Muslim backgrounds identified their nationality (in an ethnic sense rather than strictly in terms of citizenship) as "Yugoslav" prior to the early 1990s. A small minority of non-Bosniak Muslims in Bosnia and Herzegovina include AlbaniansRoma and Turks.

Extract

This book continues Brill’s prestigious series ‘The Ottoman Empire and its Heritage—Politics, Society and Economy’; its author holds a doctorate from the University of Oxford and currently teaches Arabic language and literature at the University of Edinburgh. On both counts, readers may expect well-documented and balanced argument properly fitted to established scholarship on the history and role of Sufi/dervish orders in Bosnia and the Balkans more widely: they will not be disappointed.

Dervishes and Islam in Bosnia has three major parts. The first looks, through the early stages of the Ottoman conquest and settlements of Bosnia, the establishment of urban centres, etc., at the Sufi contribution to this early development of ‘Bosnian Muslim Society’. To a great extent the Sufis stood for a pacifying or revitalizing aspect of the conquest. Aščerić-Todd identifies the most remarkable dervishes of the time, recounts the construction of the first tekkes and hostels in Bosnia and explains their complex role.


FROM INTRODUCTION

The role played by dervish orders in the settlement of some areas of the Balkans following the Ottoman conquest, and, by extension, in the Islamisation1 processes which occurred in the wake of it, has been recognized in a number of studies. These processes would follow a similar pattern, involving an individual or a group of dervish settlers arriving in an area with or soon after the Ottoman army, building and endowing a tekke (a Sufi lodge) or another institution of religious or charitable nature, and thus leaving a lasting impact on the area and its population. One of the first studies on this topic was Ömer Lütfi Barkan’s article “Istilâ devirlerinin kolonizatör Türk dervişleri ve zâviyeler,” concerned with dervish settlers in the south-eastern Balkans during the early Ottoman conquests in the region. Another relatively early study, whose importance has not yet been surpassed and whi is still among the most frequently quoted authorities on the subject, is Nedim Filipović’s Princ Musa i šejh Bedreddin.3 This lengthy work is concerned with the political and military upheavals in the Ottoman Empire in the early 15th century, triggered by the Ottoman defeat at the hands of Tamerlane at the battle of Ankara in 1402.4 As a background to this, and to the revolt of Sheikh Bedreddin (d. 1420) which followed, Filipović provides an examination of the early Ottoman conquests in the Balkans and the nature of the conquering force which carried them out. According to Filipović, these troops consisted of three mutually connected elements of the Ottoman society of that time: ghazis, akhis and dervishes. The first term refers to a complex and historically somewhat controversial concept of ‘religious warriors’, whose ideology of holy war (ghaza), according to some historians, Filipović among them, played a crucial role in the early conquests and the expansion of the Ottoman Empire. The second refers to members of semi-mil- itary associations of young men, linked together by the concept of futuwwa – ‘spiritual chivalry’ or a code of noble conduct closely related to Sufism. Both of these groups, their origin and their character will be given more attention in Chapter 1 of this study. Going back to Filipović’s argument, many dervish- warriors, together with ghazis and akhis, settled in the newly-conquered regions, and were subsequently responsible for propagating Islam among the local population of those regions. Building their zaviyes (an alternative term for a Sufi lodge, or a tekke, from the Arabic ‘zāwiya’), which usually had land attached to them, and by recruiting workers to cultivate this land and otherwise engaging with the local population, these dervishes were able to carry out their proselytising role among them. Another good example of a process in which dervish-settlers played a major role in the character and development of an area following the Ottoman conquest, is the one in northern Greece, documented by Heath Lowry in The Shaping of the Ottoman Balkans 1350–1550: the Conquest, Settlement and Infrastructural Development of Northern Greece. Lowry examines the case of the legendary warrior Evrenos Bey (d. 1417) and his descendants Evrenosoğulları, who were responsible for conquering large areas of Western Thrace in the 14th century, and with their hospices, imarets (public kitchens), and other charitable institutions and endowments, completely changed the infrastructure of those areas and exerted a huge influence on the society there. Lowry’s research further shows that among the troops which conquered those regions, such as those led by Evrenos, there were many dervish-warriors, who “almost certainly comprised the earliest Muslim settlers in the newly-conquered territories.” When it comes to these kinds of activities of dervish orders in Bosnia, the situation is somewhat different, for there is no single work devoted to this subject, and, a few notable exceptions notwithstanding, generally little consideration has been given to the extent of dervish activities and the influence of Sufi

Khilafat Movement

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Mavi Boncuk |

The Khilafat and the end of World War I

The Khilafat movement (1919-1924) was an agitation by Indian Muslims allied with Indian nationalism in the years following World War I. Its purpose was to pressure the British government to preserve the authority of the Ottoman Sultan as Caliph of Islam following the breakup of the Ottoman Empire at the end of the war. Integral to this was the Indian Muslims’ desire to influence the treaty-making process following the war in such a way as to restore the 1914 boundaries of the Ottoman Empire, even though the Turks, allies of the Central Powers, had been defeated in the war. Indian supporters of the Khilafat cause sent a delegation to London in 1920 to plead their case, but the British government treated the delegates as quixotic pan-Islamists, and did not change its policy toward Turkey. The Indian Muslims’ attempt to influence the provisions of the Treaty of Sevres thus failed, and the European powers, most notably Great Britain and France, went ahead with territorial adjustments, including the institution of mandates over formerly Ottoman Arab territories.

Significance and Leadership

The significance of the Khilafat movement, however, lies less in its supposed pan-Islamism than in its impact upon the Indian nationalist movement. The leaders of the Khilafat movement forged the first political alliance among western-educated Indian Muslims and ‘ulema over the religious symbol of the khilafat (caliphate). This leadership included the ‘Ali brothers – Muhammad ‘Ali (1878-1931) and Shaukat ‘Ali (1873-1938) – newspaper editors from Delhi; their spiritual guide Maulana Abdul Bari (1878-1926) of Firangi Mahal, Lucknow; the Calcutta journalist and Islamic scholar Abu’l Kalam Azad (1888-1958); and Maulana Mahmud ul-Hasan (1851-1920), head of the madrasa at Deoband, in northern India. These publicist-politicians and ‘ulema viewed European attacks upon the authority of the Caliph as an attack upon Islam, and thus as a threat to the religious freedom of Muslims under British rule.

The Khilafat and Indian Nationalism

The Khilafat issue crystallized anti-British sentiments among Indian Muslims that had increased since the British declaration of war against the Ottomans in 1914. The Khilafat leaders, most of whom had been imprisoned during the war because of their pro-Turkish sympathies, were already active in the Indian nationalist movement. Upon their release in 1919, they espoused the Khilafat cause as a means to achieve pan-Indian Muslim political solidarity in the anti-British cause. The Khilafat movement also benefited from Hindu-Muslim cooperation in the nationalist cause that had grown during the war, beginning with the Lucknow Pact of 1916 between the Indian National Congress and the Muslim League, and culminating in the protest against the Rowlatt anti-Sedition bills in 1919. The National Congress, led by Mahatma Gandhi (1869-1948), called for non-violent non-cooperation against the British. Gandhi espoused the Khilafat cause, as he saw in it the opportunity to rally Muslim support for nationalism. The ‘Ali brothers and their allies, in turn, provided the non-cooperation movement with some of its most enthusiastic followers.

Importance and Collapse of the Movement

The combined Khilafat Non-Cooperation movement was the first all-India agitation against British rule. It saw an unprecedented degree of Hindu-Muslim cooperation and it established Gandhi and his technique of non-violent protest (satyagraha) at the center of the Indian nationalist movement. Mass mobilization using religious symbols was remarkably successful, and the British Indian government was shaken. In late 1921, the government moved to suppress the movement. The leaders were arrested, tried, and imprisoned. Gandhi suspended the Non-Cooperation movement in early 1922. Turkish nationalists dealt the final blow to the Khilafat movement by abolishing the Ottoman sultanate in 1922, and the caliphate in 1924.


Gail Minault, University of Texas

SOURCE

Selected Bibliography

  1. Bamford, P. C.: Histories of the non-cooperation and Khilafat movements, Delhi 1974: Deep Publications.
  2. Hasan, Mushirul: Nationalism and communal politics in India, 1885-1930, New Delhi 1991: Manohar Publications.
  3. Hasan, Mushirul / Pernau, Margrit (eds.): Regionalizing pan-islamism. Documents on the Khilafat Movement, New Delhi 2005: Manohar.
  4. Minault, Gail: The Khilafat movement. Religious symbolism and political mobilization in India, New York 1982: Columbia University Press.
  5. Qureshi, M. Naeem: Pan-Islam in British Indian politics. A study of the Khilafat Movement, 1918-1924, Leiden; Boston 1999: Brill.

Citation

Minault, Gail: Khilafat Movement , in: 1914-1918-online. International Encyclopedia of the First World War, ed. by Ute Daniel, Peter Gatrell, Oliver Janz, Heather Jones, Jennifer Keene, Alan Kramer, and Bill Nasson, issued by Freie Universität Berlin, Berlin 2015-05-26. DOI10.15463/ie1418.10645.

Calendars Used by Turks

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Mavi Boncuk |

Calendars Used by Turks



1-12 Animal Calendar: 1 year is divided into 365 days and 12 months, and the days are divided into 12 parts. [1]

2-Hijri Calendar: It was adopted after accepting Islam. The beginning of the Hijri calendar (622 AD) is the migration of Prophet Muhammad from Mecca to Medina. It is based on the lunar year. 1 year is 354 days. 

3-Takvim-i Meliki: It was prepared in the name of the Seljuk sultan Melikşah. 

4-Rum-i Calendar: It started to be used in financial affairs during the time of Mahmud I (1676). 

5-Gregorian Calendar: It was accepted by a law enacted in 1925. It begins with the birth of Jesus Christ.

[1] The ancient Turks conducted the chronology from “the creation of the world.” The Great steppe also became a peculiar natural calendar: nomads possessed rich information about the nature of the steppes, animals that became for them the temporary benchmarks. In ancient Turkic runic monuments a month of summer (July) and a month when the deer jumps in the mountains (August) are recorded (Malov, 1959). 

Also "the live chronology" was practiced, when a lifetime of the well-known persons was taken as a temporary reference point (Malov, 1952). 

Initially the annual calendar of the ancient Turks consisted only of ten months and their names coincided with ordinal numerals (Melioransky, 1899). The first month of the Turkic calendar coincided with the third month of the Chinese calendar. The first two months respectively were called "big and small months." This ancient calendar was practiced among the Turkic people, including the Bulgarians and the Tatars, quite a long time. 

Under the title "Persian notation" ("farsiyahisaby") one of the Iranian calendars means. In the Bulgarian times till 1079 in the East the Iranian calendar on an era of Yezdegerd was used. Then with the assistance of the outstanding Persian mathematician, astronomer, poet and philosopher Omar Khayyam (1040-1143) it was reformed. The chronology on this calendar was adopted in the state of Seljuk and therefore has been called the era of Jalal al-Din on behalf of the sovereign of the dynasty of Seljuk, or Seljuk, Sultan ("tarihiSoltani") era (Katanov N. F., 1920). 

Word Origins | From Italian to Turkish

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Mavi Boncuk | 

Word Origins | From Italian to Turkish

abluka acente alabora antika avanta Avrupa badana balo banka barbunya berber bilet bomba borsa cıvata ciro conta çaçaron çıma çikolata çimento dalavere dalyan damacana depozito düet dümen entrika familya fatura fava filika fiyonk forsa fulya gardiyan gazete gondol ıstampa imparator iskele kadavra kamara kampanya karamela karantina karyola levent limonata lira lokanta martı mafya mobilya parola paso pastane posta racon reçine safra salam salamura salatalık sardunya sera tiyatro toka torna tulumba urba vardiya vazo vida vizite volta villa zebra

Word Origins | From Greek to Turkish

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Mavi Boncuk |

Word Origins | From Greek to Turkish

aforoz afyon alfabe anahtar anormal aristokrasi azot barbar barut bezelye biyopsi bodrum brom cımbız çerez çinakop defne delta demokrat efe embriyo fanus fasulye fesleğen fırın fidan fiske fol gen halat harita Hıristiyan hipodrom hora hülya ıhlamur ideal İncil istavrit kadırga kangal kestane kilise kukla kundura lahana levrek limon lüfer mancınık manyak marul maydanoz metre mimik nektar okaliptüs organik otomatik ozon paçavra palamut panayır papatya papaz paskalya peçe pelin pide pilaki piramit polis safsata salyangoz siyanür takoz telefon televizyon tifo uskumru ütopya vaftiz vernik yalı yortu yunus zargana zoka zooloji 

Gülsün Karamustafa at the 60th Venice Biennale

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Mavi Boncuk |

The theme of the 60th International Art Exhibition of the Venice Biennale, which will be held between April 20 and November 24, 2024 (preview on April 17, 18 and 19), curated by Adriano Pedrosa, has been announced as Foreigners Everywhere.

Gülsün Karamustafa[1], the dissident artist of Turkish contemporary art, will represent  Turkey Pavilion at the Venice Biennale the 60th International Art Exhibition to be held between 20 April and 24 November 2024.

This year, the Turkish Pavilion, coordinated by the Istanbul Foundation for Culture and Arts (İKSV), will host Gülsün Karamustafa's installation titled Hollow and Broken: A State of the World, a work specially produced for the venue.

Esra Sarıgedik Öktem, who curated the exhibition, has experience in the local and international art environment at the intersection of curatorial studies, cultural institution and gallery management activities. Öktem, who served as the director of Rampa Istanbul between 2013 and 2017, founded Turkey's first artist representation office, BüroSarıgedik, in 2017. Between 2007 and 2012, she ran My City, a large-scale public art project at the British Council. In 2010, she curated the exhibition A Dream… but not Yours: Contemporary Art from Turkey at the National Museum of Women in the Arts in Washington DC and co-curated the Atlas of Events exhibition celebrating the 50th anniversary of the founding of the Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation. After working as a researcher-curator at the Van Abbemuseum in the Netherlands between 2005 and 2007, Öktem worked as an assistant curator at the 9th Istanbul Biennial and the 3rd Berlin Biennial. He worked as a young researcher curator at the Rooseum Center for Contemporary Art in Malmö. took.


Gülsün Karamustafa, A Promised Exhibition, SALT Beyoğlu, Photo: Muhsin Akgün Radikal

Gülsün Karamustafa has focused on painting, installation, video and performance productions in her artistic practice of more than 50 years; It addressed issues such as migration, locality, identity, cultural difference and gender. Karamustafa, in his works that emerged from personal and historical narratives and varied in terms of material and methodology, revealed the social and political injustices especially in Turkey's modernization process. Issues of displacement and memory frequently came up in his works. Karamustafa continues to inspire new generations of artists.

Hollow and Broken: A State of the World by Gülsün Karamustafa

“I am dealing with a world that is completely emptied due to the wars, earthquakes, migrations, nuclear danger, and constantly battered nature and environmental problems that flow around me and threaten humanity.

I try to emotionally and physically present in the space the phenomena of destruction, emptiness and brokenness created by the devastations that are becoming commonplace by the agenda that we cannot keep up with, unpredictable pains that follow each other at very close intervals, empty values, identity struggles, fragile human relations.

[…]

The world is a battlefield where location is constantly being changed..."

The book, prepared simultaneously with the exhibition, will include essays written by 12 authors on each of the materials used in Gülsün Karamustafa's new work, the diary the artist kept during the production process, an interview with her, and sketches. The book will be published in two volumes, Turkish and English.

The graphic design of the project and the prepared book is Esen Karol, and the editor is Melis Cankara. Yelta Köm is the design consultant of the exhibition.

Venice Biennale 60th International Art Exhibition Pavilion of Türkiye Advisory Board
In the 2022-2024 Advisory Board, Suna and İnan Kıraç Foundation Culture and Art Enterprise General Manager Özalp Birol, Marmara University Faculty of Fine Arts Sculpture Department Faculty Member Nilüfer Ergin Doğruer, artist İnci Eviner, curator and Fiorucci Art Trust Director Milovan Farronato and Sanat Dünyamizi magazine. editor and art writer Fisun Yalçınkaya.

[1] Karamustafa was born in Ankara in 1946. She lives and works in Istanbul. As early as the 1970s, she was concerned with topics such as migration, feminism, gender and coming to terms with colonialism. Gülsün Karamustafa, received the Roswitha Haftmann Award in 2021 and the Prince Claus Award in 2014, and continues her work in Istanbul and Berlin.

Karamustafa participated in many international biennials such as Istanbul, São Paulo, Gwangju, Kiev, Singapore, Havana, Thessaloniki and Sevilla. 

The artist's works are exhibited in Center Pompidou, Tate Modern, Solomon R. Guggenheim Museum, Chicago Contemporary Art Museum, Musée d'Art Moderne, Van Abbemuseum, Ludwig Museum, MUMOK, Wien Museum, Warsaw Museum of Modern Art, EMST National Museum of Contemporary Art, Istanbul Modern Art. Renowned institutions such as the Tate Modern in London, the Guggenheim Museum in New York or the Museum Ludwig in Cologne have acquired works by her.







Academia | Dr. Danuta Chmielowska,Turkologist

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Mavi Boncuk |

Chmielowska Danuta

Biography

Dr. Danuta Chmielowska - turkologist, political scientist, research and teaching employee at the University of Warsaw and the Academy of Humanities. Aleksander Gieysztor. She is the author of many articles, studies and books on culture, literature, the history of modern Turkey, Polish-Turkish relations and the Polish community in the 19th and 20th centuries. She lectured at the University of Istanbul. In the years 1995–1998, consul general in Istanbul. Member of the Editorial Board of Türk-Islam Medeniyeti, Akademik Araştirmalar Dergisi (Konya). Member of the Association of Polish Translators.

In March 2014, she was honored by the Chairman of the Turkish-Polish Parliamentary Group in TBMM (Ankara) on the occasion of the celebration of the 600th anniversary of the establishment of Polish-Turkish diplomatic relations for "helping to deepen good relations between the Polish and Turkish worlds of culture and contributing to the development of scientific cooperation between the two countries".

In April 2015, she received the ZAiKS 2014 Award for "outstanding achievements in the field of translating literature from Turkish into Polish." Author of the book Polish-Turkish diplomatic relations in the interwar period (Warsaw 2006).

Co-author of the academic textbook International Relations in the Middle East in the 20th century (in press). She is currently working on the book History of Modern Turkish Literature.

Her first translation of the story I'll Be Your Slave by Yusuf Ziya Bahadinli was published in 1975 in Przegląd Orientalistyczny. The interest it aroused among readers encouraged her to undertake tedious, difficult translation work. Stays in Turkey at various times, both for research and business purposes, allowed her to follow the tendencies of contemporary literature, which resulted in translations of works on current topics and problems of Turkish society, as well as presentations of their authors. She is the author of several articles on the problems of translating contemporary literature into Polish and papers presented at international symposia and conferences.

Her translations of Turkish prose have also appeared in magazines such as: "Widnokręti", "Kontynenty", "Nowy Wyraz", "Literatura na Świecie". In the 1980s and 1990s, valued as a translator of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, she participated in negotiations of top-level government delegations, contributing to the implementation and signing of bilateral agreements between Poland and Turkey. She also cooperated with the Polish-Turkish Parliamentary Group in the Sejm.

After returning from her mission in Turkey, she translated the following books: Orhan Pamuk, My name is Red (Warsaw 2007), Solmaz Kamuran, Kiraze. The road to the Sultan's palace (Warsaw 2009).

As Danuta Chmielowska admits, translating a collection of short stories by the young Turkish author Birgül Oğuz was a huge challenge for the translator. The topic, language and form of communication, rarely found in modern literature, will probably be of interest to Polish readers.

Coffehouse Besmele and More...

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There is a plaque with the name of Sheikh Şâzelî written on the coffee houses of almost all the lodges affiliated with various sects in Istanbul.


Our shop opens every morning with Bismillah 
Hazrat Shazelî is our master and master. 
This coffee is such a coffee that those who are calm and peaceful 
should never suffer.

Her sabah besmeleyle açılır dükkânımız 
Hazret-i Şâzelî’dir pîrimiz üstâdımız.
Bu kahve öyle bir kahvedir ki, her usûlü ha safa içinde, 
sakin olanlar çekmesin asla cefa.


(coffehouse by Presiozi)




Mavi Boncuk | 

As in many other subjects, when studying coffee culture and especially coffeehouses in the Ottoman Empire, the capital city, that is, Istanbul, is taken as the basis. The most documents available to historians on this subject are about coffeehouses in Istanbul. One of these is Tarih-i Peçevi, written by İbrahim Peçevi Efendi, one of the Ottoman historians. In his work, Peçevi states that the first coffeehouses opened in Istanbul were opened around Tahtakale in 1554 by Hakem, a merchant from Aleppo, and Şems from (Damascus) Şam. 

Of course, we do not have a clear document about the date given by Peçevi, and the basis here is nothing other than Peçevi's words.

“They opened a big shop in Tahtakale and started coffee shops. Many elegant, self-indulgent, naive, especially literate people gather here. Some read books, some play backgammon, some are immersed in chess. The nevgüfte ghazals brought by some people lead to conversations about art. Those who spend many coins and stamps to bring friends together and celebrate now come together here by paying a coin or two for coffee. Everyone except kadis, professors, bachelors, dismissed civil servants, in short, state officials, says "There is no place to have fun and relax like this" and throws the lid here. So that; “Sometimes there is not even a place to sit or stand in coffeehouses.”

“Bunlar Tahtakale’de bir büyük dükkan açıp kahvefüruşluk’a başlamışlar. Keyiflerine düşkün kimi yaranı safa özellikle okur-yazar makulesinden nice zarifler buralarda toplanır. Kimi kitap okur, kimi tavla oynar, kimi satranca gömülür. Kimilerinin getirdiği nevgüfte gazeller ise sanat üzerine konuşmalara yol açar. Dostları bir araya getirmek için nice akçeler ve pullar sarfedip şölen yapanlar artık burda bir-iki akçe kahve parası vermekle bir araya gelir oldular. Kadılar, müderrisler, bekarlar, işten atılmış memurlar, kısacası devlet büyükleri dışında herkes “Böyle eğlenecek ve gönül dinlenecek yer olmaz” deyip kapağı buraya atarlar. Öyle ki; kimi zaman kahvehanelerde oturacak ve duracak yer bile bulunmaz.”

The important point  is the fact that coffee entered the Islamic world for the first time through Aden/Yemen. It is said that the coffee is drunk especially among the Sufis here because it keeps the mind awake, according to Şazelî Sheikh Ali b. Omar (d.828/1425) or the famous jurist Muhammad b. It is stated that it was brought by Saîd ez-Zebhani (d.875/1470). In fact, it is known that coffee, whose consumption was popularized by some Sufis, aims to keep the disciples fit and not sleep during dhikr assemblies and prayers at night.

However, Ebü'l-Hasan Ali Eş-Şâzelî was accepted as the master of coffee shops in Istanbul folklore due to some rumors regarding the origin of coffee. He was born in 593 (1197) in Gumâre, near the city of Sebte (Ceuta), located in the westernmost region of North Africa. Ebü'l-Hasan al-Şâzelî did not leave any book behind, and when he was asked why he did not write a book on divine secrets and other sciences, he replied, "My books are my friends and disciples."

According to Katip Çelebi's narration, Sheikh Şazeli boiled and drank the coffee beans given to him while he and his disciple Sheikh Ahmed were chatting on the way to pilgrimage in 1258. For this reason, Sheikh Şazeli is considered a "pir" by the coffee shop owners. Depending on this acceptance, the kurukahve shopkeepers of Istanbul kept the "Ya Hazreti Şeyh Şazeli" signs in their shops until the last periods of the Ottoman Empire. Again, it was a sect tradition that almost all the lodges affiliated with various sects in Istanbul had a plaque with Sheikh Şâzelî's name written on their coffee houses, and that the dervishes preparing coffee would turn to the Şâzeliyye pir while waking up the stove and putting the coffee pot on the stove.

In 1568, coffeehouses in Eyüp, Galata and Istanbul were considered to be the same as taverns. It was banned and coffee stocks were burned. Peçevi does not oppose the closure of coffee houses.  In back streets, behind some shops, coffeehouses called "koltuk kahvesi / seat coffeehouse" are being run that leading statesmen even established coffeehouses for income and that it is recorded that they receive a daily rent of one or two gold coins each.

However, the number of coffeehouses continued to increase day by day. While it is stated that there were 50 coffeehouses in Istanbul in the last periods of the reign of Suleiman the Magnificent, this number increased in the 16th century. It reached six hundred at the end of the XIX century.. At the beginning of the century, it reached up to 2,500. Coffeehouses, whose importance increased both in number and reputation, managed to be included in the existing cultural and social life over time. It has become a place where culture is produced and consumed. It continued its existence by undergoing many changes. Although it included only male social activities, it constituted an important part of public life in the Ottoman city. The coffee house, which was seen as a marginal innovation at first, soon became normalized and became a central position meeting the economic, social and cultural needs of the society.

Venetian merchants, who tasted coffee in coffeehouses in Istanbul, took coffee to Venice in 1615. The first "coffeehouse" in Europe opened in Venice in 1645. The first person to introduce coffee to Paris was Hoşsohbet Süleyman Ağa, whom Sultan Mehmet IV sent as an ambassador to France in 1669. This ambassador, true to his name, captured the minds of Paris society with the 'magic drink' he took with him. And in 1686, the first coffeehouse in France was opened under the name "Café de Procope". This coffeehouse called Café de Procope, which quickly became the center of Paris intellectual life, is the place where many famous intellectuals such as Voltaire, Rousseau and Diderot tasted coffee for the first time. It is the birthplace of the 'Encyclopedia'. The story of the legendary Vienna cafes begins with 400 bags of coffee beans left behind by the Ottoman army after the Siege of Vienna.

The British were first introduced to coffee by Turks who visited Oxford University in 1637. England's first coffeehouse was opened in Oxford in 1650 under the name Angel. Two years later, a former Istanbul Armenian opened the first coffeehouse in London and started selling Turkish coffee. Coffee first came to North America, which is the largest consumption market in the world today, in 1668. The continent's first coffeehouse was "The King's Arms" cafe, opened in New York in 1668. In the 1770s, Portuguese traders brought the first coffees to Brazil, which is today the world's largest coffee producer.

Sheikh Şazili Tekke/Brother Lodge

It is behind Unkapanı Tekel Building. The Şazili Sect, which we have previously encountered in the description of the Ertuğrul Tekke Mosque in Beşiktaş, is a very old sect. The sect is based on Sheikh Şazili, who was the 9th among the 12 hide holders in the Hacı Bektaşi Veli dervish lodge. (Kahveci Postu) It is"Sheikh Şazili" who first discovered coffee in Moka in Arabia. (Sheikh Şazili's name in long spelling... "Ebul Hasan Ali Bin Abdullah Abdulcabbar el Şerif el Zarcilli") The sect founded by Sheikh Şazili became very widespread within the Ottoman Empire, and in this way, coffee spread throughout the Ottoman geography (Europe).

“The exact construction date of the lodge built by Ahmed Halil Ağa is not known. Since the Sheikh died at the beginning of the century, it is understood that it was built during this period. It is also mentioned in the sources with names such as "Balmumcu Şeyh Seyyid Ahmed Lodge* or "Şem'İ Şeyh Ahmed Lodge". The lodge was destroyed by a fire, and as understood from the repair inscription dated 1886-87, it was rebuilt by Abdulhamid II. The sections of the lodge, which continued its activities until 1925, except for the Tevhidhane, disappeared over time. The masjid-tevhidhane was left neglected and was used as the Zeyrek Sports Club club for a while. With the efforts of Fatih Mufti and philanthropists, it was reopened for worship in Ramadan in 1989. The walls of the rectangular planned mosque are made of stone and brick and its roof is wooden. There is a wooden dome in the middle of the ceiling, hidden under the roof.”

The Shop Walls Talk

Tradesmanship in Turkiye was nourished by the Ahi tradition,[1] which has been rooted in honesty and the importance given to sweat, exalting brotherhood and opposing unfair competition. 

Here are some sayings that decorate the walls of tradesmen's shops in Anatolia and express the values of the Ahi tradition in a poetically beautiful way.


Cook shop: 
Until the taste of every food (food) comes out of the mind (brain), Those who don't know the right to salt and bread will (eventually) disappear from their eyes. | |Her taamın (yiyeceğin) lezzeti ta ki dimağdan (beyinden) çıkar, Tuz ekmek hakkını bilmeyen akıbet(sonunda) gözden çıkar. 
Fishmonger: 
I am addicted to the people of love, I need profit, I have no goods or property, but I have my opinion.|
Ehl-i aşka müptelayım(tutkunum) nemelazım kâr benim, Mal ve mülküm yoktur amma kanaatim var benim.
Halva shop: 
I wandered around the world and could not find a crown for my head, I saw neither full nor hungry on the curve. 
Dolandım misl-i cihan bulamadım başıma bir tane tac, Ne eğride tok gördüm ne doğruda aç.

Sweet shop: 

Plain rice is not worth it, honey is needed for the cauldron, Father's wealth runs out quickly, a child is needed for the cauldron.

Sade pirinç zerde olmaz bal gerektir kazgana (kazana), Baba malı tez tükenir, evlat gerek kazana.

Barbershop: 

Our shop opens with Bismillah every morning.
Hazrat Salman Pak is our master and master.
You can't open a shop just by talking, don't worry in vain
Even if Selman-ı Pâk comes, shaving will not be free.

Her seherde besmeleyle açılır dükkanımız,
Hazret-i Selman Pak’tır pîrimiz üstadımız.
Lâfla dükkân açılmaz, boş yere etme telâş
Selmân-ı Pâk de gelse parasız olmaz tıraş.

Hammam/Bathouse:
Let the one who comes come with happiness,
May those who leave go in peace.

Gelen gelsin saadetle,
Giden gitsin selametle.

Woodshop:
You have come to pleasure, O guest, order us a coffee,
There is no chatting with the worker, just say hello and move on.

Sefa geldin ey müsafir, ısmarla kahve içelim,
İşçi ile sohbet olmaz, bir merhaba der geçelim.

Generally in shops: 

The door of the shop is the door of God, pray to God, it is like my fountain (my tears), its fountains drip even if they don't flow.

Dükkân kapusu Hak kapusu, Hakkına yalvar, Çeşmim (gözyaşım) gibidir  akmasa da damlar. 

Even though He deems loyalty worthy of man, Allah is the Helper of disgust for the truthful.

Insana sadakat yaraşır görse de ikrah Yardımcısıdır doğruların Hazreti Allah.

Our shop opens every morning with the Bismillah.
We believe in God, our glory is Muslim.
If there is a curve, it is on us, the truth is of course yours.
There is no cheating or scrap, our property is halal.
Our customers are our benefactors, our benefit is our half.
Too much of it causes harm, our profit is contentment.

Her sabah Besmeleyle açılır dükkânımız.
Hakk’a iman ederiz, Müslümandır şanımız.
Eğrisi varsa bizden, doğrusu elbet sizin.
Hilesi hurdası yok, helalinden malımız.
Müşterilerimiz velinimet, yaranımız yarimiz.

Ziyadesi zarar verir, kanaattir kârımız.

Those who are not aware of science and art will be hungry,
He remains bankrupt and obsolete, dependent on everyone.

İlim ve sanattan haberdar olmayanlar aç olur,
Müflis ve bîvâye kalur, herkese muhtaç olur.

[1]Ahilik is a tradesman solidarity organization founded by Ahi Evran with the advice of Hacı Bektaş-ı Veli. It is an organization that ensures that the Muslim Turkmen people, originally from Khorasan and living in Anatolia during the Seljuk and Ottoman periods, are trained in various professional fields such as art, commerce and economy, educates them both economically and morally, and organizes their working life based on good human virtues. They have their own rules and boards. Ahi Order, which has a similar function to today's chambers of tradesmen, is a socio-economic order where good morals, truthfulness, brotherhood, helpfulness, in short, all good virtues come together.

The Ahi organization is based on a 3-degree order. Each gate contains three degrees. These degrees are listed as follows:\

Valiant
Yamak
apprentice|
journeyman
Expert
Ahi
Caliph
Sheikh
Sheikh-ul Meshayih

Yiğit
Yamak
Çırak
Kalfa
Usta
Ahi
Halife
Şeyh
Şeyh-ül Meşayıh


Word Origins | Mangal, Izgara. Maşa

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Mavi Boncuk |




Copper bowl with riveted brass rim with two flat handles in a pan-shaped, ribbed ring with four feet and with a high truncated conical lid with ajour ornaments and knobbed handle. Pan 16.54 x 5.91 in., quadripod 20.87 x 8.66 in., lid 16.14 x 7.48 in.

Mangal: brazier EN[1]

i. (from AR menḳal “portatif soba”) Toprak, saç, bakır, pirinç vb.nden yapılıp içinde kömür yakılarak veya yanmış ateş konularak oda ısıtma, yemek pişirme gibi işlerde kullanılan, ayaklı ve taşınabilir ısıtma aracı: Al sen şu eti doğra da ben gidip mangalı yakayım (Fâik Reşat). Aşağı indim, çaydanlık bakır mangalın kenarında küle gömülmüş, demleniyor (Yusuf Z. Ortaç). Ağalar da birer ikişer mangalın başına toplanarak yârenliğe koyulurlardı (Sâmiha Ayverdi).

ѻ (Bir kimsede) Mangal kadar yürek olmak:

1. Çok yürekli, çok cesur olmak: Yâhu bu bizim Hophop Kadı’da meğerse mangal kadar yürek varmış (Kemal Tâhir).

2. Çok geniş, çok gamsız olmak. Mangal kedisi gibi: Uyuşuk, tembel.  Mangalda kül bırakmamak: Bağırıp çağırarak yapamayacağı şeyler söylemek, yüksekten atmak: Fakat bu arada sendika patronu yine mangalda kül bırakmıyor (Rauf Tamer).

Izgara – Izkara: grill, grate, gridiron [2]

i. (from GR skara)

1. Mâden veya ağaç çubukların aralıklı olarak yan yana dizilmesinden meydana gelen ve kullanılacağı yere göre çeşitli büyüklükte ve şekilde yapılan kafes veya parmaklık [Döşemelerde alt kata aydınlık vermek, aşağıdan hava almak için yapılanlara döşeme ızgarası denir].

2. inşaat. Çürük bir toprak üzerinde inşâ edilecek duvarın ağırlığını her tarafa eşit olarak yaymak için, duvar altına gelmek üzere birbirine bağlanan çubuk veya kirişlerden yapılan bir nevi kafes: “Temel ızgarası.”

3. Yan yana gelmiş mâden çubuklardan ibâret, üstünde çeşitli yiyecek, özellikle et veya balık pişirilen mutfak âleti: Ne varsa havandan, firketeden, saç maşasından ızgaraya kadar sordu (Refik H. Karay). Köşede bir ocak vardı. Izgara üstünde küçük bir kazan iriliğinde bir bakır tencere duruyordu (Kemal Tâhir).

4. sıf. ve i. Bu âlet üzerinde pişmiş (et, balık…): Bol bol ye, kuvvetli şeyler ye, hamur işi, ızgara, beslen, bir şeyin kalmaz (Ahmet H. Tanpınar).

Yunanca skará σκαρά “mangal” sözcüğünden alıntıdır. Bu sözcük Eski Yunanca esχárā εσχάρα “ocak, ateş yakılan yer, özellikle tanrılara adanan kurban etinin kızartıldığı ateş” sözcüğünden evrilmiştir. Bu sözcük Eski Yunanca esχarís εσχαρίς “mangal” sözcüğü ile eş kökenlidir.

Eski Yunanca sözcüğün etimolojisi muğlaktır. Hjalmar Frisk, Griechisches Etym. Wörterb. sf. I.577.

“et kızartma aleti” [Filippo Argenti, Regola del Parlare Turco, 1533]

schiere [skere]: graticola

“... çatma süzgeç, parmaklık” [Evliya Çelebi, Seyahatname, 1665]

cümle çulları batağa doldurup üzerleriŋe çit ve ıskara ve karaçavlar çatup Yergögi kalˁasın binā etdikleri

“... birbirini dik kesen paralel çizgilerden oluşan geometrik şekil” [Hüseyin Rahmi Gürpınar, Şık, 1889]

demir çubuklardan mamul ‘ızgara’ şeklindeki iskemleler

Maşa: tongs, pincers EN[3]

i. (from PE. māşe “kıskaç”)

1. Ateş karıştırmaya, ateş veya kızgın şeyleri tutmaya yarayan, baş tarafından bitişik, açılır kapanır iki kollu mâdenî âlet: “Mangal maşası.” “Soba maşası.” İçeride saç soba ile maşanın temâsından çıkan mâdenî bir ses (Aka Gündüz).

2. Tutmaya ve kıstırmaya yarayan bu şekildeki her çeşit âlet: “Saat maşası.” “Resim maşası.” “Pantolon maşası.”

3. Saçları kıvırmak veya düzeltmek için ateş yâhut elektrikle ısıtılarak kullanılan, açılır kapanır iki kollu âlet: Ne varsa havandan, firketeden, saç maşasından ızkaraya kadar sordu (Refik H. Karay).

4. mec. Kötü, tehlikeli veya hoş olmayan işlerde arka planda kalan biri tarafından öne sürülüp âlet gibi kullanılan kimse: Onlar birer maşadır, hiçbir zaman benimle hakîkî arkadaşlarım ve kardeşlerim arasına giremezler demişti (Hâlide E. Adıvar).

ѻ Maşa (Çingene maşası) gibi: Kara kuru ve çok zayıf kimseler için kullanılır. Maşa kadar: (Yeni doğmuş çocuklar için) Çok küçük, çok ufak. Maşa varken elini yakmak: Herhangi bir işte başkasını öne sürüp arka planda kalma imkânı varken bu imkânı kullanmayıp tehlikeye atılmak. (Bir şeyi) Maşanın ucuyle tutmak: Bir işe gereği gibi sarılmamak. (Birinin) Maşası olmak: Biri tarafından kullanılmak: Otokrasinin maşası olmakla insan olmak arasındaki ikilemi yalın bir oyunculukla aktarıyor (Milliyet Sanat).

[1] brazier (n.)

"metal container to hold live coals," 1680s, from French brasier "pan of hot coals," from Old French brasier, from brese "embers," ultimately from West Germanic *brasa (compare braze (v.1)), from PIE root *bhreu- "to boil, bubble, effervesce, burn."

[2] grill (n.)

"gridiron, grated utensil for broiling over a fire," 1680s, from French gril, from Old French greil, alteration of graille "grill, grating, railings, fencing" (13c.), from Latin craticula "gridiron, small griddle," diminutive of cratis "wickerwork," perhaps from a suffixed form of PIE *kert- "to turn, entwine." Grill-room "lunchroom where steaks, chops, etc. are grilled to order" (1869) came to be used for "informal restaurant," hence grill as a short form in this sense (by 1910). In many instances, Modern English grill is a shortened form of grille, such as "chrome front of an automobile."

grill (v.)

"to broil on a grill," 1660s, from grill (n.); figurative sense from 1842, and the specific (transitive) sense of "to subject to intense questioning" is first attested 1894. Related: Grilled; grilling.

grille (n.)

"ornamental grating," 1660s, from French grille (fem.) "grating," from Old French greille "gridiron," from Latin craticula "gridiron, small grill" (see grill (n.)). "The distinction in Fr[ench] between grille and grill ... appears to date from about the 16th c." [OED 2nd. ed. print, 1989].

creel (n.)

early 14c., "a basket or pannier for carrying on the back," originally Scottish and northern England, of unknown origin. Perhaps from Old French greil, grail "a grill," from Latin craticula "small griddle" (see grill (n.)).

The sense of "a framework" for any purpose is attested by 1788, but it is not certain these senses are the same word. Specifically "framework for holding bobbins or spools in a spinning machine" is by 1835.

griddle (n.)

shallow frying pan, early 13c., apparently from Anglo-French gridil, Old North French gredil, altered from Old French graille "grill, grating," from Latin craticula "small griddle" (see grill (n.)). Griddle-cake is from 1783.

toast

"to brown with heat," late 14c., from Old French toster "to toast, to grill, roast, burn" (12c.), from Vulgar Latin *tostare (source of Italian tostare, Spanish tostar), frequentative of Latin torrere (past participle tostus) "to parch" (from PIE root *ters- "to dry"). Related: Toasted; toasting.

barbecue (n.)

1690s, "framework for grilling meat, fish, etc.," from American Spanish barbacoa, from Arawakan (Haiti) barbakoa "framework of sticks set upon posts," the raised wooden structure the West Indians used to either sleep on or cure meat.

The sense of "outdoor feast of roasted meat or fish as a social entertainment" is from 1733; the modern popular noun sense of "grill for cooking over an open fire" is from 1931.

grate (n.)

late 14c., "grill for cooking;" early 15c., "iron bars or cagework across a door or window," from Anglo-Latin (mid-14c.), from Old French grate or directly from Medieval Latin grata "a grating, lattice," from Latin cratis "wickerwork, hurdle" (see hurdle (n.)). As a verb meaning "to fit with a grate," from mid-15c. Related: Grated; grating.

bratwurst (n.)

type of sausage, 1904, from German Bratwurst, from wurst + Brät "lean meat, finely chipped calf or swine meat," from Old High German brato (12c.), from Proto-Germanic *bred-on- "roast flesh" (source also of Old English bræd "meat, flesh;" compare brawn), from PIE root *bhreu- "to boil, bubble, effervesce, burn." German folk etymology derives Brät from braten "to roast, bake, broil, grill;" more likely both are from the same ancient source.

broiler (n.)

late 14c., "grill or gridiron used in broiling," agent noun from broil (v.1). From c. 1300 as a surname, perhaps meaning "cook who specializes in broiling." The meaning "chicken for broiling" is from 1858.

[3] tongs (n.)

Old English tange, tang "tongs, pincers, forceps, instrument for holding and lifting," from Proto-Germanic *tango (source also of Old Saxon tanga, Old Norse töng, Swedish tång, Old Frisian tange, Middle Dutch tanghe, Dutch tang, Old High German zanga, German Zange "tongs"), literally "that which bites," from PIE root *denk- "to bite" (source also of Sanskrit dasati "biter;" Greek daknein "to bite," dax "biting"). For sense evolution, compare French mordache "tongs," from mordre "to bite."

pincers (n.)

early 14c., "tool for grasping or nipping, having two hinged jaws which can be firmly closed and held together," from Old French pinceure "pincers, tongs," from pincier "to pinch" (see pinch (v.)). Applied to insect or crustacean parts from 1650s. Related: Pincer. The military pincer movement is attested by 1929.




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