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Cornucopia of Ottomania and Turcomania | Contact:mailmaviboncuk(at)
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    Mavi Boncuk |

    İstanbul 100 - 100th Anniversary of the Foundation of the Foundation of the Hungarian Scientific Institute of Constantinople - Archbishop of Budapest, Archbishop of Ybl Miklós Building and the Hungarian Institute of Istanbul at the Szent István University

    "I admit to Corbusier, the great architect, who said that the most skilful city in the world is New York, and the most beautiful city of Istanbul, and that's what I told him."
    Kós Károly

    One hundred years ago, in January 1917, the first state-founded foreign research institute of Hungary, the Hungarian Scientific Institute of Constantinople, which is also the 100th anniversary of institutionalized Hungarian cultural diplomacy, began its operations. The institute, officially founded on November 21, 1916, was one of the major Hungarian foreign policy for the Balkans following the annexation of Bosnia, which was also successful in the circumstances of the World War. Until the end of November 1918, the Institute was attended by six scholars outside Antal Hekler's director. Among them was the young Kós.

    Kós , who stayed in the Ottoman capital during the period from February 1917 until May 1918. During this time he prepared the map of the city and carried out observations on traditional Ottoman architecture, He studied the works of Master Sinan, made suggestions for the main guidelines for urban development, and, finally, all these in Istanbul . In a book summarized by the readers. The book will soon be published with the support of the Hungarian Institute of Istanbul and the Turkish publisher Yeditepe. 

    The exhibition, based on several years of archival research, opened at the Hungarian Institute in Istanbul on 9 February 2017 aims to pay tribute to the outstanding personality of Hungarian architecture and Transylvanian Hungarians Károly Kós and the founders and scholarships of the short-lived, yet pioneering Hungarian Scientific Institute of Constantinople before. This is done with three themes: The Architecht presents the life and work of Kós Kós, The second ( Stambul ) Kós gives an insight into Istanbul's activity, while the third ( The Institution ) is to present the history of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences of Constantinople for a year and a half. Let us do all this with the hope that the interested people will be able to gain insight into a previously unknown chapter of the 20th-century history of Turkish-Hungarian relations and Kós Károly's life story. 

    The exhibition was created thanks to the financial, professional and moral support of the Budapest Metropolitan Government, the Balassi Institute, the Archives of Budapest, the Szent István University, the Ybl Miklós Building Science Kara, the Hungarian National Archives, the Székely National Museum and the Kós family and the Budapest Historical Museum , The Kiscell Museum, The National Széchényi Library and the Fővárosi Szabó Ervin Library to cooperate in the preparation of the exhibition. 

    The exhibition is expected to be exhibited at several locations in Turkey during 2017.

    Károly Kós (born as Károly Kosch) December 16, 1883 – August 25, 1977) was a Hungarian architect, writer, illustrator, ethnologist and politician of Austria-Hungary and Romania.

    Born as Károly Kosch in Temesvár, Austria-Hungary (now Timișoara, Romania), he studied engineering at the University of Budapest, and only afterwards turned towards architecture (graduating from the Budapest Architecture School in 1907).[1] Already during his studies and at the start of his career, he had a special interest for the historical and traditional folk architecture, and made study trips to Kalotaszeg and the Székely Land.

    In 1914, at the start of World War I, Kós moved to Stana (Sztána). He was drafted the following year, but soon discharged on request from the Ministry of Culture. Between 1917 and 1918, he was sent on a study trip to Istanbul.

    Isma'il Pasha ordering his chibouque (Roger Fenton, 1855). 
    He's handed a chibouque; a Turkish tobacco pipe with a long stem and a red clay bowl.

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    Mavi Boncuk |
    György Kmety as Ismail Pasha in the Ottoman Army during the Crimean War, photographed by Roger Fenton in 1855.

    Isma'il Pasha in Ottoman military uniform
    Born 24 May 1813

    Felsőpokorágy (today Vyšná Pokorad, Slovakia)
    Died 25 April 1865 (aged 51)

    György Kmety (Felsőpokorágy, 24 May 1813 – London, 25 April 1865) was a general in the Hungarian army, and in the Ottoman army under the name Isma'il Pasha.
    Kmety's father was a noble but poor evangelist vicar who died in 1818, so his elder brother Pál (Paul) brought him up. Kmety completed his studies in Kežmarok and in 1833 he joined the 19th Army. At the end of 1847 he was a non-commissioned officerin Joseph Radetzky von Radetz's army as a first lieutenant. On 1 October 1848 in Győr he joined the 23rd Army Corps as a captain.
    Kmety played an important role in setting up the corps, because another captain ended up not enlisting because of illness. Kmety was leading four companies when he went with Lajos Kossuth to János Móga's camp, and with them fought the Battle of Schwechat. For this Kossuth awarded him a captaincy in the 1st Army Corps. Later he was promoted to colonel for defeating a cavalry attack. From 15 February 1849 Kmety was leading a division.

    Kmety didn't fight in the Battle of Kápolna because of Henryk Dembiński's poor leadership, although he covered the retreating Hungarian army. On 28 February 1849 Kmety won the battle against Franz Deym. On 14 April 1849 he was promoted to colonel.

    Kmety led the Hungarians to recover Buda, but he was injured. After that he was commanded to occupy the banks of the River Rába. On 13 June Kmety defeated Franz Wyss and because of this he received the general title. On 27 June Edler von Warensberg defeated Kmety and he had to move towards Vojvodina. Even though Kmety tried to rush his troops he missed the battle against Josip Jelačić.

    On 9 August Kmety joined to the Hungarian army corps at Temesvár (now Timişoara, Romania). On the left flank Kmety advanced successfully, but in other sections of the corps he also had to retreat. On 15 August Kmety defeated the Austrian Army at Lugos (now Lugoj, Romania).

    After the Surrender at Világos Kmety fled to the Ottoman Empire and he joined to the Ottoman army under the name of Isma'il, but he did not convert to Islam. The Ottoman people liked him and asked him to modernise the Ottoman army, which he did. Kmety was transferred to Aleppo with Józef Bem, where they helped to put down a serious riot.

    After Bem's death Kmety moved to London, where his first work was published. At the beginning of the Crimean War Kmety went back to the Ottoman Empire where he was defeated by the Russians at the Siege of Kars on 29 September 1855.[nb 1] When General William Fenwick Williams wanted to give up the castle, Kmety decided to engage combat with the enemy's troops. Because of that Kmety received an award from the Ottoman government.

    In 1861 Kmety retired and went back to London where he died in 1865.

    In recognition of his help, after Kmety's death the Turks erected a statue that still stands in Istanbul. Kmety never married and had no children. His brother Mihály Kmety's descendants still bear the surname "Kmety".

    Kmety, György (1852). A Refutation of Some of the Principal Mistatements in Görgei’s 'Life and Actions in Hungary in the Years 1848 and 1849' with Critical Remarks on his Character as a Military Leader. London.

    Görgey, Artur (1852). Mein Leben und Wirken in Ungarn. (Forward by György Kmety) (in German). Leipzig.

    Kmety, György (1856). A Narrative of the Defence of Kars on the 29th September, 1855. London.

    Arbanász, Ildikó; Csorba, György. Kmety György emlékirata Kars erődjének 1855. szeptember 29-i védelméről ("A Narrative of the Defence of Kars on the 29th September, 1855). Hadtörténelmi Közlemények (in Hungarian). 118 (2005).
    Hermann, Róbert (2004). Az 1848-1849-es szabadságharc nagy csatái (in Hungarian). Zrínyi. ISBN 963-327-367-6.
    Bona, Gábor (1999). Az 1848-49-es honvédsereg katonai vezetői. Rubicon (in Hungarian).
    Hermann, Róbert. Az ihászi ütközet emlékkönyve, 1849-1999 (in Hungarian). MEK.
    Kedves, Gyula (1999). "Kmety és Guyon". Rubicon (in Hungarian) (4).

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  • 08/20/17--08:46: Word origin | Racon
  • Cumhurbaşkanı Recep Tayyip Erdoğan: Eğer racon kesilecekse bu raconu bizzat kendim keserim.

    "Arkadaş sen hiç ölümün gölgesinde özgürlüğü yaşadınmı kahpesine kurşun yağdırdınmı hiç bir garibanın elinden tutupta kadere rest çektinmi dinle cicikız dinle sen sosyetenin cilalı taşlarında dans ederken ben ise parçalanmış vücudum dağılmış çenemle zulamda cıgaram suskun silahımla gelmeyen özgürlüğümü bekliyordum...Delikanlılık ne racon kesmek ne adam öldürmek nede haraç kesmektir. delikanlılık akşam olunca evine ekmek götürmektir. "[1]

    Mavi Boncuk |
    Racon:  reason EN [2] correct way of doing; method; show off; splash; way.

    "kabadayı nizamı [argo]" [ Ahmed Rasim, Şehir Mektupları, 1897]
    Galata'da racon keser, dinlemeyin.[ Osman Cemal Kaygılı, Argo Lugatı, 1932]

    Racon: Kaide, nizam, adet, usul, fiyaka.
    rom IT ragione akıl, mantık, aklı selim, usul, düzen. Latin ratio oran, gerekçe, akıl, mantık from Latin reri, rat- saymak, muhakeme etmek, akıl yürütmek +ion< IE *ərē- from IE rē(i)- saymak, akıl yürütmekcount, reason EN

    Racon: from IT ragione. road method.

    Principal Translations/Traduzioni principali
    Italiano | Inglese
    ragione (causa, fondamento di [qc]) | reason, motive n
    ragione intelletto, raziocinio) | reason n; intellect n
    ragionen (diritto, buon diritto) | right n
    ragionencommerciale (denominazione di una ditta) | name, company name, corporate name, trade name n
    ragionen (proporzione, misura) | ratio, proportion n

    [1] SOURCE Kabadayılığın raconunda; hasta, yaşlı, çocuk, kadın, sarhoş kısaca güçsüz ve aciz durumdaki ve mukabele göstermeyen insana dokunmak yoktur. 
    Hiçbir devirde etkisiz yerde yatan birine tekme atmak kimseye yakışmaz.
    Çok eskilere gitmeye gerek yok, bundan 15-20 yıl önce bile bir delikanlıya 2-3 kişi saldırsa asla yakıştırılmaz ve “delikanlıysanız tek tek gelin” denirdi.
    Zaman zaman, bu tür olaylar karşısında; “insanlık kalmamış” diye söylendiğimiz mutlaka olmuştur. 
    Kimilerine göre; kabadayılık, delikanlılık, racon kesmek gibi kavramlar tarih oldu.
    Kimilerine göre de; kendi çapında herkes kabadayı. 

    1966 yılında İhsan Birinci’nin yazdıklarına göre kabadayılar; 
    “Kahküllü saçlar üzerinde sol kaşa düşürülmüş, tepesinden yana gelen kalın ibrişim püsküllü sıfır numara kalıplı siyah fes. Kartal kanat, kısa ceket altına giyilen, patatuka denen önü iri düğmeli fermane. İçte sırt tarafına kılaptanlı aslan, kaplan, tavus kuşu yahut denizkızı işlemeli camedan denilen bir yelek. Damı bal peteği şeklinde oyuklu mintan Belde ipekli Sakız veya Trablus kuşağı Boyundan atma püsküllü, gümüş kordonu ile boğazında da önden düğmeli bir mendil.
    Alt kısmında, yarım Fransız denilen yukarısı dar, dizden aşağı genişleyen ve arka paçası, koyu mor veya siyah kadife kaplı kıvrık pantolon. Ayaklarda da beyaz çorap üstüne, yan lastikleri yürek biçiminde yumurta ökçeli, basık arkalı yarım şıpıtıklar Kuşak büklümlerinin arasındaki saldırmanın yanında, dökme pirinçten aslan başlı bir de çekecek (silahlar, bazen de camedan’ın sol taraf içinde saklanır).
    Kendilerine has yürüyüşleriyle, ara sıra silah yerlerini yoklamak suretiyle omuz atıp, seyrek adımlarla bol paçalarını bir içe, bir de dışa yalpalarlar.
    “Heeeyt Var mı bana yan bakan? Bu kadar tilki divanı sana yeter, lafına yekûn tut da bas git” 
    Bilhassa kabadayılar, aralarındaki anlaşmazlığı böyle yüksekten atıp halledemezlerse, seçecekleri bir mahalde, güvendikleri kimselerin önünde meramlarını anlatırlardı. Verilen karara da boyun eğmek mecburiyetindeydiler.
    Buna, aslı İtalyanca olan “Racon kesme” denirdi. Taraflardan biri, kesilen racona itiraz ederse, o muhitten (bir daha gelmemek üzere) uzaklaştırılırdı. Şayet her ikisi de kabul etmezse, dava silahla neticelenir ve heyet de bu suretle “Madra” olmuş olurdu.
    Böyle kişiler; efendi kabadayılar, tulumbacılar ve külhanbeyler olarak sınıflandırılmıştı.
    Külhanbeylerin ekserisi polise eyvallah deyip hizmet ederler, menfaatleri icabı, kendi gibileriyle dalaşırlardı. Bunların arasında bir de “sulu” denilen zümre vardı. Suluların mevkii daha aşağıydı. 
    Tulumbacı kabadayılar yalnız yangınlarda görünürlerdi. Çatışmaları tamamen takımlar arası rekabetten ibaretti. Bunların arasında bir de Rum kabadayılar vardı ki, vurucu, kırıcı kasa hırsızlığı yaparlardı.
    Esas kabadayılar, daha ziyade dürüstlüğü ile muhitinin hamisi vasfında olanlarıydı. Bu kişiler, efendiydiler. Kendilerine göre adet ve örfleriyle, koydukları kaideye uymaya mecburdurlar. Giyinişleri bile normale yakın olup, silahlarını gizleme bakımından pardesüsüz bile gezmezlerdi. 
    Zayıfı ve bilhassa ırz ehlini korur, bu yoldan azıcık inhiraflı (sapma) görülenleri de yok ederlerdi. Vasıfları çizilen bu tiplerin silahları da, saldırma, kama, makine (tabanca) söğüt yaprağı bıçak ve o zamanları pek makbul sayılan Sheffield marka sustalı idi.
    Topkapı, Mevlanekapı, Çeşmemeydanı, Yeşiltulumba, meşhur kabadayıların mekanı idi. Eski İstanbul’un Birinci Daire (Fatih,) Dördüncü Daire (Cerrahpaşa,) Altıncı Daire (Beyoğlu) diye ayırdığı bu mühim yerlerde, o zamanlar tüfekle mücehhez dört askerle bir polis kol gezerek, şehrin asayişini temine çalışırlardı.
    Bir dönemin kabadayıları; Tıflıbozzade Kahraman Bey, Arap Abdullah, Sarraf Niyazi, Arif Bey, Matlı Mustafa, Ziya, Topal Tevfik, Kadırgalı Kör Emin, Arap Dilaver, Kavanoz Mehmed, Karamürselli Tahir, Laf Turan, Mevlanekapılı Hilmi, Arnavut Halil, İzmirli Nazif, Elbasanlı Ramazan, Boğazkesenli Abdi, Dökmeci Hayrullah, Köşklü Ahmed, Kadayıfçı Ali, Kazaskerin Ahmed, Yenibahçeli Lütfü, Aynacı Bekir, Balıkçı Deli Ahmed, Martdokuzu Ali, Kayyum Ali Bey, Karacaahmetli Asaf, Vidinli Ali, Ara Ahmed ve Tatlıcı Raif.” 
    Günümüzde efendi kabadayılar kalmadı. 
    Dürüstlüğü ile muhitinin hamisi vasfında olan, kendilerine göre adet ve örfleriyle, koydukları kaideye uyan, zayıfı ve bilhassa ırz ehlini koruyan, kabadayıların yerini şimdi ne yazık ki; yüzlerce silahlı korumayla dolaşan, zayıf ve aciz kalmış, yerde yatan insanı bile tekmeleyen, yumruk atan sahte kabadayılar aldı.
    Bana göre onlara; sahte kabadayı bile denmez...

    [2] reason (n.) : c. 1200, "intellectual faculty that adopts actions to ends," also "statement in an argument, statement of explanation or justification," from Anglo-French resoun, Old French raison "course; matter; subject; language, speech; thought, opinion," from Latin rationem (nominative ratio) "reckoning, understanding, motive, cause," from ratus, past participle of reri "to reckon, think," from PIE root *re- "to reason, count."

    Reason is never a root, neither of act nor desire. 
    [Robinson Jeffers, "Meditation on Saviors"]

    Meaning "sanity; degree of intelligence that distinguishes men from brutes" is recorded from late 13c. Sense of "grounds for action, motive, cause of an event" is from c. 1300. Middle English sense of "meaning, signification" (early 14c.) is in the phrase rhyme or reason. Phrase it stands to reason is from 1630s. Age of Reason "the Enlightenment" is first recorded 1794, as the title of Tom Paine's book.

    reason (v.) :early 14c., resunmen, "to question (someone)," also "to challenge," from Old French raisoner "speak, discuss; argue; address; speak to," from Late Latin rationare "to discourse," from ratio "reckoning, understanding, motive, cause," from ratus, past participle of reri "to reckon, think," from PIE root *re- "to reason, count." Intransitive sense of "to think in a logical manner" is from 1590s; transitive sense of "employ reasoning (with someone)" is from 1847. Related: Reasoned; reasoning.

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    Dark horses whinnied, leather whip cracked
    The wagon hesitated a moment but
    Then came to life with six springs underneath
    Caravansaries passed before my eyes
    I was going, in me feeling of homesickness
    From Ulukisla road to Central Anatolia.
    Like first love, first hurt, first separation!
    The air warming with the fire burned by my heart,
    Yellow sky,yellow land, yellow naked trees...
    Behind me ranging highTaurus.
    Ahead slopes faded by a long winter,
    Then turning. and moaning while turning wheels...

    (crowd translate anyone)

    Mavi Boncuk |

    -Osmanzade Hamdi Bey'e-
    Yağız atlar kişnedi, meşin kırbaç şakladı,
    Bir dakika araba yerinde durakladı.
    Neden sonra sarsıldı altımda demir yaylar,
    Gözlerimin önünden geçti kervansaraylar...
    Gidiyordum, gurbeti gönlümle duya duya,
    Ulukışla yolundan Orta Anadolu'ya.
    İlk sevgiye benzeyen ilk acı, ilk ayrılık!
    Yüreğimin yaktığı ateşle hava ılık,
    Gök sarı, toprak sarı, çıplak ağaçlar sarı...
    Arkada zincirlenen yüksek Toros Dağları,
    Önde uzun bir kışın soldurduğu etekler,
    Sonra dönen, dönerken inleyen tekerlekler...
    Ellerim takılırken rüzgârların saçına
    Asıldı arabamız bir dağın yamacına.
    Her tarafta yükseklik, her tarafta ıssızlık,
    Yalnız arabacının dudağında bir ıslık!
    Bu ıslıkla uzayan, dönen kıvrılan yollar,
    Uykuya varmış gibi görünen yılan yollar
    Başını kaldırarak boşluğu dinliyordu.
    Gökler bulutlanıyor, rüzgâr serinliyordu.
    Serpilmeye başladı bir yağmur ince ince.
    Son yokuş noktasından düzlüğe çevrilince
    Nihayetsiz bir ova ağarttı benzimizi.
    Yollar bir şerit gibi ufka bağladı bizi.
    Gurbet beni muttasıl çekiyordu kendine.
    Yol, hep yol, daima yol... Bitmiyor düzlük yine.
    Ne civarda bir köy var, ne bir evin hayali,
    Sonunda ademdir diyor insana yolun hali,
    Arasıra geçiyor bir atlı, iki yayan.
    Bozuk düzen taşların üstünde tıkırdıyan
    Tekerlekler yollara bir şeyler anlatıyor,
    Uzun yollar bu sesten silkinerek yatıyor...
    Kendimi kaptırarak tekerleğin sesine
    Uzanmış kalmışım yaylının şiltesine.

    Bir sarsıntı... Uyandım uzun süren uykudan;
    Geçiyordu araba yola benzer bir sudan.
    Karşıda hisar gibi Niğde yükseliyordu,
    Sağ taraftan çıngırak sesleri geliyordu:
    Ağır ağır önümden geçti deve kervanı,
    Bir kenarda göründü beldenin viran hanı.
    Alaca bir karanlık sarmadayken her yeri
    Atlarımız çözüldü, girdik handan içeri.
    Bir deva bulmak için bağrındaki yaraya
    Toplanmıştı garipler şimdi kervansaraya.
    Bir noktada birleşmiş vatanın dört bucağı,
    Gurbet çeken gönüller kuşatmıştı ocağı.
    Bir pırıltı gördü mü gözler hemen dalıyor,
    Göğüsler çekilerek nefesler daralıyor.
    Şişesi is bağlamış bir lambanın ışığı
    Her yüzü çiziyordu bir hüzün kırışığı.
    Gitgide birer ayet gibi derinleştiler
    Yüzlerdeki çizgiler, gözlerdeki cizgiler...
    Yatağımın yanında esmer bir duvar vardı,
    Üstünde yazılarla hatlar karışmışlardı;
    Fani bir iz bırakmış burda yatmışsa kimler,
    Aygın baygın maniler, açık saçık resimler...
    Uykuya varmak için bu hazin günde, erken,
    Kapanmayan gözlerim duvarlarda gezerken
    Birdenbire kıpkızıl birkaç satırla yandı;
    Bu dört mısra değil, sanki dört damla kandı.
    Ben garip çizgilere uğraşırken başbaşa
    Raslamıştım duvarda bir şair arkadaşa;
    "On yıl var ayrıyım Kınadağı'ndan
    Baba ocağından yar kucağından
    Bir çiçek dermeden sevgi bağından
    Huduttan hududa atılmışım ben"
    Altında da bir tarih: Sekiz mart otuz yedi...
    Gözüm imza yerinde başka ad görmedi.
    Artık bahtın açıktır, uzun etme, arkadaş!
    Ne hudut kaldı bugün, ne askerlik, ne savaş;
    Araya gitti diye içlenme baharına,
    Huduttan götürdüğün şan yetişir yârına!...
    Ertesi gün başladı gün doğmadan yolculuk,
    Soğuk bir mart sabahı... Buz tutuyor her soluk.
    Ufku tutuşturmadan fecrin ilk alevleri
    Arkamızda kalıyor şehrin kenar evleri.
    Bulutların ardında gün yanmadan sönüyor,
    Höyükler bir dağ gibi uzaktan görünüyor...
    Yanımızdan geçiyor ağır ağır kervanlar,
    Bir derebeyi gibi kurulmuş eski hanlar.
    Biz bu sonsuz yollarda varıyoruz, gitgide,
    İki dağ ortasında boğulan bir geçide.
    Sıkı bir poyraz beni titretirken içimden
    Geçidi atlayınca şaşırdım sevincimden:
    Ardımda kalan yerler anlaşırken baharla,
    Önümüzdeki arazi örtülü şimdi karla.
    Bu geçit sanki yazdan kışı ayırıyordu,
    Burada son fırtına son dalı kırıyordu...
    Yaylımız tüketirken yolları aynı hızla,
    Savrulmaya başladı karlar etrafımızda.
    Karlar etrafı beyaz bir karanlığa gömdü;
    Kar değil, gökyüzünden yağan beyaz ölümdü...
    Gönlümde can verirken köye varmak emeli
    Arabacı haykırdı "İşte Araplıbeli!"
    Tanrı yardımcı olsun gayrı yolda kalana
    Biz menzile vararak atları çektik hana.
    Bizden evvel buraya inen üç dört arkadaş
    Kurmuştular tutuşan ocağa karşı bağdaş.
    Çıtırdayan çalılar dört cana can katıyor,
    Kimi haydut, kimi kurt masalı anlatıyor...
    Gözlerime çökerken ağır uyku sisleri,
    Çiçekliyor duvarı ocağın akisleri.
    Bu akisle duvarda çizgiler beliriyor,
    Kalbime ateş gibi şu satırlar giriyor;
    "Gönlümü çekse de yârin hayali
    Aşmaya kudretim yetmez cibali
    Yolcuyum bir kuru yaprak misali
    Rüzgârın önüne katılmışım ben"
    Sabahleyin gökyüzü parlak, ufuk açıktı,
    Güneşli bir havada yaylımız yola çıktı...
    Bu gurbetten gurbete giden yolun üstünde
    Ben üç mevsim değişmiş görüyordum üç günde.
    Uzun bir yolculuktan sonra İncesu'daydık,
    Bir handa, yorgun argın, tatlı bir uykudaydık.
    Gün doğarken bir ölüm rüyasıyla uyandım,
    Başucumda gördüğüm şu satırlarla yandım!
    "Garibim namıma Kerem diyorlar
    Aslı'mı el almış haram diyorlar
    Hastayım derdime verem diyorlar
    Maraşlı Şeyhoğlu Satılmış'ım ben"
    Bir kitabe kokusu duyuluyor yazında,
    Korkarım, yaya kaldın bu gurbet çıkmazında.
    Ey Maraşlı Şeyhoğlu, evliyalar adağı!
    Bahtına lanet olsun aşmadınsa bu dağı!
    Az değildir, varmadan senin gibi yurduna,
    Post verenler yabanın hayduduna kurduna!..
    Arabamız tutarken Erciyes'in yolunu:
    "Hancı dedim, bildin mi Maraşlı Şeyhoğlu'nu?"
    Gözleri uzun uzun burkuldu kaldı bende,
    "Hana sağ indi, ölü çıktı geçende!"
    Yaşaran gözlerimde her şey artık değişti,
    Bizim garip Şeyhoğlu buradan geçmemişti...
    Gönlümü Maraşlı'nın yaktı kara haberi.
    Aradan yıllar geçti işte o günden beri
    Ne zaman yolda bir han rastlasam irkilirim,
    Çünkü sizde gizlenen dertleri ben bilirim.
    Ey köyleri hududa bağlayan yaşlı yollar,
    Dönmeyen yolculara ağlayan yaslı yollar!
    Ey garip çizgilerle dolu han duvarları,
    Ey hanların gönlümü sızlatan duvarları!..
    Faruk Nafiz ÇAMLIBEL[1]

    [1] Faruk Nafiz Çamlibel -- Poet and writer (b. 18 May 1898, İstanbul – d. 8 November 1973). He used the pen names İsmail Vecih, Kalender and Tatlı Sert. He attended the Bakırköy Elementary School and Hadıka-ı Meşveret High School. Before completing his university education at the School of Medicine, he began to work as a teacher in Kayseri (1922). For many years, he worked as a teacher of literature in Ankara and İstanbul. After 1946, he embarked on politics and after being elected as a deputy for the Democrat Party, he served in the parliament. He was tried on Yassıada together with other politicians from Democrat Party after the military coup on 27 May 1960. He was imprisoned for about 15 months. After being acquitted, he left politics and focused on poetry. He died of an heart attack during a voyage on the Mediterranean Sea in 1973. His grave is in Zincirlikuyu Graveyard.
    He began to write poems during World War I, by writing poems in aruz meter. With his great success in writing poems with syllabic meter, he was accepted as one of the five poets of poetry in syllabic meter. However, in his last years, he began to write his poems in aruz meter again. His most famous poem is Han Duvarları (Walls of the Inn), where he explains his impressions in Kayseri via the route of Ulukışla. Faruk Nafiz, who published a review with the title Anayurt (1933), published his satiric poems in humor reviews such as Akbaba and Karikatür, with the pen names Çamdeviren and Deli Ozan.
    POETRY: Şarkın Sultanları (Sultans of the East, in aruz meter, 1919), Gönülden Gönüle (From Heart to Heart, in aruz meter, 1919), Çoban Çeşmesi (The Shepherd Fountain, 1919, the poem Han Duvarları - Walls of the Inn is in this work), Dinle Neyden (Listen from the Nay, 1919), Suda Halkalar (The Hoops on the Water, in aruz meter, 1928), Bir Ömür Böyle Geçti (A Life Passed Like This, selected poems, 1933), Elimle Seçtiklerim (Selected by My Hand, selected poems, 1934), Akarsu (The River, 1937), Akıncı Türküleri (Songs of the Raiders, 1938), Heyecan ve Sükûn (Excitement and Calmness, selected poems, 1959), Zindan Duvarları (Walls of the Dungeon, in aruz meter, 1967), Han Duvarları (Walls of the Inn, selected poems, 1969), Gurbet ve Saire (Living Far Away from Homeland and Et Cetera, a selection of poems published with Han Duvarları – The Walls of Inn and Bir Ömür Böyle Geçti – A Life Passed Like This, 2003).

    PLAY: Canavar (The Monster, play in prose, 1925), Akın (The Raid, play in prose, 1932), Özyurt (Homeland, 1932), Kahraman (The Hero, 1933), Ateş (Fire, 1939), Dev Aynası (The Mirror of Titan, 1945), Yayla Kartalı (Eagle of High Plateau, 1945).

    NOVEL: Yıldız Yağmuru (Rain of Stars, 1945). 

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    Poetry Challenge | Best in Turkish Poetry

    Translation anyone!

    Mavi Boncuk |

    Orhan Veli Kanık: İstanbul'u Dinliyorum, Cımbızlı Şiir, Dedikodu, Güzel Havalar

    Cemal Süreya: Fotoğraf

    Faruk Nafiz Çamlıbel: Han Duvarları

    Attila İlhan: Cinayet Saati, Böyle Bir Sevmek, Ben Sana Mecburum, Aysel Git Başımdan, Sisler Bulvarı, Üçüncü Şahsın Şiiri

    Nazım Hikmet Ran: Ceviz Ağacı, Mavi Gözlü Dev, Minnacık Kadın ve Hanımelleri

    Ahmet Haşim: Merdiven

    Yahya Kemal Beyatlı: Sessiz Gemi, Akıncılar

    Aşık Veysel Şatıroğlu: Uzun İnce Bir Yoldayım

    Yunus Emre: Aşkın Aldı Benden Beni, İlim İlim Bilmektir, Selam Olsun, Şöyle Garip Bencileyin

    Mehmet Akif Ersoy: İstiklal Marşı

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    Mavi Boncuk |  

    Feyyaz Berker (b. October 7, 1925, Mersin, Turkey- d. August 22, 2017, Istanbul, Turkey) was a Turkish businessman. He was one of the three co-founders and current owners of the Tekfen Holding. 

    His father, Muhtar Berker, an ophthalmologist in Mersin, was elected to Grand National Assembly of Turkey in 1939 as İçel deputy. When his family moved to Ankara, Feyyaz had transferred to Robert College of Istanbul, from Tarsus American College. In 1946, he graduated from Robert College with a diploma in civil engineering and moved to the United States for a master's degree at University of Michigan. When he returned to Turkey in 1949, he worked in the construction of Esenboğa International Airport (Ankara) for a year. In 1950, he founded Tekfen Holding[1] with Nihat Gökyiğit, his friend from Robert College, and Necati Akçağlılar (1924 - 2011).


    Feyyaz Berker was born on the 7th of October, 1925 in Mersin, the son of Muhtar Berker. He attended primary school at the "İleri Primary School" in Mersin.

    His father was a greatly respected ophthalmologist. During the years of the National Struggle for Independence, Muhtar Bey provided medicine and supplies for a 10-bed hospital that was established to care for the wounded soldiers in a city where there wasn't even a single dispensary. Muhtar Berker's wish was for his son to become a doctor, like himself. However, although Feyyaz Berker had great respect for the medical profession, he made the decision to pursue a career in a different field.

    One of Feyyaz Berker's strongest memories from the years he spent in Mersin is of the visit to the city by Atatürk. Because Feyyaz Berker was just a small child at the time of Atatürk's first visit and because Atatürk was not well during his visit to Mersin on the 20th of May in 1938, the two never met. All the same, these two visits make up the foundation for Feyyaz Berker's great love and respect for Atatürk.

    After Feyyaz Berker completed his primary education, he continued his education at the American College in Tarsus. He first became acquainted with the American system of education that values and supports freedom and personal development at this school.

    In 1939, when his father was chosen as the senator for the state of İçel in the 6th Session, he moved to Ankara with the family. For this reason, he had to leave Tarsus American College but in order to continue his education in English, Feyyaz Berker was sent to boarding school at Robert College in Istanbul in the fall of 1939.

    In his own words, Feyyaz Berker notes that the years he spent at Robert College played an important role in defining his future. Although the years of World War II brought a number of hardships, Berker continued as a successful student.

    While Turkey never entered the war, the years of World War II created many economic hardships. A great percentage of the national resources were put aside for military defense in case of a military threat. In addition, because of military procurement, agricultural output was greatly reduced. In 1942, the unforgettable implementation of a rationing system aimed to control the consumption of wheat. Yet another memorable feature of these years were the night-time blackouts that plunged the cities into darkness.

    Because its administrators had planned ahead for these difficult times, Robert College had a stock of food and coal. As of result of these precautions from 1939 - 1946, while Feyyaz Berker was at the school, there was never a stoppage at the college.

    The American educational system that included such ideals as "personal discipline" and "non-academic social activities" that Berker first encountered at Tarsus American College were also part of his Robert College education. Robert College taught its students educational discipline, thinking for oneself and speaking one's ideas freely. Feyyaz Berker felt that this liberal environment that prized individual creativity and the ability to think in many facets was the same environment that would allow Turkey to develop and progress.

    Since his childhood, Feyyaz Berker had always been interested in sports, and at Robert College, he found the opportunity to engage in many different branches. He believed that involvement in sports had a great effect on personal development, and so he participated in basketball, tennis, volleyball, table tennis and a variety of other sports. He was also a permanent member of the football team.

    I am in favor of young people making the most of their free time through sports. Participating in sports brings with it a sense of sportsmanship; it builds character. You feel both happiness and sadness as a result of your efforts, but in the end, you are playing a team sport. This is something that team spirit and competition provide.
    Graduating from the high school section of Robert College in 1942, Feyyaz Berker continued in the engineering faculty of the same school's university. There were three alternative departments in the School of Engineering that he was able to choose from: Road and Civil Engineering, Electrical Engineering and Mechanical Engineering. Berker chose Civil Engineering.

    When Berker graduated from Robert College in 1946, it was a time of political cooperation between the two countries, and he went to America to continue his education. He gained acceptance at the University of Michigan, one of the oldest and most established schools in the field of civil engineering.

    On the one hand, while he continued his education, in order to earn some cash, he began to work on weekends and during the summer. He found a job on the assembly line at the Kaiser-Frazer automobile factory that was created in Willow Run, Michigan. At that time, the factory was the world's largest complex. During the time he worked here, in addition to the practical skills he acquired, Feyyaz Berker also gained new perspectives related to work and life philosophies.

    When Feyyaz Berker graduated from the University of Michigan in 1948 with his advanced Engineering degree, he did not return immediately to Turkey. He stayed in the United States to gain further experience. He found a job in California at a construction firm. This job, where he worked for one year, provided him with important experiences.

    "What I would say to young people studying in America is this: Stay in America and work for one year. This will be an experience you will make use of throughout your entire life."
    In1949, Feyyaz Berker returned to his family in Ankara. After he completed his military service as a reserve officer in Ankara, he began to work as a construction manager at the Ankara Esenboğa Airport. When work on the airport was completed, he was assigned a job in the main office's research and lab division. The work Feyyaz Berker did at this period in his life at what was perhaps the only laboratory specializing in this area, provided him with a sound background and practice. It also provided him with the inspiration in 1956 to found the Feyyaz-Nihat (FN) Consulting Company working in a similar field.

    Areas of Social Responsibilities
    TÜSIAD (Turkish Industrialists' and Buinessmen's Association), Founder and Chairman of the Board Advisory Council Vice Chairman, Advisory Council Chairman, Honorary
    DEIK (Foreign Economic Relations Board), Chief Officer, Vice Chairman and Chairman of the Executive Board, Honorary Member
    TAPV (Turkish Family Health and Planning Foundation), Founder and Assistant Chairman of the Board, Chairman of the Board
    HEV (Hisar Education Foundation), Chairman
    MESS (Turkish Metal Industrialists' Syndicate), Member of High Advisory Board
    TISK (Conferderation of Employer Associations), Member of Advisory Board
    TUSEV (Third Sector Foundation of Turkey), Founder and Trustee
    TESEV (Turkish Economics and Social Studies Foundation), Board of Directors and Trustee
    TEMA, Founder and Trustee (Foundation for Combating Soil Erosion)
    DENIZTEMIZ TURMEPA (Marine Environment Protection Association), Founding Member
    TEGV (Education Volunteers Foundation of Turkey), Founder and Trustee
    TGV (Foundation for Advancing Technology), Founder and Trustee
    Robert College, Trustee
    Robert College, Member of Alumni Association
    Bosphorous University, Member of Advisory Committee
    American Conference Board Member, New York
    Stanford Research Institute, Member

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    The nominations for the 2017 Academy Awards will be announced on Jan. 23, 2018. The ceremony takes place March 4. 

     Mavi Boncuk |

    Fatih Akin’s Cannes hit “In the Fade” has been chosen as Germany’s official candidate for the best foreign language film Oscar. The film has already garnered potential awards season buzz around the performance of lead actress Diane Kruger, who won the best actress award at the Cannes Film Festival in May, where the film world-premiered in official competition.

    The selection was made from a choice of 11 films submitted to an independent nine-person jury appointed by national film-promotion body German Films. The choice was announced Thursday by jury representative Rainer Matsutani of the German Directors Guild at a press conference in Munich attended by Akin.

    See Mavi Boncuk Posting on "In the Fade"

    A statement from the jury said: “‘In the Fade’ is at the same time a drama, a court movie and a thriller. Fatih Akin relates law and justice, revenge and pain – with complexity, unsparingly, and with a stirring narrative. The film gives a political issue a human face and unfolds with a ripple effect from which the audience cannot escape, from the first to the very last minute.”

    Magnolia Pictures took North American rights on the film earlier this month. The Match Factory is handling worldwide sales on the film, which has sold in more than 30 territories.

    “In the Fade” was produced by Bombero International and Warner Bros. Film Productions Germany, in co-production with Corazon International and the French Macassar Productions and Pathe. The production was funded by Filmfoerderung Hamburg Schleswig-Holstein, the German Federal Film Fund, the Federal Government Commissioner for Culture and the Media, Film und Medienstiftung NRW, and the German Federal Film Board.

    The nominations for the 2017 Academy Awards will be announced on Jan. 23, 2018. The ceremony takes place March 4.

    Source Variety

    Film Review: ‘In the Fade’

    REVIEW | Jay Weissberg

    MAY 26, 2017 | 

    Diane Kruger’s beautifully modulated performance as a woman seeking justice following the neo-Nazi murder of her husband and son anchors this skilled though familiar drama.

    First off: Fatih Akin’s “The Cut” was an aberration, as we all suspected. The director celebrated for his edgy takes on intriguing characters more or less returns with “In the Fade,” a well-constructed, at times moving story of a Hamburg woman seeking justice after the murder of her Kurdish husband and son by a couple of Neo-Nazis. “More or less” because the excellent first quarter gives way to a relatively standard-issue though handsomely produced legal drama with several stock characters and a script that feels too guided by the presumed requirements of mainstream cinema. Diane Kruger’s powerhouse performance in her first German-language production goes a long way toward compensating for the narrative’s dip into overly crystalline waters, and international sales have been unsurprisingly brisk given the film’s incontrovertible general appeal.

    For good or bad, Akin has to grapple with the fact that everyone continues to compare his recent films with “Head-On,” one of those rare, hip crossover movies with appeal to critics and general audiences alike. Given the theme and Kruger’s incandescence, “In the Fade” may do better business, and Rainer Klausmann’s confidently fluid camerawork just gets better and better, yet Akin’s script, co-written like last year’s “Goodbye Berlin” with Hark Bohm, keeps numerous side characters as half-drawn caricatures and then, toward the very end, makes several poor choices. Still, the deeply troubling rise of the far right, and news of racist violence, add to the topicality.

    Shaky cell phone footage starts things off right, recording the boisterous Big House wedding of jailed drug dealer Nuri Şekerci (Numan Acar) to trashy bottle-blonde Katja (Kruger). That cuts to the present, with Nuri set up in business, Katja his bookkeeper, and six-year-old adorable son Rocco (Rafael Santana) completing the happy picture. Akin impressively shorthands the tight-knit, playful family dynamic so we feel invested in their lives within a remarkably quick time, making the tragedy that comes next truly wrenching.

    Katja leaves Rocco with Nuri at the office while she goes to a spa with friend Brigit (Samia Chancrin). On return, she finds police barricades and learns that a bomb killed her loved ones. Kruger’s ability to convey fierce inner strength while also falling apart makes Katja the kind of character you want to follow, and the subsequent scenes of her in mourning, negotiating the prejudices of parents and in-laws while the cops leap to conclusions given Nuri’s jail time, bring a well-earned lump to the throat.

    The investigation latches onto Katja’s recollection of a young German woman she noticed leaving a bike outside Nuri’s office shortly before the explosion. Soon the woman, Edda Möller (Hanna Hilsdorf) and her husband André (Ulrich Friedrich Brandhoff) are arrested and the trial of these two neo-Nazi sympathizers begins. Katja’s friend Danilo Fava (Denis Moschitto) is prosecuting attorney, pitted against nasty defense lawyer Haberbeck (Johannes Krisch).

    The courtroom scenes, visually conceived in b&w tonalities, have an equally black-and-white feel in how they play out: The prominent unpleasant scab on Haberbeck’s forehead practically screams “sleazebag mouthpiece,” and Danilo’s rousing speech of indignant righteousness comes exactly when expected. The case is well-argued but the Möllers, obviously guilty, get off when the judges declare reasonable doubt. A gutted Katja decides to take justice into her own hands.

    One scene in particular stands out above the rest: After the bombing when the cops have no leads, Katja is at her lowest point. In an overhead shot, we see her in the bathtub, blood from her slit wrists gently wafting through the water. The phone rings, she slowly sinks into the reddened water, but before going completely under hears Danilo’s voice on the machine saying the police have arrested Edda. Katja’s head emerges from the side of the tub, covered in blood but determined to go to trial. The well-balanced sequence is equally affecting and stylish; from this moment on, the film moves into faultlessly constructed but too familiar territory.

    Although Katja is well-conceived (multiple tattoos and a bad dye job ground the character in her working class past), her milieu doesn’t make sense. Her large house with garden and matte black BMW don’t fit the profile, and there’s something off about the explanation of how she and Nuri could afford such a home. It’s OK not knowing much about the Möllers, since this isn’t their film (although Edda’s father Jürgen, well-played by Ulrich Tukur, has a nice turn during the trial), but too many roles feel like workshopped accumulations of specific characteristics fitted to a particular need in the story, rather than three-dimensional figures.

    DP Klausmann knows to keep his camera as much as possible on Kruger’s grounded performance, assured yet inhabiting the borders of fragility. Lensing of the early scenes has a suitably playful energy, giving way to more sober movements and stillness as the torrential Hamburg skies weep for Katja’s loss. The film’s German title translates to “out of nothingness,” which feels more apt than the English “In the Fade.”

    Film Review: 'In the Fade'
    Reviewed at Cannes Film Festival (competing), May 26, 2017. Running time: 95 MIN. (Original title: “Aus dem nichts”)
    (Germany-France) A Warner Bros. Pictures presentation of a Bombero Intl., Warner Bros. Film Prods., Macassar Prods., Pathé, Dorje Film, Corazón Intl. production, in cooperation with Canal Plus, Ciné Plus. (International sales: The Match Factory, Cologne.) Producers: Nurhan Şekerci-Porst, Fatih Akin, Herman Weigel. Co-producers: Mélita Toscan du Plantier, Marie-Jeanne Pascal, Jérôme Seydoux, Sophie Seydoux, Ardavan Safaee, Alberto Fanni, Flaminio Zadra.
    Director, writer: Fatih Akin. Co-writer: Hark Bohm. Camera (color, widescreen): Rainer Klausmann. Editor: Andrew Bird. Music: Joshua Homme.

    Diane Kruger, Denis Moschitto, Johannes Krisch, Samia Chancrin, Numan Acar, Ulrich Tukur, Rafael Santana, Hanna Hilsdorf, Ulrich Friedrich Brandhoff, Hartmut Loth, Ioannis Economides, Karin Neuhauser, Uwe Rohde, Asim Demirel, Aysel Iscan. (German, English, Greek dialogue)

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    Mavi Boncuk |

    Garp Cephesi Kumandanlığı 

    Türkiye Büyük Millet Meclisi Orduları

    Afyonkarahisar- Dumlupınar büyük meydan muharebesinde zalim ve mağrur bir ordunun anâsır-ı asliyesini inanılmayacak kadar az bir zamanda imha ettiniz. Büyük ve necib milletimizin fedakarlıklarına layık olduğunuzu ispat ediyorsunuz. Sahibimiz olan büyük Türk Milleti istikbalinden emin olmaya haklıdır. Muharebe meydanlarındaki maharet ve fedakarlıklarınızı yakından müşahade ve takip ediyorum. Milletimizin hakkınızdaki takdirlerine delalet etme vazifemi mütevaliyen ve mütemadiyen ifa edeceğim.
    Başkomutanlığa teklifatta bulunulmasını Cephe Komutanlığına emrettim.
    Bütün arkadaşlarımın Anadolu da daha başka meydan muharebeleri verileceğini nazar-ı dikkate alarak ilerlemesini ve herkesin kuvây-ı akliyesini ve menâbi-i celâdet ve himmetini müsabaka ile ibzale devam eylemesini talep ederim.

    Ordular! İlk hedefiniz Akdeniz dir İleri!

    Türkiye Büyük Millet Meclisi Reisi



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  • 08/26/17--12:19: Aylav You Academy Awards
  • Turkey Selects True-Life Drama ‘Ayla’ as Foreign-Language Oscar Entry. 

    The nominations for the 2017 Academy Awards will be announced on Jan. 23, 2018. The ceremony takes place March 4.

    Turkey has submitted films for consideration in the Oscar best foreign-language film category on 23 previous occasions but has yet to receive a nomination. In 2014, the country submitted Nuri Bilge Ceylan’s Cannes Palme d’Or winner “Winter Sleep.”

    Mavi Boncuk | SOURCE

    Can Ulkay’s “Ayla” has been selected as Turkey’s official candidate for the best foreign-language film Oscar, it was announced Friday. Based on the true story of a Turkish veteran of the Korean War, “Ayla” follows its characters against the background of the war in 1950 and revisits them in this century.

    The film tells the story of a soldier who risks his own life to save a young girl he finds half-frozen and on the verge of death, smuggling her into his army base. Despite being unable to communicate with each other, the two form a strong bond. When the war ends and the soldier must return home, he cannot bear to abandon the girl but is forced to hand her over to an orphanage, hoping one day to be reunited with her. The pair were finally reunited 60 years later.

    Ismail Hacioglu stars as the young soldier, with Cetin Tekindor playing him as an older man. Kim Seol and Lee Kyung-Jin play the eponymous Ayla as a young girl and adult, respectively. The cast also features U.S. actor Eric Roberts.

    The selection was made by Turkey’s Artistic Events Commission (SEK). The 17-person committee, which includes Turkish film industry professionals as well as officials from the country’s culture and tourism ministry, selected the film from a pool of 13 films submitted for consideration.

    “Ayla” is produced by Mustafa Uslu for local production company Dijital Sanatlar and will be released in Turkey Oct. 27.

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    Mavi Boncuk | Word Origins search on the Vatan/Filiz murder suicide.

    Cani: Killer EN [1] 
    cani [ Daî, Nevhatü'l-Uşşak, 1647]
    from AR cāni جانٍ  suç işleyen from AR canā جنا suç işledi

    Cinayet: Murder EN [2]
    [Rab 1310]
    Suāl: Tavus ne cināyet kıldı? Cevāb: tavus uşmaχ [cennet] içinde Âdem ve Havvāġa cināyet kıldı,
    from AR cināya(t) جناية   suç, özellikle İslam hukukunda kabahatten daha ağır olan suç, ölüm cezası gerektiren suç Aramaic  gunāyā גניא  suç  from old FA gunāh.

    Katil1: [ Aşık Paşa, Garib-name, 1330] ḳatl kıldı oğlını
    from AR ḳatl قَتْل öldürme from AR ḳatala قَتَلَ öldürdü

    similarly: katil2, katliam, kıtal, maktul, mukatele, taktil1

    Katil2: [ Gülşehri, Mantıku't-Tayr terc., 1317] şehdi koyup [balı bırakıp] zehr-i ḳātil yimedi from AR ḳātil قاتل  öldüren, öldürücü from AR ḳatala قَتَلَ öldürdü

    Ölüm: Death EN[3] oldTR: [ Irk Bitig, c. 900] sub içipen yaş yipen ölümde ozmiş [su içip ot yeyip ölümden kurtulmuş]TTü: ölümcül [ Ahmed Vefik Paşa, Lehce-ı Osmani, 1876]
    ölümcül: Maraz-ı mevt. (...) ölümlü dünya: Dār-ı fenā.
    oldTR ölüm ölme hali ve eylemi  from old TR öl- +Im

    Ömür: life EN[4] [ Edib Ahmed, Atebet-ül Hakayık, c.1250 (1444)]
    keçir sen me ˁumruŋ könilik öze [sen de ömrünü doğrulukla geçir]
    fromAR ˁumr عمر  yaşam from AR ˁamara عَمَرَ canlandırdı, can verdi

    Similarly: umran (imar, imaret, mamur, mimar, tamir), umre

    Günah: Sin EN[5]
    [ Codex Cumanicus, 1303]
    culpa - Fa: guna - Tr: yazuk [yazuk] ... culpabilis - FA: guna kar - TR: yazuklamis
    [ Aşık Paşa, Garib-name, 1330]
    yavuz işden ḥāṣıl oldı çok günāh
    günahkâr [ Kadı Burhanettin, Divan, c.1398]
    baχıcak ol ortada yine günehkār ˁışk
    fromFA gunāh گناه suç from oldFA vināh/vinās a.a. from oldFA vi-nath zarar, hasar

    Aramaic gunāyā "suç, günah" from Persianr. Karş. cinayet. Armenian vnas վնաս "zarar" OFa vināskār  from Armenian vnasagar  FA gunāhkār.

    İntihar: suicide[6] [ Ahmed Vefik Paşa, Lehce-ı Osmani, 1876] intihār: Kendini boğazlamak. fromAR intiḥār إنتحار kendini öldürme, özellikle bıçak vurarak  AR  naḥara نحر (hayvanı) boğazını keserek öldürdü, boğazladı 

    [1] kill (n.1) early 13c., "a stroke, a blow," from kill (v.). Meaning "the act of killing" is from 1814 in hunting slang; that of "a killed animal" is from 1878. Lawn tennis serve sense is from 1903. The kill "the knockout" is boxing jargon, 1950. Kill ratio is from 1968, American English.

    kill (v.) c. 1200, "to strike, hit, beat, knock;" c. 1300, "to deprive of life, put to death;" perhaps from an unrecorded variant of Old English cwellan "to kill, murder, execute," from Proto-Germanic *kwaljanan (source also of Old English cwelan "to die," cwalu "violent death;" Old Saxon quellian "to torture, kill;" Old Norse kvelja "to torment;" Middle Dutch quelen "to vex, tease, torment;" Old High German quellan "to suffer pain," German quälen "to torment, torture"), from PIE root *gwele- "to throw, reach," with extended sense "to pierce." Related: Killed; killing. 

    Meaning "nullify or neutralize the qualities of" is from 1610s. Of time, 1728; of engines 1886; of lights, 1934. Kill-devil, colloquial for "rum," especially if new or of bad quality, is from 1630s. Dressed to kill first attested 1818 in a letter of Keats (compare killing (adj.) in the sense "overpowering, fascinating, attractive").

    [2] murder (v.) Old English myrðrian, from Proto-Germanic *murthjan (source also of Old High German murdran, German mördren, Gothic maurþjan;  Related: Murdered; murdering.

    murder (n.) c. 1300, murdre, from Old English morðor (plural morþras) "secret killing of a person, unlawful killing," also "mortal sin, crime; punishment, torment, misery," from Proto-Germanic *murthra- (source also of Goth maurþr, and, from a variant form of the same root, Old Saxon morth, Old Frisian morth, Old Norse morð, Middle Dutch moort, Dutch moord, German Mord "murder"), from suffixed form of PIE root *mer- "to rub away, harm" (also "to die" and forming words referring to death and to beings subject to death). The spelling with -d- probably reflects influence of Anglo-French murdre, from Old French mordre, from Medieval Latin murdrum, from the Germanic root. 

    Viking custom, typical of Germanic, distinguished morð (Old Norse) "secret slaughter," from vig (Old Norse) "slaying." The former involved concealment, or slaying a man by night or when asleep, and was a heinous crime. The latter was not a disgrace, if the killer acknowledged his deed, but he was subject to vengeance or demand for compensation.
    Mordre wol out that se we day by day. [Chaucer, "Nun's Priest's Tale," c. 1386]
    Weakened sense of "very unpleasant situation" is from 1878.

    murderer (n.) mid-14c., alteration of murtherer (c. 1300), agent noun from murder (v.); in part from Old French mordrere, from Medieval Latin murdrarius, from Germanic. Old English words for this included morðorcwalu, morðorslaga, morðorwyrhta, literally "murder-wright." The original murderer's row was in New York City's Tombs prison; figurative use in baseball dates to 1858, though the quintessential one was the 1927 New York Yankees. Fem. form murderess attested from late 14c. Murderee (1920) never caught on.
    sin (v.) Old English syngian "to commit sin, transgress, err," from synn (see sin (n.)); the form influenced by the noun. Compare Old Saxon sundion, Old Frisian sendigia, Middle Dutch sondighen, Dutch zondigen, Old High German sunteon, German sündigen "to sin." Form altered from Middle English sunigen by influence of the noun.

    [3] death (n.) Old English deað "death, dying, cause of death," in plura, "ghosts," from Proto-Germanic *dauthuz (source also of Old Saxon doth, Old Frisian dath, Dutch dood, Old High German tod, German Tod, Old Norse dauði, Danish død, Swedish död, Gothic dauþus "death"), from verbal stem *dheu- (3) "to die" (see die (v.)) + *-thuz suffix indicating "act, process, condition."

    I would not that death should take me asleep. I would not have him meerly seise me, and onely declare me to be dead, but win me, and overcome me. When I must shipwrack, I would do it in a sea, where mine impotencie might have some excuse; not in a sullen weedy lake, where I could not have so much as exercise for my swimming. [John Donne, letter to Sir Henry Goodere, Sept. 1608]

    Death's-head, a symbol of mortality, is from 1590s. Death row first recorded 1940s. Death knell is attested from 1814; death penalty from 1875; death rate from 1859. Slang be death on "be very good at" is from 1839. Death wish first recorded 1896. The death-watch beetle (1660s) inhabits houses, makes a ticking noise like a watch, and was superstitiously supposed to portend death.
    FEW ears have escaped the noise of the death-watch, that is, the little clickling sound heard often in many rooms, somewhat resembling that of a watch; and this is conceived to be of an evil omen or prediction of some person's death: wherein notwithstanding there is nothing of rational presage or just cause of terror unto melancholy and meticulous heads. For this noise is made by a little sheathwinged grey insect, found often in wainscot benches and wood-work in the summer. [Browne, "Vulgar Errors"]

    [4] life (n.) Old English life (dative lif) "animated corporeal existence; lifetime, period between birth and death; the history of an individual from birth to death, written account of a person's life; way of life (good or bad); condition of being a living thing, opposite of death; spiritual existence imparted by God, through Christ, to the believer," from Proto-Germanic *libam (source also of Old Norse lif "life, body," Old Frisian, Old Saxon lif "life, person, body," Dutch lijf "body," Old High German lib "life," German Leib "body"), properly "continuance, perseverance," from PIE root *leip- "to stick, adhere." 

    The noun associated with live (v.) "to live," which is literally "to continue, remain." Extended 1703 to inanimate objects, "term of duration or existence." Sense of "vitality, energy in action, expression, etc." is from 1580s. Meaning "conspicuously active part of human existence, pleasures or pursuits of the world or society" is by 1770s. Meaning "cause or source of living" led to the sense "vivifying or animating principle," and thus "one who keeps things lively" in life of the party (1787). Meaning "imprisonment for life, a life sentence" is from 1903. Paired alliteratively with limb from 1640s. Not on your life "by no means" is attested from 1896. 

    In gaming, an additional turn at play for a character; this transferred use was prefigured by uses in card-playing (1806), billiards (1856), etc., in reference to a certain number of chances or required objects without which one's turn at the game fails. The life "the living form or model, semblance" is from 1590s. Life-and-death "of dire importance" is from 1822; life-or-death (adj.) is from 1897. Life-jacket is from 1840; life-preserver from 1630s of anything that is meant to save a life, 1803 of devices worn to prevent drowning. Life-saver is from 1883, figurative use from 1909, as a brand of hard sugar candy from 1912, so called for shape. 

    Life-form is from 1861; life-cycle is from 1855; life-expectancy from 1847; life-history in biology from 1870; life-science from 1935. Life-work "the labor to which one's life has been devoted" is from 1848. Expression this is the life is from 1919; verbal shrug that's life is from 1924 (earlier such is life, 1778

    [5] sin (n.) Old English synn "moral wrongdoing, injury, mischief, enmity, feud, guilt, crime, offense against God, misdeed," from Proto-Germanic *sun(d)jo- "sin" (source also of Old Saxon sundia, Old Frisian sende, Middle Dutch sonde, Dutch zonde, German Sünde "sin, transgression, trespass, offense," extended forms), probably ultimately "it is true," i.e. "the sin is real" (compare Gothic sonjis, Old Norse sannr "true"), from PIE *snt-ya-, a collective form from *es-ont- "becoming," present participle of root *es- "to be." 

    The semantic development is via notion of "to be truly the one (who is guilty)," as in Old Norse phrase verð sannr at "be found guilty of," and the use of the phrase "it is being" in Hittite confessional formula. The same process probably yielded the Latin word sons (genitive sontis) "guilty, criminal" from present participle of sum, esse "to be, that which is." Some etymologists believe the Germanic word was an early borrowing directly from the Latin genitive. Also see sooth. 

    Sin-eater is attested from 1680s. To live in sin "cohabit without marriage" is from 1838; used earlier in a more general sense. Ice hockey slang sin bin "penalty box" is attested from 1950.

    sinner (n.)  mid-14c., agent noun from sin (v.). Old English had synngiend in this sense.

    [6]suicide (n.)  "deliberate killing of oneself," 1650s, from Modern Latin suicidium "suicide," from Latin sui "of oneself" (genitive of se "self"), from PIE *s(u)w-o- "one's own," from root *s(w)e- (see idiom) + -cidium "a killing" (see -cide). Probably an English coinage; much maligned by Latin purists because it "may as well seem to participate of sus, a sow, as of the pronoun sui" [Phillips]. 

    The meaning "person who kills himself deliberately" is from 1728. In Anglo-Latin, the term for "one who commits suicide" was felo-de-se, literally "one guilty concerning himself." Even in 1749, in the full blaze of the philosophic movement, we find a suicide named Portier dragged through the streets of Paris with his face to the ground, hung from a gallows by his feet, and then thrown into the sewers; and the laws were not abrogated till the Revolution, which, having founded so many other forms of freedom, accorded the liberty of death. [W.E.H. Lecky, "History of European Morals," 1869] 

    In England, suicides were legally criminal if of age and sane, but not if judged to have been mentally deranged. The criminal ones were mutilated by stake and given degrading burial in highways until 1823. Suicide blonde (one who has "dyed by her own hand") first attested 1921. Baseball suicide squeeze is attested from 1937.

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  • 08/29/17--08:33: EU Watch | The Story So Far
  • Mavi Boncuk |

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  • 08/29/17--11:03: 1855 | Mickiewicz in Pera
  • See also: Adam Mickiewicz, sa vie et son oeuvre Ladislas Mickiewicz Nouvelle Librairie Parisienne, 1888 - 382 pages 

    A good source for Armand Lévy letters and descriprions of Istanbul.

    Mavi Boncuk |

    Adam Bernard Mickiewicz (b. 24 December 1798 Zaosie, Lithuania Governorate, Russian Empire– 26 November 1855 Constantinople, Ottoman Empire) was a Polish  poet, dramatist, essayist, publicist, translator, professor of Slavic literature, and political activist. He is regarded as national poet in Poland, Lithuania and Belarus.

    On 31 July 1832 he arrived in Paris and became active in many Polish émigré groups and published articles. On 22 July 1834, in Paris, he married Celina Szymanowska[1].

    Mickiewicz welcomed the Crimean War of 1853-1856, which he hoped would lead to a new European order including a restored independent Poland.  Polish émigrés associated with the Hôtel Lambert persuaded him to become active again in politics] Soon after the Crimean War broke out (October 1853), the French government entrusted him with a diplomatic mission. He left Paris on 11 September 1855, arriving in Constantinople, in the Ottoman Empire, on 22 September. 

    There, working with Michał Czajkowski (Sadyk Pasha)[2], he began organizing Polish forces to fight under Ottoman command against Russia.  With his friend Armand Lévy[3] he also set about organizing a Jewish legion. 

    He returned ill from a trip to a military camp to his apartment on Yenişehir Street in the Pera (now Beyoğlu) district of Constantinople and died on 26 November 1855. Though Tadeusz Boy-Żeleński and others have speculated that political enemies might have poisoned Mickiewicz, there is no proof of this, and he probably contracted cholera, which claimed other lives there at the time.[

    Mickiewicz's remains were transported to France, boarding ship on 31 December 1855, and were buried at Montmorency, Val-d'Oise, on 21 January 1861.

    In 1890 they were disinterred, moved to Austrian Poland, and on 4 July entombed in the crypts of Kraków's Wawel Cathedral, a place of final repose for a number of persons important to Poland's political and cultural history.

    Mickiewicz's temporary grave under his Istanbul apartment, now an  Adam Mickiewicz Museum (Polish: Muzeum Adama Mickiewicza, Turkish: Adam Mickiewicz Müzesi) 

    The house museum dedicated to the life of Adam Mickiewicz, renowned Polish poet is located in the district of Beyoğlu, on the European side of Istanbul, Turkey. Serdar Ömer Caddesi, Tatlı Badem Sokak nr 23, Beyoğlu

    The house was renovated after a fire in 1870. The museum was opened in 1955 with the help of the Museum of Literature in Warsaw. The crypt where Mickiewicz was temporarily buried for the period of one month is located in the basement.

    The museum houses some manuscripts of Adam Mickiewicz, historical documents and paintings.

    [1] Celina Szymanowska, daughter of Mickiewicz's late friend the pianist Maria Agata Szymanowska, married the 14-years-older Adam Mickiewicz in Paris on 22 July 1834. The couple had six children: daughters Maria and Helena; and four sons, Władysław Mickiewicz (1838–1926), Józef Mickiewicz (1850–1938), Aleksander Mickiewicz and Jan Mickiewicz.
    Celina roused the dislike of other Polish émigrés, including the Romantic poet Zygmunt Krasiński. She was accused of extravagance, poor cooking skills, a desire to dominate her husband, and mental instability.
    In 1838 Celina declared herself a prophet, an incarnation of the Mother of God, and redeemer of Poland, of Polish émigrés and of the Jews. She also claimed to possess a power to heal, which she said she had successfully applied to the gravely ill Adolf Zaleski.

    For a time, Adam Mickiewicz cared for his wife himself; but marital discord and Celina's mental illness drove him to attempt suicide on 17 or 18 December 1838 by jumping out a window.

    When he found that Celina's mental state was getting worse, Mickiewicz had her committed to a mental hospital at Vanves, where she underwent sleep-deprivation, cold-water and mental-shock therapies.
    Celina was freed from the hospital by Andrzej Towiański, who claimed to have miraculously cured her. She believed his assurances that she had regained her mental health, and to the end of her life she remained under his influence and that of the Circle of God's Cause (Koło Sprawy Bożej).

    Upon her death in 1855, she was interred at Paris' Père-Lachaise Cemetery. Exhumed, her remains were transferred to Les Champeaux Cemetery at Montmorency. The Mickiewicz family tomb exists there to the present day.

    After Celina's death and the outbreak of the Crimean War in 1855, Adam Mickiewicz left his under-age children in Paris and went to Istanbul, Turkey, to organize legions to fight for Poland's independence from the Russian Empire.

    [2] Michał Czajkowski (Polish spelling), or Mykhailo Chaikovsky (Ukrainian spelling), or Sadyk Pasha (Turkish: Mehmet Sadık Paşa) was born 19 September 1804 in Halchyn, near the town of Berdychiv in the Province of Volhynia, in right-bank Ukraine, which had been annexed to the Russian Empire at the end of the eighteenth century. He died on 18 January 1886, in Borky, in central Ukraine. He was a Polish writer on Cossack themes (Ukrainian school in Polish literature) and a political emigre who worked both for the resurrection of Poland and also for the reestablishment of a Cossack Ukraine.

    During his French period, Czajkowski briefly collaborated with the radically oriented Polish Democratic Society, and then with the moderate Confederation of the Polish People, before going over to the conservative Polish emigre faction led by Prince Adam Jerzy Czartoryski called the "Hotel Lambert," after the Prince's residence in Paris. At Czartoryski's bidding, Czajkowski went to Turkey where he was active in Bosnia and Serbia and supported anti-Russian activities in the Caucasus. In the years following the unsuccessful revolutions of 1848, he helped arrange for political asylum for refugee Polish and Hungarian revolutionaries. Russian and Austrian efforts to have him extradited back to his homeland, and conflicts with Paris led to his eventual conversion to Islam and his new name "Sadyk Pasha". He thereupon organized an Ottoman Cossack Brigade to fight against the Russians. His Ottoman Cossack unit actually saw some action in the Balkans during the Crimean War but never got to invade Ukraine from the south which was the original intention of its organizers.

    Although Czajkowski returned from the war with honours and was able to live a comfortable life in Turkey, his restless nature could never be completely satisfied. His differences with the Hotel Lambert had steadily increased over the years and he was becoming more and more estranged from the Polish political emigration. He was also frustrated by the failure of his larger Cossack project. In 1872, the Russian government offered him an amnesty, and in part under the influence of his third wife, a young Greek girl, he accepted the Russian offer, converted to Orthodoxy, returned to Ukraine and chose to live in Kiev. During this period he wrote his very extensive memoirs. His young wife proved unfaithful, however, and in 1886 a dispirited Czajkowski took his own life. One of his sons, Ladislas (Władysław) Czaykowski/Muzaffer Pasha, became governor in Mount-Lebanon in 1902.

    [3] Armand Lévy (12 March 1827 – 23 March 1891) was a French lawyer and journalist. Lévy was an anti-clericalist, a freemason, a republican and a socialist who supported the 1848 Revolution and the Paris Commune. Born in a Roman Catholic family, but with a Jewish grand-father, he was passionate about the Jewish cause. He fought alongside his illustrious friends, such as Adam Mickiewicz, Ion Brătianu and Camillo Cavour, for the independence of Poland and Romania, and for the unification of Italy.

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    Mavi Boncuk | Is Turkey's Rapprochement with Iran and Russia Sustainable? 


    Soner Cagaptay

    Soner Cagaptay, the Beyer Family Fellow and director of the Turkish Research Program at The Washington Institute, is the author of The New Sultan: Erdogan and the Crisis of Modern Turkey. 

    August 30, 2017
    A lasting Turkish shift toward Tehran and Moscow would require a perfect storm, but anti-U.S. sentiments in the country offer reason for concern.

    Recent news stories suggesting that Ankara, Tehran, and Moscow are agreeing to cooperate in Syria's northern Idlib province and to bury the hatchet in Syria's civil war have brought to the foreground a key question: can Turkey become good friends, or even allies, with Iran and Russia in Syria and beyond? History suggests that any "handshake" between Ankara and its two neighbors will be difficult to sustain -- unless a rupture occurs in Turkey-NATO ties.

    Turkey has a dozen neighbors, distributed in groups of three, in the Middle East (Iran, Iraq, and Syria), the Caucasus (Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia), Europe (Cyprus, Greece, and Bulgaria), and maritime neighbors across the Black Sea (Russia, Romania, and Ukraine) whose access to international waters goes through the Turkish Straits. Ankara's relations with these neighbors help explain its current orientation:

    Ignoring the larger lot. During six centuries of Ottoman rule (1299-1923), the Turks defeated and ruled over all their neighbors, with the exception of Russia and Iran. This resilience elevates the two populous countries in contemporary Turkish views and also in the Turkish foreign policy weltanschauung.

    Whereas Ankara can be patronizing in its foreign policy toward its other neighbors, dismissing their concerns and even interfering in their internal affairs -- as has been the case in Iraq, Bulgaria, and Syria recently -- historically speaking, Turkey neither confronts nor ignores the Russians or the Iranians.

    …but fearing the Russians. During the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, Russia not only evaded conquest by the Ottomans but defeated them numerous times, often instigating such wars. Furthermore, Russian policies contributed in many ways to the decline of the Ottoman Empire from the nineteenth century onward. As a result of the wars, Russia took vast, and often solidly Turkish and Muslim, territories around the Black Sea from the Ottomans, including the Crimean Khanate (including what is now southern Russia and Ukraine) and large parts of the northern and southern Caucasus. In the Balkans, the Russian czars supported nationalist movements among the Greeks, Bulgarians, Serbs, and Romanians, helping them split away from the Ottoman Empire and eventually leading to near complete Ottoman withdrawal from Europe.

    All this explains Turkey's deep-rooted historical fear of Russia -- and the speed with which Ankara pivoted to become a NATO member at the beginning of the Cold War, following Joseph Stalin's 1946 demand for territory from Turkey. Since Turkey's accession to the alliance in 1952, NATO has been the bedrock of Turkish security against Russia.

    The fear of Russia also prevails in Turkey for personal, historic reasons. When the czars captured Ottoman territory, they would often ethnically cleanse the Turkish and Muslim inhabitants, thereby forcing the survivors to flee to Turkey over several decades. In the nineteenth century, for instance, when the Russians took over the northern Caucasus region from the Ottomans, they expelled the native Circassian population -- around one million people -- to lands still under Ottoman control. At the time, the Turkish Muslim population of modern Turkey was around ten million. Many other Turkish and Muslim groups, such as Chechens from the northern Caucasus and Tatars from Crimea, were forcibly driven to the Ottoman Empire by Russia. Turkish citizens who descend from those expelled by the Russians form a large constituency, adding to the Turks' historic trauma and resulting fear of -- and animosity toward -- Russia.

    ...and taking the Iranians seriously. Historically speaking, Turkish ties with Iran have differed substantially from Turkey-Russia ties. The Ottoman and Persian Empires became neighbors in the fifteenth century, at which point they started to push against each other for control of what is now eastern Turkey and western Iran. After fighting 166 years of debilitating and inconclusive wars (between 1473 and 1639), and ending up with bankrupt treasuries -- the seventeenth-century version of mutually assured destruction -- the Turks and Iranians settled on historic power parity, agreeing to avoid future conflict at any cost. 

    This power parity still guides Ankara's ties with Tehran. Accordingly, with the exception of some wars across Iraq in the nineteenth century between the Ottomans and the Qajar Dynasty and twentieth-century land swaps, the Turkey-Iran border has been the most stable in the Middle East, running quite close to its original 1639 contours.

    As the previous discussion shows, Ankara's foreign policy toward Moscow and Tehran has been driven by fear and caution, respectively. The Russians hold the inverse position, viewing Turkey as a "small, irritating" neighbor that has often, and "rightfully," been at the receiving end of Russia's might and punishment. Simply put, Moscow looks down on Ankara. Accordingly, Russia regards Turkish policies in Syria, where Ankara has been trying to oust the Moscow-backed Assad regime, with contempt, and will do everything to ensure Turkey does not emerge a winner from the Syrian civil war. Russian president Vladimir Putin's ultimate goal in Syria is to humiliate Ankara and Turkish president Recep Tayyip Erdogan in order to remind the Turks why they should continue to fear the Russians. This explains, among other Russian policies, why Moscow has established a relationship with the Syria-based Kurdish Peoples Defense Units (YPG), a group closely aligned with the Turkey-based Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK), against which Ankara has fought over the last several years.

    While Washington, too, has formed a relationship with the YPG against the Islamic State, U.S. cooperation with the Kurdish group is strictly limited to areas of Syria, such as Raqqa, with an IS presence. On the other hand, and contrary to U.S. policy, Russian cooperation with the YPG takes place in areas of Syria where the Islamic State is not present, such as the YPG-controlled Afrin enclave, which is flanked by Turkey to the west and north and by Turkey-backed rebels to the east and south. Russia's engagement with the YPG is clearly anti-Turkish. Whatever temporary arrangements it reaches with Turkey in Syria, in the long term Moscow will use its many allies and proxies there to undermine Ankara's interests.

    While Iran has not adopted an openly hostile stance toward Turkey in Syria, Tehran views Ankara's support to rebels fighting the Iran-backed regime as a violation of the two countries' historic power parity accord. Indeed, the support given by each side to opposing proxy forces in Syria renders this instance the closest in recent memory to outright conflict between Ankara and Tehran. At this stage, Tehran, whose fortunes and allies are ascendant in Syria, will attempt to restore its historic power parity with Ankara -- on its own terms. From Iran's perspective, however, such a restoration would necessitate a complete cessation of Turkish support to anti-Assad rebels. In this context, every step Iran takes in Syria with respect to Turkey -- including the aforementioned "handshake" over Idlib province -- serves the broader Iranian goal of reestablishing power parity, wherein Turkey recognizes Iranian (and, even more overtly, Russian) control over Syria.

    The only scenario in which Turkey would shift its historic view of Russia and Iran involves a rupture with NATO. At the moment, such a far-fetched possibility would require a perfect storm. Still, since taking power in Ankara in 2002, Erdogan's Justice and Development Party (AKP) has mainstreamed anti-Americanism. At the same time, U.S. policies in Iraq and Syria, including cooperation with the YPG, have led to a strong anti-American backlash in Turkey that extends beyond the AKP's core Islamist constituencies. Unpredictable incidents in Syria, such as friendly fire between Turkish and U.S. troops or their proxies, or PKK use against Turkey of U.S. arms somehow acquired from the PYD, could precipitate a bilateral crisis. A potentially insurmountable anti-American and anti-NATO furor could ensue, eventually even forcing Ankara to make the historic choice to adopt a more benign view of both Iran and Russia.

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    Mavi Boncuk |

    Revisiting the 30th August at the light of the 15th May

    The commemorations of the victory on August 30 are widespread every year, but too few Turks know today that August 30 does not mean only a military success, but also a victory against the war crimes of the Greek army and its Armenian volunteers. Swiss journalist Noëlle Roger observed around 1930 that there was no plaque, and even no design to unveil a plaque, to mark the Greek atrocities.[1] Nevertheless, these atrocities started since the very first day of the Greek landing: May 15, 1919.

    Crimes from the beginning

    The crimes were so obvious that Captain Rollin, head of the French Navy Intelligence service, sent, in addition to his regular reports, a special letter to his minister, to protest. Rollin had been wounded and captured by the Ottoman army in 1915, and he was a prisoner for the rest of the war. Recalling this fact, Rollin said he had no reason to defend the Turks. However, Rollin gave an interesting account that Fethi Bey, the officer in charge of the prisoners of war in İzmir went beyond “what could be expected from the most chivalrous enemy.” Fethi Bey was “slaughtered with rifle butts” on May 15, 1919. One of the three eyewitnesses’ accounts forwarded by Rollin was the one of French whose family was exiled in Bursa during WWI.[2] If the Greek high command was forced by the Western representatives to punish some of the perpetrators of the crimes committed in May 15-17 (48 Greeks and 12 Armenians[3]), similar crimes continued, unpunished, during the rest of the year 1919. For instance, the telegrams and reports of the U.S. High Commissioner Bristol are very clear on the Greek war crimes against both Muslims and Jews.[4]

    The Greek landing was justified by two allegations: the “persecution” of the Christians and the “Greek majority” in İzmir and its neighborhood. Both were categorically denied by the report of the investigative commission of Entente officers (U.S., UK, France, Italy). Even more strikingly, in his dispatches of March 23, April 13 and 22, 1919, the French Consul in İzmir, Osmin Laporte,[*] warned that the actual risk of a bloodbath was a possible Greek landing. In their reports of May 9 and 14, two French officers (one from the Navy, one from the gendarmerie) came to similar conclusions.[5]

    Devastations until the end

    In May 1921, a commission of the International Red Cross, led by the Swiss Maurice Gehri and British General Franks, made a deep investigation on the behavior of the Greek forces in Yavola peninsula. In his report, Gehri provides a comprehensive description of the killings and arsons, adding that, in spite of its numerous interviews with Greeks, the commission “no knowledge of cases where the misdeeds would have been prevented by the [Greek] military command.”[6]

    Businessman Elzéar Guiffray, the elected head of the French community in Izmir since 1914, was requested by Paris to make a report about the Greek atrocities. Adding his proper findings to the ones of his compatriots, he submitted his notes to the MFA on July 27, 1922. Guiffray explained that since the landing of May 1919, the Greek crimes were “countless” and that the published accounts (for instance the killing of 250 Turks, mostly children, in the mosque of Karatepe in February 1922) represent only “a small part of the crimes perpetrated up to now”. Guiffray gave numerous and precise examples of burned villages, slaughters, assassinations, arbitrary arrests and inhuman conditions of detention. He also considered that “without exaggeration,” the number of Turks killed by the Greek forces (which included, at least in some cases, Armenian volunteers) since May 1919, is in excess of 150,000, “without counting the deported persons, estimated to be 300,000”.[7]

    Regarding the last stage of the Greek retreat, Lord Saint-Davids, administrator of the İzmir-Aydın railroad company, concluded: “it is a fact that [the Greek forces] burned Aydın and Nazlı; they put fire to all the villages they passed through,” committed plunder and murder. They did so, added Lord Saint-Davids, by order of the Greek officers.[8] The French engineer C. Toureille, a resident in İzmir at that time, confirmed the systematic plunder and arsons, the recurrence of killings. He this account that, as late as September 8, an Armeno-Greek gang committed plunder around İzmir, and on September 11-12 September, another gang, purely Greek this time, was putting fire to several villages very close to İzmir.

    On the other hand, General Pellé, the French High Commissioner in İstanbul, cabled to Paris on September 8 that if he received evidence of Greek crimes, he did not receive since a long time any accusation of Kemalist crimes, even from the Greek patriarchate.[9] It is safe to conclude that the Turkish victory in 1922 was an ethical, not only national, victory.

    Maxime GAUIN - Contributor, Strategic Outlook
    [1]Noëlle Roger, En Asie mineure, Paris : Fasquelle, 1930, p. 205-213 and more especially pp. 211-212.
    [2]S.R. Marine, Turquie, 3 juin 1919, n° 774, Service historique de la défense nationale (SHD), Vincennes, 1 BB7 232.
    [3]Arnold J. Toynbee, The Western Question in Greece and Turkey, London-Bombay-Sydney: Constable & C°, 1922, p. 401.
    [4]See for instance his telegram of July 17, 1919, Library of Congress, Bristol papers, container 74.
    [5]SHD, 16 N 3202 ; Centre des archives diplomatiques de Nantes, 36 PO/1/42.
    [6]Maurice Gehri, Mission d’enquête en Anatolie (12-22 mai 1921), Geneva, 1921, p. 3.
    [7]Archives du ministère des Affaires étrangères (AMAE), La Courneuve, microfilm P 1380.
    [8]« Grave réquisitoire d’un Lord anglais contre l’armée grecque », Le Petit Parisien, September 27, 1922, p. 3.

    [9]These two documents are in AMAE, P 1380.

    A Turkish version of this article was published in Cumhuriyet on September 1st, 2013.

    30 Ağustos'u İncelemek

    İstanbul’daki Fransız Yüksek Komiseri General Pellé, 8 Eylül’de Paris’e yolladığı telgrafta, Yunan suçlarına dair delil elde etmesine rağmen, çok uzun süredir Kemalistlere yönelik benzer bir suçlamayı Rum Patrikliği’nden bile duymadığını yazdı. Bütün bunların ışığında, 1922’de elde edilen zaferin sadece milli değil, aynı zamanda ahlaki bir zafer olduğu sonucuna varılır.

    Her yıl 30 Ağustos’ta tüm Türkiye’de yaygın bir şekilde zafer kutlamaları yapılır, ancak günümüzde, pek az Türk 30 Ağustos’un yalnızca askeri bir başarı olmayıp aynı zamanda Yunan Ordusu’nun ve onun Ermeni gönüllülerinin işlediği savaş suçlarına karşı kazanılmış bir zafer olduğunu bilmektedir. İsviçreli muhabir Noëlle Roger, daha 1930’lu yıllarda, Yunan vahşetini anımsamak için dikilmiş ve hatta dikilmesi planlanan bir anıt bulunmadığını gözlemlemişti. Sözü edilen vahşet olayları Yunan kuvvetlerinin Anadolu’ya ayak bastığı ilk gün olan 15 Mayıs 1919’dan itibaren başlamıştı.

    İşgalin başlangıcından itibaren işlenen suçlar

    Yunan ordusunun işlediği suçlar o kadar açıktı ki, Fransız Deniz Kuvvetleri İstihbarat Servisi’nin başındaki Albay Rollin, ilgili Fransız bakanına yolladığı normal raporların yanı sıra, bu vahşeti kınamak için, bir de özel protesto mektubu yolladı. Rollin 1915’te yaralanarak Osmanlı ordusu tarafından esir alınmış ve savaşın sonuna kadar tutuklu kalmıştı. Rollin bu gerçeği anımsatarak, kendisinin Türkleri savunmasını gerektirecek hiçbir neden bulunmadığına ve o dönemde, İzmir’deki savaş tutsaklarından sorumlu olan Fethi Bey’in “en centilmen düşmandan beklenenden” daha âlicenap davrandığına dair ilgi çekici bir ayrıntıya yer vermişti. Buna rağmen aynı Fethi Bey, “tüfek kabzalarıyla” 15 Mayıs 1919’da Yunanlılar tarafından katledilmişti. Rollin’in gözlemlerini aktardığı üç görgü şahidinden bir Fransız’ın da Bursa’daki ailesi 1. Dünya Savaşı sırasında sürgüne gönderilmişti. Yunan İşgal Komutanlığı her ne kadar Batılı temsilcilerin zoruyla göstermelik olarak 15-17 Mayıs günlerinde işlenen suçlardan dolayı bazı suçluları (48 Yunanlı ile 12 Ermeniyi) cezalandırmış olsa bile, devam eden süreçte, benzer suçlar işlenmeye devam etti ve suçlular cezasız kaldı. Örnek vermek gerekirse, Amerikan Yüksek Komiseri Amiral Bristol’un yolladığı telgraflarda ve raporlarda Yunanlıların Müslümanlara ve Yahudilere karşı işlediği savaş suçları açık bir şekilde anlatılmaktadır.

    Yunan ordusunun Anadolu çıkarmasının sözde gerekçesi, İzmir ve çevresinin “çoğunluğunu teşkil eden” Rum ve Hıristiyan nüfusa “zulmedildiği” iddialarıydı. Ama bu iddiaların her ikisi de Amerikan, İngiliz, Fransız ve İtalyan subaylarından oluşan İtilaf güçlerinin araştırma heyeti raporlarında kesinlikle reddedilmişti. Daha da çarpıcı olanı ise İzmir’deki Fransız Konsolosu Osmin Laporte’[*]nin 13 ve 22 Nisan 1919 tarihli raporlarında yer alan, asıl kan dökümü riskine, muhtemel Yunan çıkarmasının yol açabileceği uyarısıydı. İki Fransız subayı da 9 ve 14 Mayıs tarihli raporlarında benzer sonuca varmıştı.

    Son ana kadar süren yıkımlar

    1921 Mayıs ayında, Uluslararası Kızıl Haç Örgütü’nün kurduğu, İsviçreli Maurice Gehri ile İngiliz Generali Franks’ın liderliğindeki bir komisyon da Yunan güçlerinin Yalova yarımadasındaki davranışı üzerine derin bir araştırma yapmıştı. Gehri raporunda, katliamların ve kundaklamaların ayrıntılı tasvirini sunup, komisyonun Yunanlılarla yaptığı sayısız görüşmelere rağmen “bu kötü olayların (Yunan) askeri kumanda kademesi tarafından önlenemeyecek kötülükler olmadığı bilgisini” de ilave etmiştir.

    Paris’teki yönetim, İzmir’deki Fransız toplumunun 1914’ten beri seçilmiş lideri olan Elzéar Guiffray adındaki işadamından, Yunanlıların kötü davranışları hakkında bir rapor yazmasını istemişti. O da kendi bulgularını diğer vatandaşlarının şikâyetlerine ekleyerek, 22 Temmuz 1922 tarihinde Dışişleri Bakanlığı’na sundu. Guiffray 1919 Mayıs çıkarmasından beri Yunan suçlarının “sayısız” olduğunu anlattı ve (Şubat 1922’de Karatepe Camii’nde, çoğu çocuk olan 250 Türk’ün katledilmesi gibi) yayımlanmış olan raporların o zamana kadar “işlenmiş olan suçlardan çok azını” teşkil ettiğini ekledi. Guiffray yakılmış köylerden, katliamlardan, rastgele tutuklamalardan ve insanlık dışı hapis ortamlarından birkaç tane kesin örnek vermişti. Ayrıca Mayıs 1919’dan beri (en azından bazı durumlarda Ermeni gönüllülerin de dahil olduğu) Yunan güçleri tarafından öldürülen Türk sayısının “abartısız” 150.000’i geçtiğini ve bu sayının “sürgün edilen yaklaşık 300.000” kişiye ilave edilmesi gerektiğini belirtti.
    İzmir - Aydın demiryolu şirketinin yöneticisi olan Lord Saint-Davids, Yunan geri çekilmesinin son evresinde Yunan güçlerinin “Aydın ve Nazilli’yi yakıp yolları üstündeki tüm köyleri ateşe verdikleri”, yağmacılıkla katliamlar işledikleri ve tümünü Yunan subaylarının emriyle yaptıkları sonucuna vardı. O zamanlar İzmir’de yaşamakta olan Fransız mühendis C. Toureille, sistemli şekilde işlenen yağmacılıkla yakıp yıkmanın ve katliamların tekrarlandığını teyit edip, bir Ermeni-Yunan çetesinin İzmir civarında kundakçılığa 8 Eylül’e kadar devam ettiğini ve 11-12 Eylül’de tamamen Yunanlılardan müteşekkil olan başka bir çetenin de aynı suçları işlediğini ilave etti. Öte yandan İstanbul’daki Fransız Yüksek Komiseri General Pellé, 8 Eylül’de Paris’e yolladığı telgrafta, Yunan suçlarına dair delil elde etmesine rağmen, çok uzun süredir Kemalistlere yönelik benzer bir suçlamayı Rum Patrikliği’nden bile duymadığını yazdı. Bütün bunların ışığında, 1922’de elde edilen zaferin sadece milli değil, aynı zamanda ahlaki bir zafer olduğu sonucuna varılır.

    MAXIME GAUIN Uzman, Avrasya İncelemeleri Merkezi

    [*] François Georges Osmin Laporte (b.24 February 1875 in Ismailia , d. 1932 Sulina ) was a French diplomat .

    M. G. Osmin Laporte was educated in France, securing a diploma in Oriental languages.

    In 1908 he was under the chairmanship of Pierre de Margerie, Consul General in Bangkok , Siam. In 1912 he was vice-consul in Rijeka and in 1914 consul of first class in Prague . On 16 January 1919 he was among the survivors of the sinking of the passenger ship Chaouia . From 1918 and 1920 the Turkish province of Cilicia was occupied by French troops. On September 15, 1922, Laporte conducted the mission in Adana . On September 9, 1922, the city of Smyrna (now Izmir ), which had fallen to Greece with the Paris subcontracts , had been recaptured by Turkish troops. Laporte reported Raymond Poincaré of the francophilic reactions in Adana on this intake. From 1925 to 1929 Osmin Laporte was ambassador to Oslo .

    From 1929 to 1932, Laporte was a delegate to the European Danube Commission . He was a knight of the honorary legion . 

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    Exhibit | Armenian and Greek Architects and Their Works

    Mavi Boncuk |

    Armenian Architects and Their Works

    Kevork Aslanyan 
    Surp Pırgiç Hospital Church

    Avedisyan Kalfa  
    Sirakyan Homes

    Mihran Azaryan 
    Büyükada Pier

    Hovsep Aznavur 
    Abbas Hilmi Paşa Kiosk, Heybeliada
    Sveti Stefan Bulgar Church, Fener
    Tobacco Factory – Kadir Has University, Cibali
    Sanasaryan Han – Eski Emniyet Müdürlüğü, Sirkeci

    Garabed Amira Balyan 
    Bezm-i Âlem Valide Mosque, Dolmabahçe
    Valide Bendi Belgrad Ormanı
    Surp Astvadzadzin Church, Beşiktaş
    Üç Horan Church (wiyh Ohannes Serveryan), Galatasaray
    II. Mahmut Dam, Belgrad Ormanı
    II. Mahmut Tomb, Çemberlitaş 
    Harbiye Military School, Harbiye
    Kuleli Cavalry Barracks Dolmabahçe Palace

    Krikor Amira Balyan 
    Nusretiye Mosque, Tophane
    Selimiye Barracks, Üsküdar
    Nusretiye Mosque, Tophane

    Nigoğos Balyan 
    Küçüksu Palace pavillion
    Dolmabahçe Palace, Beşiktaş
    Ihlamur Palace pavillion, Beşiktaş
    Beylebeyi Palace

    Sarkis Balyan 
    Akaretler Apartments, Beşiktaş
    Sadabad Mosque
    Maçka Police Station – İTÜ İşletme Fakültesi
    Maçka Armory – İTÜ Yabancı Diller Okulu
    Çırağan Palace
    Harbiye War Ministry

    Senekerim Balyan 
    Beyazıt Tower

    Garabet Amira Balyan 
    Steel Works, Zeytinburnu

    Mıgırdiç Çarkyan 
    Surp Takavor Church, Kadıköy

    Garabed Devletyan 
    Surp Asdvadzadzin Church, Kumkapı

    Levon Güreğyan 
    Apartment, Osmanbey

    Isdepan Hamamcıyan 
    Dilsizzade Han/Office, Sultanhamam

    Şabuh Hançer
    Şark Apartment, Osmanbey

    Krikor Hürmüzyan 
    Surp Boğos Church, Büyükdere

    Isdepan İzmirliyan 
    Armenian Protestant Church, Gedikpaşa

    Aram and İsak Karakaş 
    Ferah Apartment, Beyoğlu
    Ragıp Paşa Apartment, Beyoğlu

    Keğam Kavafyan 
    Süreyya Opera House, Kadıköy

    Andon Kazazyan 
    Azaryan Seaside Kiosk – Sadberk Hanım Museum, Büyükdere
    Artin Macaryan – Taşciyan Kiosk, Kınalıada

    Boğos Makasdar 
    Surp Levon Church, Kadıköy

    Krikor Melidosyan
    Armenian Patriarcate, Kumkapı

    Mihran Kalfa
    Armenian Cemetary, Şişli

    Levon Nafilyan
    Hovagimyan Han/Office, Karaköy 
    Agopyan Han, Bahçekapı 
    İş Bank, Bankalar Caddesi 

    Bedros Nemtze
    Surp Kevork Church, Kocamustafapaşa 

    Mikayel Nurican
    Metro Han/Office, Tünel

    Ohannes Kalfa
    Old Darüşşafaka High School, Çarşamba 

    Avedis Pekmezyan
    Apartment, Yüksekkaldırım

    Ohannes Serveryan
    Surp Haç Church / Üsküdar

    Harutyun Serveryan
    Surp Krikor Lusavoriç Church / Kuzguncuk

    Ohannes Serveryan
    Surp Pırgiç Hospital (Garabed Balyan ile) / Yedikule 
    Aram Tahtacıyan
    Naval Hospital, Kasımpaşa
    Surp Agop Foundation Buildings (with Nurican and Nafilyan), Elmadağ
    Hıdivyal Palace Apartment, Tünel

    Sarkis Taşcıyan 
    Anadolu Han/Office, Eminönü

    Yetvart Terziyan 
    Kadıköy Municipal Building
    Fatih Municipal Building

    Vartan Tıngıryan
    Surp Nigoğayos Church, Topkapı

    Andon and Garabed Tülbentciyan
    Anarad Hığutyun Church / Samatya
    Surp Hovhan Vosgeperan Church / Beyoğlu
    Surp Asdvadzadzin Church / Büyükada

    Greek Architects and Their Works

    Petros Adamandidis (Petraki Kalfa)
    Sait Halim Haşa Yalısı, Yeniköy

    Viktor Adamandidis
    Taksim Palas, Beyoğlu

    Aleksandros Alvanopulos
    Apartment, Cihangir

    Nikolaos Celepis
    Hamidiye (Yıldız) Mosque, Yıldız

    Vasilios Çilenis
    Panayia Elpida Church, Kumkapı

    Hristos Dimadis
    Peuçak Kiosk, Büyükada

    Konstandinos Dimadis
    Fener Rum/Greek High School, Fener

    Nikolaos Dimadis
    Aya Yani Church, Burgazada

    Andonis F. Dimitrakopulos 
    Lambridis House, Büyükada

    Dimitros Vasiliadis
    Suriye Passage, Tünel

    Periklis Fotiadis
    Ruhban Okulu/ Religious School, Heybeliada
    Zoğrafyon High School, Galatasaray

    Hacı Stefanos Gaitanakis 
    Aya Triada Manastırı (Ruhban Okulu), Heybeliada

    Nikola Gırgırcı
    Demirbaşyan Kiosk, Büyükada

    Stravros Sofyanos Hirstidis
    Büyük Sadık Paşa Apartment (Galatis ile), Kuledibi

    Vasilakis Bey İonnidis
    Aya Triada Church (after Pottesaros), Taksim
    Zapyon School, Taksim

    Lisandros Kaftanoğlu 
    Helenic Philological Society (does not exist today), Galatasaray

    Konstandinos Kancos
    Aya Konstantin and Eleni Church, Paşabahçe

    Aya Yorgi Kuduna Monastery and Church, Büyükada

    Konstandinos Karacas
    Aya Konstantin and Eleni Church, Tarlabaşı

    İoannis/Yannis Karayannis
    Apartment, Sıraselviler

    Kosmas Karayannis
    Mustafa Bey Apartment, Gümüşsuyu

    Niko Kefala
    Akasya (old Calypso) Hotel, Büyükada

    Konstandinos Kiryakidis 
    Elhamra Han/Office, Beyoğlu
    Frej Apartment (with A.Yenidünya), Şişhane

    Kleovulos Klonaridis
    Apartment (with M. Vlasiades), Sıraselviler

    Eftimis Kocabasulis
    Apartment, Beyoğlu

    Yeoryios K. Kovvas
    Stavridu Apartment, Arnavutköy

    Yeoryios Kuluthros
    Deniz Apartment, Şişhane

    Vasilios Kuremenos 
    Minerva Han, Karaköy

    İ. Küpecioğlu
    Hrisovergia Apartments, Sıraselviler

    E.E. Ladopulos
    Yazıcızade Apartment, Tophane

    Markos G. Langas
    Hacopulo Passage (with Perpignani), Galatasaray

    Kaludis Laskaris
    Splendid Hotel, Büyükada

    Velisarios Makropulos 
    Apartment, Sıraselviler

    Ahilleas Manussos
    Bristol Hotel, Tepebaşı

    Petros/Petrakis D. Meimaridis 
    Evangelismos Tis Theotoku Church, Dolapdere

    Hacinikoli Nikitaidis
    Aya Yorgi (Fener Patriarcate) Church

    Dimitri(o)s Panayotidis
    İş Han/Office, Eminönü

    Konstandinos Parpas
    Arif Paşa Apartment, Moda

    Aristidis Pasadeos
    Fener Patriarcate

    Apostolos Kosmas Pistikas
    Marmara Apartment, Gümüşsuyu

    Ahilleas Poliçis
    John Avramidis (Con Paşa) Kiosk, Büyükada

    Yuvanakis Taşçıoğlu
    Taşçıoğlu House, Büyükada

    Theognostos Kalfa
    Altımermer Panayia Church, Şehremini

    Athanasios Yakas
    Yakumopulos Apartment (Vardar Palas), Sıraselviler

    Konstandinos Yolasığmazis
    Aya Todori Church, Aksaray

    Hristo Yovanidis 
    Tripo Kiosk, Büyükada

    Kleanthis Zannos/Zinon
    Çiçek Pasajı/ Cite de Pera passage, Galatasaray

    Nikolaos Zikos
    Aya Pandeleimon Church, Kuzguncuk

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    Mavi Boncuk |

    Preventing a Jihadist Factory in Idlib

    Fabrice Balanche
    August 31, 2017
    The international coalition must take the same comprehensive approach to HTS as it is taking to the Islamic State.

    In July 2017, Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) seized the entire Syrian-Turkish border in Idlib province and the Syrian provincial capital of Idlib, to the detriment of its former ally Ahrar al-Sham (AS). The move came several months after the rebels fell in December 2016 to regime and allied forces in Aleppo, whereupon HTS committed itself to dominating the entire Syrian rebellion. In so doing, it sought to force its former allies to submit to its jihadist strategy, while basing itself in the Idlib area.

    On January 28, 2017, HTS was formed through the merger of several rebel factions associated with Jabhat Fatah al-Sham (formerly Jabhat al-Nusra). These factions included Harakat Nour al-Din al-Zinki, Jabhat Ansar al-Din, Liwa al-Haqq, and Jaish al-Sunna. In seeking to strengthen its grip on the rebellion, HTS failed, however, to integrate its main former ally, Ahrar al-Sham. As a result, many AS brigades defected to HTS, while others, such as Free Syrian Army remnants, Suqur al-Sham, and al-Jabha al-Shamiya (Levant Front), joined AS in order to gain protection from HTS. Despite absorbing its own new elements, AS did not bolster itself militarily, and the group's cohesion has suffered -- making it unlikely AS will be able prevent further defections to HTS.

    Since 2014, the various Syrian incarnations of al-Qaeda have methodically eliminated the Free Syrian Army (FSA) brigades in northwestern Syria by either killing or appropriating their members. The FSA has been reduced to a few thousand combatants today in the Idlib area, a winnowing to which AS contributed -- and noteworthy in light of the later AS-HTS split. In winter 2017, the Syrian affiliate of al-Qaeda even attacked Jund al-Aqsa, an extremist faction alongside which HTS, and Jabhat al-Nusra before it, fought. The small jihadist group was thus forced to dissolve, with some of its members joining the Islamic State and others the Turkestan Islamist Party (TIP; previously known as the East Turkestan Islamic Movement), a strong HTS ally. The TIP includes several thousand Uyghur fighters originally from Xinjiang, China (aka East Turkestan), who are fighting in Syria and living with their families between Jisr al-Shughour and Ariha.

    Today, HTS constitutes the largest rebel group in both Syria and Idlib province. Of the 30,000 or so HTS combatants across the country, some two-thirds are situated in the Idlib area. Following military victories, HTS often attracts additional recruits. In particular, in July 2017, new AS brigades to join included Usud al-Islam (Lions of Islam), located in southeastern Idlib province; Usud al-Maarat (Lions of Maarat), based in Maarat al-Numan; and a group under the emir of al-Dana, a small town in northern Idlib. Further reinforcing HTS in Idlib have been fighters booted from previously rebel-held enclaves now controlled by the Syrian army, such as Zabadani, the al-Waar district of Homs, al-Qabun, Daraya, and others. Additionally, some 1,500 HTS fighters and their families might soon arrive from the Arsal area of Lebanon, where Hezbollah and Lebanese forces are conducting a campaign against Sunni jihadists. Only one notable HTS defection can be counted thus far: that of Harakat Nour al-Din al-Zinki, which broke off to become an independent force in late July 2017.

    In assessing the strength of HTS, the group's fluid territorial presence can be deceptive. Indeed, HTS relies more on the potency of its network than on the accumulation of territory. This past July, the group chased rival groups from Idlib city as well as from smaller towns such as Maarat al-Numan, Saraqeb, and Atareb, all of which are former FSA strongholds. When occupying such communities, HTS notably practices discretion in order to avoid antagonizing locals.

    In the southern and eastern sections of the province, HTS is satisfied with its past conquests of Syrian army military bases such as that in Abu Duhur. Finally, it retains strongholds near Aleppo (in the northwestern suburbs), Hama (Khan Sheikhoun), and Latakia (Jisr al-Shughour), from which it can probe opportunities for expansion against the Syrian regime. Other areas not populated by Sunni Arabs are more difficult to control. In broader terms, HTS does not seek territorial continuity but instead control of strategic points from which it can launch raids, including against villages such as Kafr Nabl, an anti-Islamist stronghold. Having elicited allegiance from local factions throughout the Idlib area, HTS can mobilize thousands of additional combatants, as in the Hama offensive against the Syrian army in spring 2017.

    The main HTS stronghold, encompassing the border area with Turkey from Jisr al-Shughour to Bab al-Hawa, allows for unparalleled control of both cities and the countryside. A lone weak point can be found in the Turkmen-inhabited country north of Latakia, a small Turkish protectorate that uses the Yamadi crossing border. Overall control of the Syrian-Turkish border is fundamental to HTS assertion of power over the province and its ability to dominate other factions. Such control provides the jihadist group with a monopoly over the transit of humanitarian aid and any form of trade with Turkey. Indeed, whereas various groups engage in trade with government-held areas, humanitarian aid comes almost exclusively from Turkey, and feeding the area's two million inhabitants, nearly half of whom are internally displaced, is essential. Moreover, should other factions lose access to weapons from Turkey and the Turkish-controlled border area between Azaz and Jarabulus, they may turn to the Syrian government to avoid destruction if the status quo persists.

    On August 22, HTS announced its consolidation of control over all local committees -- consisting of civilians who distribute public services and humanitarian aid from abroad -- of the "liberated zone." Curiously, this statement followed one by Turkey demanding the creation of an Idlib civilian body to manage humanitarian aid and border crossings, and threatening otherwise to halt humanitarian aid. HTS knows, however, that Turkey will not risk inviting hundreds of thousands of hungry Syrians to its border, an unmanageable influx. The first such arrivals would be internally displaced persons (IDPs), who would crowd the camps in dramatic fashion, seeking protection from Syrian regime bombardments.

    For Hayat Tahrir al-Sham, IDP camps constitute ideal recruitment sites where the group can exploit the misery of fragile populations. The jihadists, for example, recruited thousands of teenagers for use as cannon fodder in the August 2016 battle for Ramouseh, which allowed a temporary breach in the siege of Aleppo. Although unnecessary on the military level, the battle was intended to enhance the prestige of HTS, which had been reconstituted from JFS but had parted amicably with al-Qaeda leader Ayman al-Zawahiri. The terrorist organization now needs to constantly replenish its supply of suicide bombers, one of its best assets in the war. While drawing the admiration of other jihadist leaders, the suicide attacks also scare them because they know they are not immune. In his deployment of suicide att

    ackers, HTS leader Abu Muhammad al-Julani corresponds perfectly to the portrait of the "old man of the mountain" (al-Shaykh al-Jebel) described by Bernard Lewis in The Assassins. Specifically, HTS can count on the TIP to supply large numbers of suicide bombers indoctrinated in its children's training camps near Jisr al-Shughour. Uyghur suicide bombers have already performed on the frontlines during the battle for Ramouseh.

    In observing recent developments, no state actor wants to see Idlib province become a jihadist factory. Turkey, in particular, could be spurred to intervene militarily, based on the terrorist threat and Ankara's geopolitical interests. To be sure, the Turks hold the priority of preventing the creation of an entity favorable to the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) operating between Afrin and the Tigris River. Yet the future of Idlib is also part of Ankara's calculus, and developments there could weigh in favor of or against the Kurds. Indeed, Turkish president Recep Tayyip Erdogan has voiced his desire to create a Turkish protectorate in Idlib similar to the existing Azaz-Jarabulus corridor. Should the Turks act, their military plan might entail a strike into Syria extending about thirty-five kilometers, from Jisr al-Shughour to Bab al-Hawa, including the city of Idlib. Such a campaign would inevitably lead to a major fight with HTS, which occupies precisely the same area.

    Abu Muhammad al-Julani understands that once the Islamic State is defeated, the U.S.-led coalition, along with Russia, Turkey, and Iran, will turn its guns on his group. Depending on developments in the anti-IS campaign, and coordination among these external actors, Julani might have a year or two before his group's time comes. He thus understands that his principal goal is not to create a permanent Islamic emirate in the Idlib area but rather to establish a recruitment base for his army of jihadists, in accordance with the principles set out by Zawahiri: "The strategy for jihad in al-Sham [Greater Syria] must focus on a guerrilla war...Do not occupy yourselves with holding territory."

    Such language explains why the international community must seek urgently to counter HTS, which grows stronger by the day, without awaiting the complete destruction of the Islamic State. International actors should not rely on moderate rebels, or Ahrar al-Sham, to achieve this goal. Indeed, the international coalition must pursue the same comprehensive approach to HTS in Idlib as it is taking to the Islamic State in Raqqa and elsewhere. Failure to do so now will entail far greater costs later.

    Fabrice Balanche, an associate professor and research director at the University of Lyon 2, is a visiting fellow at The Washington Institute.

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    Mavi Boncuk |

    Word Origin | Turkish terms derived from Sogdian

    Acun: world (the earth)
    Akşam: evening, last night
    Bey[1]: gentleman, mister, lord, master
    Kent[2]: city
    Otağ[3]: tent, royal tent

    [1] From Ottoman Turkish ‎(bey), from Old Turkic beg, “chief, titled man”). There are different theories about the further etymology of the word beg. According to one theory the word may ultimately come from Middle Chinese Middle Chinese [script needed] ‎(baak, pak).[1] Another theory states that the word may have its origins in Sogdian [script needed] ‎(baga, “lord, master”), therefore from Proto-Indo-European *bhag-. Nonetheless German Turkologist Gerhard Doerfer assessed the derivation from Iranian as uncertain and pointed out that the word may be genuinely Turkic. 

    [2] From Old Turkic kend ‎(“city, settlement”). The word in Turkish used to mean "village", "rural settlement" until the 20th century, during the language reforms the word was thought to be genuinely Turkic and a secondary meaning "city" that of old Turkic was preferred. From Sogdian [script needed] ‎(kand, “city”), possibly cognate with Kurdish gund ‎(“village”).

    [3] From Old Turkic otag, from Old Turkic ōta- ("make a fire, to give out smoke, to fume"). Closely related to the shamanistic feature of a shaman (summoning different kinds of spirits or demons). See oda. Or from Sogdian ʾwtʾʾk ‎(ōtāk, “place, region”). Compare Azeri otaq, Turkish otağ, and Turkmen otag.

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  • 09/01/17--10:55: Word Origins Index | Update
  • Mavi Boncuk |

    (use the main search box)

    Word origins                                             



















    Bey Bıçak 




    Budala Bok












    Cani Candle









    Cinayet Cübbe








    Çıplak Çırak













    Devlet Başa Kuzgun Leşe
































    Fish Fische Fıtrat


    Gabi Garato









    Günah Güruh

    Gypsy Words





























    Kaime Kaka


    Kalleş Kamet

    Kan Revan





    Kara Karat


























    Kocakarı SoğuklarıKoçan


    Kofre Köfte




    Kondüktör Konak




    Korse Köftehor



    Kötek Kral











    Kurnaz Kuruş

























    Mariz  Maşa



































    Paçavra Paçoz
















    Poissons Poğaça

    Pornai Street





















    Sepet Serpuş


    Siper  Sıla


    Suikast Sultan




    Somun Soap





    Şaibe Şaa








































    Tokat Torba

























    Yol Yortu

    Yumruk Yük


    Zenci Zero





    Osman Gazi Köprüsü

    Tulips and Lilacs

    Turkish terms derived from Sogdian 

    Turkish fish names in Armenian 

    Gypsy Loan Words in Turkish

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    Prominent Turkish sociologist, political scientist, academic and thinker Şerif Mardin[1] died at the age of 90 on Wednesday.

    Referred to as the "doyen of Turkish sociology," Mardin was known for his work on the historical sociology and intellectual history of the Ottoman Empire.

    Mavi Boncuk |

    [1] Mardin was born in Istanbul in 1927. His father is Şemsettin Mardin[*], a Turkish ambassador. Şemsettin Mardin was a member of very long-established family and was uncle to Arif Mardin and Betul Mardin. Şerif Mardin's mother is Reya Mardin who was the daughter of Ahmet Cevdet, the founder of an Ottoman newspaper called İkdam.

    Mardin completed high school education in the US in 1944. He obtained a bachelor of arts degree in political sciences at Stanford University in 1948. Then he received a master of arts degree in international relations from Johns Hopkins University in 1950. He completed PhD studies in political science at Stanford University in 1958. His PhD dissertation was published by Princeton University Press with the title of The Genesis of Young Ottoman Thought in 1962.

    Academic career

    Mardin began his academic career at the Faculty of Political Science, Ankara University in 1954 and his tenure lasted until 1956. Then he worked as a research associate at the Department of Oriental Studies of Princeton University from 1958 to 1961.[7] He worked as a research fellow at the Middle East Institute of Harvard University for one year (1960-1961). He returned to Turkey and joined the Faculty of Political Science of Ankara University in 1961. He became associate professor in 1964 and professor in 1969. His academic studies at Ankara University continued until 1973. Then he worked at the Department of Political Science of Boğaziçi University from 1973 to 1991. Next, Mardin joined the Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences of Sabanci University in 1999, until his death

    In addition to these academic posts, Mardin also worked as a visiting professor at different universities, including Columbia University, Princeton University, University of California, Los Angeles, University of California, Berkeley, Oxford University, Ecoles des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales and Syracuse University.


    Focusing on the Ottoman Empire, Mardin develops many hypotheses about the societal structure of Ottomans. For instance, he argues that in the Ottoman Empire, there was no 'civil society' in the Hegelian terms that could operate independently of central government and was based on property rights.Therefore, the lack of civil society led to a difference in the social evolution and political culture in Ottoman society in contrast to Western societies. Mardin applies the terms center and periphery to the Ottoman society, and reaches the conclusion that the society consisted of city dwellers, including the Sultan and his officials and nomads. The center included city dwellers, and the periphery nomads.The integration of center and periphery was not achieved. These two societal characteristics, namely the existence of center and periphery, and the lack of successful integration of them, also existed in the modern Turkish society and remained to be the major duality in Turkey. Mardin also emphasized the importance of Jon Turks' thought, addressing the attention of the English-speaking world.He analysed the thought of Said Nursi, who was part of this movement in the early years of his life.

    Instead of following mainstream accounts of modernization process in Turkey, he adopts an alternative approach in this regard. He claims that Turkish modernization is multi-dimensional. Therefore, reductionism in the form of binary accounts that were resulted from Kemalism cannot provide a satisfactory analysis of Turkish modernism. On the other hand, Mardin maintains that the gap between center and periphery continued during the process of Turkish modernization. Mardin also deals with the achievements of Kemalism. For him, Kemalism has been unsuccessful. But, the reason for this underachievement is not related to the fact that it has been insensitive to popularly held beliefs. Instead, Kemalism cannot be sufficiently linked to the heritage of Enlightenment. In short, Kemalism could not develop texts and philosophy of ethics to describe itself and to pass over next generations.

    Mardin coined the concept of "Turkish Exceptionalism" to reveal the reasons for the Turks in dealing with Islam and their vision of the state in a different fashion in contrast to other Moslem countries. Mardin objects the idea that the separation between religion and the state in Turkey was a product of Mustafa Kemal Ataturk’s movement. Instead, he argues that this separation began during the Ottoman period. Concerning secularism, Mardin also posits a view that reflects the exceptional use of the term in Turkey. He states that secularism in Turkey does not refer to a hostile state approach towards religion. Instead, secularism for Turks means that the state comes before religion by just “one millimeter”. Mardin further asserts that religion, Islam in this context, and its representatives, including clerics, function as a mediator between the individual and the state.[16] Islam was also a unifying code for those in the periphery during the late period of the Ottoman Empire.

    In 2007, he coined the term “community pressure” ("Mahalle baskısı" in Turkish) to describe a sociological reality that has been experienced in the secular Turkish society as a result of raising of Islamic life-style in the country.

    Mardin published many books on religion, modernization and society in the context of Turkey, and some of them are given as follows:

    Religion and Social Change in Modern Turkey: The Case of Bediuzzaman Said Nursi, Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 1989
    The Genesis of Young Ottoman Thought: A Study in the Modernization of Turkish Political Ideas, Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, July 2000
    Laicism in Turkey, İstanbul: Konrad Adenauer Foundation Press, March 2003
    Center and periphery in the Ottoman Empire, New York: Syracuse University Press 2005
    The nature of nation in the late Ottoman Empire, Leiden: ISIM 2005

    Religion, society, and modernity in Turkey, Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, July 2006

    [*] Şemsettin Mardin was one of the Turkish ambassadors. Mardin was born in Egypt. He was a member of very long-established family. He served as the ambassador of Turkey to Lebanon from 1960 to 1962. He married Reya Hanim, daughter of Ahmed Cevdet Pasha who founded the daily Ikdam. After retiring from diplomatic post, Şemsettin Mardin settled in Maadi, a district of Cairo. He died there.

    See also: Samir W Raafat's book Maadi 1904-1962; History and Society in a Cairo Suburb (book first appeared in 1994)

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    Mavi Boncuk | Religion, Society, and Modernity in Turkey[1]

    By Şerİf Mardin  
    (Syracuse, NY:  Syracuse University Press,  2006),  xvi + 388 pp.

    Ibrahim Kalin[2] 
    Journal of Islamic Studies, Volume 19, Issue 2, 1 May 2008, Pages 275–279, 

    This book brings together Serif Mardin's seminal essays over the last forty years on the history of the late Ottoman Empire and modern Turkish Republic. Touching upon the social, political and religious aspects of the last two centuries, the essays have one underlying theme: understanding Turkish social and political history outside the dominant paradigms of ‘Marxisant’, positivistic and secular–modernistic constructions of Turkish culture and society (p. xiii). Like his other pioneering works, Mardin's essays in the present collection provide penetrating analyses of the transformation of the classical Ottoman civilization into the modern Turkish Republic and its far-reaching consequences for contemporary Turkish society, and the relationship between tradition and modernity.


    Social Class and Class Consciousness  1
    Power Civil Society and Culture in the Ottoman Empire 23
    Civil Society and Islam 44
    The Transformation of an Economic Code 60
    The Modernization of Social Communication 83
    Some Consideration on the Building of an Ottoman Public Identity in the Nineteenth Century 124
    Super Westernization in Urban Life in the Ottoman Empire in the Last Quarter of the Nineteenth 
    Century 135
    Continuity and Change in the Ideas of the Young Turks 164
    An Attempt at a Partial Explanation of a Revolutionary Conscience 182
    Ideology and Religion in the Turkish Revolution 192
    Youth and Violence in Turkey 205
    Religion in Modern Turkey 225
    Necip Fazil and the Naksibendi 243
    Islam in Nineteenth and Twentieth Century Turkey 260
    Center Periphery as a Concept for the Study of Social Transformation 298
    Playing Games with Names 316
    Works Cited 331
    Index 369

    [2] İbrahim Kalın(b.1971) is assistant to the Turkish President and the current Press Secretary in the Turkish Presidential Complex. He is also a senior fellow at the Prince Alwaleed Bin Talal Center for Muslim-Christian Understanding at the Georgetown University.

    Kalin received his B. A. from the University of Istanbul and Ph. D. from George Washington University. From 2002 to 2005 he was a faculty member at the Department of Religious Studies at the College of the Holy Cross in Worcester, Massachusetts. From 2005 to 2009 he was the director of the SETA Foundation for Political, Economic and Social Research based in Ankara, Turkey.

    On December 11, 2014, President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan announced that İbrahim Kalın would be the first official Turkish Presidential Press Secretary.

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    Turkish documentarist Gürcan Keltek makes a political statement with his observation of one of the largest militant actions to take place against the citizens of his own country. Working in documentary format, Turkish filmmaker, Gürcan Keltek has participated in multiple film festivals with his shorts but is better known for Colony (2015), awarded the Best Newcomer Prize at DokuFest in Kosovo. Meteors, his first feature-length film, is commentary that blends together elements of documentary, experimentalism and fiction and takes place in the Kurdish regions of Eastern Anatolia. 

    Mavi Boncuk | 

    Meteorlar  (Meteors)
    Netherlands, Turkey  ·  2017  ·  DCP  ·  Black and White  ·  84' ·  o.v. Kurdish/Turkish

    Director Gürcan Keltek
    Cast Ebru Ojen
    Producer Gürcan Keltek, Marc Van Goethem, Arda Çiltepe, Burak Çevik
    Cinematography Mustafa Şen, Fırat Gürgen
    Screenplay adapted by Gürcan Keltek
    Editing Fazilet Onat
    Production 29P Films
    Coproduction 29P Films PV:
    29P Films PV |
    World Sales | Heretic Outreach:

    Meteors is a Dutch-Turkish co-production by Marc Van Goethem (29P Films), Gürcan Keltek, Arda Çiltepe, Burak Çevik and is sold internationally by the Greek company Heretic Outreach.

    They come at night and everybody steps out. They light torches and remember those who have walked these streets before them. In the coming hours, the city wil be on lockdown: an eclipse appears and meteors start to fall.


    After a period of ceasefire and two and a half years of negotiations, the third phase of the Kurdish-Turkish conflict broke out late in the summer of 2015 with the cause put down to the murder of a soldier by alleged members of the Kurdistan Workers’ party (PKK). Turkey immediately declared the largest military operation in history to take place in the region, against the PKK, initiating a nationwide crackdown on possible targets related to the Kurdish autonomists aimed principally at cities in South-Eastern Turkey. There was no media coverage of these operations and no official reports. The only source of information came from the live streams of almost static videos uploaded anonymously by locals living in the cities under militant curfew. In Meteors, clashes and riots continue for a couple of months, but everything is set to change when a meteor shower targets the same region. A divine intervention, or just a natural coincidence?

    Keltek was entirely inspired by the footage he happened upon and thus watched during the operations in Eastern Anatolia. Most importantly, he intended to capture and preserve the valuable material he was watching. Meteors is divided into six chapters, with each chapter dealing with a different period of conflict. The story begins with the hunters and invaders who arrive secretly in the middle of the night and ends in total disintegration and meteors. Using footage that is fragmented but incredibly unique and original, the director observes a country that is on the verge of civil war. Focusing mainly on the natural sounds of clashes, riots, firearms and even nature itself, the monochromatic granulated image expands all elements of the drama. However, this film is not solely based on montages of archived footage, as the director uses both original content and the actress-cum-writer Ebru Ojen, who narrates extracts from her book The Vaccine and conducts one-on-one interviews with people who were affected by and lived through the curfew.

    There are moments in the film in which reality is distorted and surpassed by events that could only belong to fiction. This is what films such as Meteors hope to emphasise. As there was no official record of the operations conducted, due to a persecution against any attempts made by journalists, the content of this film could easily belong to any common fantasy film. The elements of war are only presented as phone pictures, and witness testimonies sound like stories from the past. Keltek hopes to preserve and integrate the memories of so many before they are forgotten, a clear political statement. He further observes the absurdity of such an imposed permanence as nature, acting as deus ex machina, accentuates the futility of controlling people or regions. Meteors goes beyond the boundaries of the documentary genre, intensifying the political commentary and concluding with a philosophical and almost supernatural questioning of existence judged by “the eyes and ears of forgotten gods”. An unconventional but quite impactful process by a director that seems ready to push boundaries even further.

    Gürcan Keltek

    Born in İzmir, Turkey, in 1973, Gürcan Keltek studied film at Dokuz Eylül University before directing several shorts including Overtime (2012), selected at Visions Du Réel and DOK Leipzig. His medium-format film, Colony (2015), was screened at FIDMarseille. Meteorlar (2017) is his first feature film.
    2015 Colony
    2012 Overtime

    Cineuropa: Is Meteors a purely political film, and how difficult was it to create?
    Gürcan Keltek: It’s always difficult, especially when everyone has a different take on what has happened and you must reconsider everything while the events are still unfolding. Meteors was a reaction to what was going on, and there was a certain urgency to it, something that helped me to finish it. As a filmmaker, my intention is to go beyond current political situations. There were places I wanted to explore, where I don’t belong and which I want to observe differently. So it’s true that the film has political dimensions, but it starts to build itself up from something very personal, and then it becomes something else. I was originally fascinated by the history, the region, the people and the beautiful creatures in it, and Meteors is about them. The most difficult thing was to keep all of these elements intact while everything was fundamentally shifting or literally disappearing.

    Why did you divide the storyline into chapters?
    The fragmented structure of the separate narratives led me to divide the story into numbered chapters. I edited a series of sequences with my editor, Fazilet Onat, and we tried to make them speak to one another. There were geographical time jumps and different events happening simultaneously, so they were necessary for the narrative, which was sometimes intentionally sloppy. I like chapters; I pay attention when they appear on screen. I was doing some research on old pagan texts and anonymous Kurdish folk songs while making the film, so all I was seeing was chapters. 

    How did you manage to preserve the found footage?
    I collected found material from many sources: from Russian news channels that captured the meteorites to independent reporters and CCTV footage. The most important footage came from Güliz Sağlam, a great filmmaker from Istanbul. What she shot for the Women’s Initiative for Peace in the south-east of Turkey was amazing, and we also used other recordings from them. When we felt that there was a gap to fill, we also went to the spot itself to do our own shooting. Apart from our handful of scenes, we preserved and edited everything else at once. 

    Is this an experimental film or a documentary?
    Initially, I was joking that Meteors would be a documentary with psychedelic undertones, but now it looks more like a fiction to me, as there is written dialogue and a rough timeline or script. Even if everything shown is real, the idea of natural or supernatural forces intervening while some huge political turmoil is going on is completely fictional. There are no limits in documentary filmmaking, and when you try to describe them, it just expands. There were some images that still haunt me, so I never thought of particular criteria. I believe that experimental fiction and documentary co-exist. 

    Why did you use grainy, monochromatic cinematography?
    I shot the opening scene at Mount Nemrut in grainy black and white many years ago; I used celluloid, and I really like the texture, which paired well with the low-quality videos with high-resolution grains. This is also directly linked to the elements of the film. At that time, there was such scarce information and limited news coverage on south-eastern cities. I believe the visual style resonates with our distorted collective memory, like one of those anonymous, web-streamed videos from the region, with glitches, monologues and the like. I was fascinated by those images. What happened back then is a faded memory now, and Meteors is my re-imagining of how we remember everything.

    What was your experience of co-producing Meteors?
    It started off as a self-financed film, and for a long time, I was alone with very few people. We won a work-in-progress award at Meetings on the Bridge at the International Istanbul Film Festival, which was a great help. Afterwards, with 29P Films and Marc Van Goethem, we managed to wrap the post-production. Then, two brilliant filmmaker friends of mine, Burak Çevik and Arda Çiltepe, joined me as producers, and we literally finished everything together – with a very tiny budget, of course. There is no conventional way to finance a film like this in Turkey right now.

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    Header image: Abdülcanbaz – The Istanbul Gentleman © Turhan Selçuk

    Mavi Boncuk |SOURCE

    A Short History Of Comics In Turkey
    by Levent Cantek[1]

    Comics and comic strips have been published in Turkey for the last one hundred odd years with some interruptions, and for eighty years on a continuous basis. There have been some remarkable local productions published during this period. Yet, when comics are brought up in Turkey, the first creations that come to mind are those of foreign origin. The foremost reason for this is that comics production in Turkey has never developed into a full-fledged industry branch. Local comics that were financed and supported by newspaper publishers could not rival foreign publications, neither on a quantitative nor on a qualitative basis. Therefore it is of no surprise that even during the years 1955-1975, generally known as the golden age of comics in Turkey, no locally produced children’s comics attained widespread popularity.

    Still, the country saw the creation of many significant comics, such as Karaoğlan by Suat Yalaz, Abdülcanbaz by Turhan Selçuk, and Sezgin Burak‘s Tarkan. In this period, comics were published daily in the form of comic strips in newspapers, which would mostly be compiled in full-length comic books after their daily publication. At a time when magazines for children could survive even on small sales figures, cartoonists turned first and foremost to periodicals, thus reinforcing the presence of comics across their pages. With growing income and influence, the artists were then able to develop their work more deeply, allowing their creations from then on to incorporate narrative forms according to the needs of the publication and readers’ profiles.

     Cover of 'Tarkan,' a popular series by artist Sezgin Burak started in 1967 (© Burak).

    Turkish authors’ focus on historical themes, extravagant prose about heroic figures, and eroticism seem to have met readers’ expectations as well as publishers’, as these elements have firmly established themselves over the years. Traditionally, almost every newspaper (Hürriyet, Milliyet, Akşam, etc.) has reserved a space for comic strips, especially historical ones. The benefits to newspapers have not come solely from the growing interest in this genre—comic strips have contributed to newspaper design on the visual level, too. Due to insufficient printing technology before the 1970s, photographs were only scarcely used. Thus, artists who worked both with the newspapers and in the comic strip genre were able to shape the visual aspect of the Turkish press. Caricatures, vignettes, portraits, illustrations and various decorations were all used in place of photographs. Comics artists (such as Suat Yalaz, Bedri Koraman, and Turhan Selçuk) generally received good salaries and the comic strips they produced returned high royalties.
    With the introduction of modern printers to Turkey, however, photographs soon took over on the visual level. This transformation would reduce both the standing of comic strips within the newspaper industry as well as the royalties paid for their creation. Due to subsiding royalties, newspaper illustrators and graphic artists gradually turned their attention away from the production of comic strips, and despite the continued importance of comic strips since then, they would never again match the high level of popularity they enjoyed leading up to the 1970s.

     Cover of the legendary satirical magazine 'Girgir,' which over the years has featured the work of many of the greatest Turkish comics artists.

    The evolution of comics in the highly popular magazine Gırgır is once again due to favorable economic conditions and the financial support from newspaper owners. It all began with the development of offset web printing facilities by famous media owner Haldun Simavi, which represented a great step forward in the evolution of print media. Up until then, it had been virtually impossible to produce hundreds of thousands of newspapers and distribute them across the entire country in a single day. But with his new, fast-printing facilities, Simavi revolutionized the press and printing industry by producing massive amounts of newspapers and magazines rich in photographs and illustrations. At the onset of the 1970s he also experimented with an erotic, comical, and to some extent political humour magazine—Gırgır. Along with its strong cultural and political identity, Gırgır’s commercial success cannot be disregarded. The emergence of many comics creators on the national level and their existence up until today is directly attributable to Gırgır’s strong sales and economic success. The magazine opened up a new path for artists who had previously been working mainly for newspapers. Many young people were able to make a good living in this way through their art, and under such favorable conditions, other magazines with the same format as Gırgır, sporting caricatures and humorous comic strips, have also become popular.

     An illustration by renowned artist Ergün Gündüz, who was invited to the Angouleme Comics Festival in 2012 (© Gündüz).

    Nearly all the comics from the last forty years that have secured a place in the hearts and minds of the Turkish belong to the humor genre. The vast majority (Oğuz Aral‘s Utanmaz Adam, or “Shameless Man,” En Kahraman Rıdvan by Bulent Arabacioglu, Gaddar Davut by Nuri Kurtcebe, etc.) are based on irony, drawing heavily on exaggeratedly heroic characters and adventure-filled episodes by utilizing satirical language. Gırgır and other humour magazines (Çarşaf, Limon, Fırt) that emerged at the same time reached total sales figures of one million copies. Such a windfall of sales, as well as the magazines’ variety, had a great impact on comics, such that the richness of visual styles and narrative forms rose to an unforeseen level. Galip Tekin, Suat Gönülay, Kemal Aratan and Ergün Gündüz were among the most productive comics artists of those years and the ones that most strongly influenced the following generations of artists.

    However, such burgeoning quality and quantity was abruptly reversed by the heavy erosion of sales caused by the negative impact of television, so that by the first half of the 1990s, sales of print media had fallen by 80 percent compared with figures from just a decade before. Confronted with the growth of commercial TV channels, many magazines (Leman, Deli, etc.) turned against mainstream taste and put a new emphasis on stories that could not be aired on TV. This evolution not only marginalized magazines in general but also affected comics, investing them with a rather grotesque touch.

     Panels excerpted from 'Vakur Barut,' a series by the popular comics artist Suat Gönülay (© Gönülay).

    The most important magazine of that period was L-Manyak. The main aim of the magazine is humor and all that relates to buffoonery. Openly obscene and scatological in character, it scorns the “sensitivities” of urban society. Typical targets of the magazine are predators, braggarts, the rich, gluttons, ambitious businessmen, and those who use their sexual attraction to climb up the social ladder. As opposed to its predecessors, however, one topic is not touched upon: politics. The cover focuses on grotesque characters and comical representations of violence and various sexual practices. Decidely vulgar in nature, the magazine’s humor does however serve as constructive criticism. Mainstays of the stories in L-Manyak include the use of violence against oppression and the oppressors, the wish to escape the masses, mistrust towards certain political agendas, strong and insatiable sexual desire, hedonism, general mistrust towards others, and indifference to money.

     Work from artist Ersin Karabulut, who got his start in comics in Istanbul at age 16 with the magazine 'Pişmiş Kelle' (© Karabulut).

    Nowadays comics in Turkey are styled on the narrative model of L-Manyak. It is thus important to understand the common aesthetic preferences at the base of the L-Manyak trend: as opposed to the very minimalistic approach cultivated by legendary editor Oğuz Aral, most editors now prefer drawings against a detail-loaded, photorealistic background and tiled page designs. Kötü Kedi Şerafettin (Şerafettin the Bad Cat) by Bülent Üstün showcases the punky past of the author and his aesthetic rebellion. In the L-Manyak “Martyrs” series by Memo Tembelçizer, the author recounts stories about his artist friends who find death in many different ways. Another subcultural story by influential artist Oky (Oktay Gençer), Cihangir’de Bi Ev (“A House in Cihangir”), revolves around a quarter of Istanbul, where Cihangir is shown as a bohemian space of the city, with a focus on adolescents’ sexual and emotional relations. Other typical examples of this period are Cengiz Üstün’s grotesque works that invert the logic of horror movies, like Kunteper Canavarı (The Kunteper Monster), and Gürcan Yurt’s Turkish take on Robinson Crusoe (Robinson Crusoe ve Cuma, or Robinson Crusoe and Friday). Other comics artists whose various works have recently made a splash are Bahadır Baruter, Kenan Yarar and Ersin Karabulut.

     An image from Turhan Selçuk’s 'Abdülcanbaz' (© Selçuk, 1957).

    Finally it is of interest to expand on a few artists who have become prominent in the course of eighty years of local comics production. Suat Yalaz’s swashbuckling serial Karaoğlan (1962) and Turhan Selçuk’s formidable Turk in the last days of the Ottoman Empire, Abdülcanbaz (1957), were able to establish themselves on various platforms and keep up with the times, thus becoming classics in the Turkish comics scene. Sezgin Burak’s Tarkan is interesting because of its masterful originality and creative settings. Although Ratip Tahir Burak is considered by many to be a great painter who stands out for his artful drawing rather than his stories, he has become a model for the entire Gırgır generation. Oğuz Aral’s Utanmaz Adam has become a model as well for its successful scripts and well-conceived storylines. Engin Ergönültaş, born in 1951, deeply influenced the generations to come by creatively employing the original character of hınzır (originally meaning “swine,” “pork”; here in the sense of a boorish and unfeeling person) and through his literary visuality. Much of the production of today’s Turkish comics artists is deeply rooted in Ergönültaş’s influential artwork. With perhaps much more still to come.

    [1] Text by Levent Cantek, author of the book Türkiye’de Çizgi Roman, on the history and evolution of Turkish comics. Studied international relations at Bilkent University, and received his masters in journalism from Gazi University. He finished his PhD at Ankara University, and is one of the editors-in-chief of the Toplum ve Bilim (Society and Science) journal. He is the author of books Comic Books in Turkey (Iletisim, 1996), Markopasa, A Legend of Humor and Opposition (Iletisim, 2001), Karaoglan, An Erotic Nationalist Icon (Oglak, 2003), Republican Adolescence (Iletisim, 2008), Anatolian Tales (Dipnot, 2009), Donkey Immigrating to the City (Iletisim, 2011), Black Smoke (Iletisim, 2013) and Entrusted City (Iletisim, 2014). 

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  • 09/13/17--14:06: Paleo Diet at Göbekli Tepe
  • This totem statue was found at the Gobekli Tepe site near Sanliurfa, Turkey. The Gobekli Tepe site is the oldest man-made place of worship yet discovered, dating back to 10,000 BCE. Found in the cradle of civilization, Gobekli Tepe has reshaped archeologist's understanding of religion and culture in the neolithic and pre-historic ages. 

    Mavi Boncuk | SOURCE

    Schmidt and his team have so far found no evidence of settlement at Göbekli Tepe - houses, cooking hearths, and refuse pits are all absent. The archaeologists did, however, find over 100,000 animal bone fragments, many of which exhibited cut marks and splintered edges which indicate that animals were being butchered and cooked somewhere in the area. The bones came from wild game such as gazelle (which accounted for over 60% of the bones), boar, sheep and red deer, and different species of birds such as vultures, cranes, ducks and geese. All of the bones were from wild species; evidence that that the people who inhabited Göbekli Tepe were hunter-gatherers rather than early farmers who kept domesticated animals.

    The depictions of vultures at Göbekli Tepe have parallels at other Anatolian and Near Eastern sites. The walls of many of the shrines at the large Neolithic settlement of Çatal Höyük (in existence from approximately 7500 BCE to 5700 BCE) in south-central Turkey were adorned with large skeletal representations of vultures.

    One theory put forward to explain the prominence of vultures in the early Anatolian Neolithic is in the context of possible excarnation[1] practices suggesting a funerary cult. After death, bodies would have been deliberately left outside and exposed, perhaps on some kind of wooden frame, where their skeletons were stripped of flesh by vultures and other birds of prey. The skeletons would then be interred somewhere else. Perhaps the ritual of excarnation was the focus of a cult of the dead practiced by the inhabitants of Göbekli Tepe, as it certainly seems to have been elsewhere in Anatolia and the Near East in the Pre-Pottery Neolithic. 

    Other researchers believe that the Eden narrative in the Bible could be better interpreted as an allegory for the transition from a hunter-gather lifestyle to agriculture; though biblical accounts were recorded millennia after this transition took place. Interestingly, it is Klaus Schmidt’s opinion that the shift from hunting to farming in the area brought about the decline of Göbekli Tepe. With the intense work required for agricultural societies to succeed there was no longer the time or perhaps the need for the monuments of Göbekli Tepe. In the surrounding area, trees were chopped down, soils became exhausted and the landscape was gradually transformed into the arid wilderness we see today.

    [1] In archaeology and anthropology, the term excarnation (also known as defleshing) refers to the practice of removing the flesh and organs of the dead before burial, leaving only the bones.

    Excarnation may be precipitated through natural means, involving leaving a body exposed for animals to scavenge, or it may be purposefully undertaken by butchering the corpse by hand. Practices making use of natural processes for excarnation are the Tibetan sky burial, Comanche platform burials, and traditional Zoroastrian funerals (see Tower of Silence).

    Archaeologists believe that in this practice, people typically left the body exposed on a woven litter or altar. When the excarnation was complete, the litter with its remains would be removed from the site. Since metatarsals, finger bones and toe bones are very small, they would easily fall through gaps in the woven structure or roll off the side during this removal. Thus, a site in which only small bones are found is suggestive of ritual excarnation.

    Some Native American groups in the southeastern portion of North America practised deliberate excarnation in protohistoric times.

    Archaeologists seeking to study the practice of ritual excarnation in the archeological record must differentiate between the removal of flesh as a burial practice, and as a precursor to cannibalism. When human bones exhibiting signs of flesh removal are discovered in the fossil record, a variety of criteria can be used to distinguish between the two. One common approach is to compare the tool marks and other cuts on the bones with butchered animal bones from the same site, with the assumption that cannibalized humans would have been prepared like any other meat, whereas excarnated bodies would be prepared differently. Cannibalized bones, in contrast to excarnated bones, may also exhibit telltale signs such as human tooth marks, broken long bones (to facilitate marrow extraction), and signs of cooking, such as "pot polishing".

    During the Middle Ages in Europe, defleshing was a mortuary procedure used mainly to prepare human remains for transport over long distances. The practice was used only for nobility. It involved removing skin, muscles, and organs from a body, leaving only the bones. In this procedure, the head, arms, and legs were detached from the body. The process left telltale cuts on the bones.

    King Saint Louis IX of France is said to have been defleshed by boiling his corpse until the flesh separated from the bones. This was intended to preserve his bones, to avoid decaying of the remains during their return to France from the Eighth Crusade, and to provide relics. The process is known as mos Teutonicus.

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    Object: Pazarola Hasan Bey sits on a footstool

    Description: Pazarola Hasan Bey is sitting on a footstool. In his left hand, he is holding a cup of coffee, in his right a cigarette. He is dressed in traditional and used clothes. The photograph was taken outside, probably in front of a closed shop. Next to Pazarola Hasan Bey stands a second
    man. His head is outside the frame of the picture.

    Comment: The photograph was used in the context of an article by Osman Cemal (Kaygılı)
    with the title, ‘Istanbul’s most well-known man: Pazarola Hasan Bey’, in the weekly journal Resimli Ay. Pazarola Hasan bey (approx. 1880–1922) was a famous ‘crazy’ personality in Istanbul at the turn of the century. He was a factotum of the bazaar district around Beyazıt meydanı. The
    merchants and retailers of the time valued him as a good luck charm who would bless their shops and goods.

    Bibliograpy: (Kaygılı), Osman Cemal: İstanbul'un En Ma'ruf Adamı: Pazarola Hasan Bey.
    Resimli Ay 2-12, March 1341 (1925), 10-13. – Karaklışa, Yavuz Selim (2006):
    Eski İstanbul'un Delileri. Pazarola Hasan Bey. İstanbul: Tarih Vakfı.
    Copyright: Cengiz Kahraman
    Archive: Cengiz Kahraman, Istanbul (Collection Private collection) , Inv. No.: PAZAROLA
    HASAN BEY - KAHVE SIGARA - 01 Editors: Joël László, Cengiz Kahraman

    Mavi Boncuk |
    SIBA – A Visual Approach to Explore Everyday Life in Turkish and Yugoslav Cities, 1920s and 1930s

    Beginning in summer 2013, SNSF research professor Nataša Mišković and her team explored everyday life in four former Ottoman cities in the 1920s and 1930s. They focused on press photographs from the archives of the largest daily newspapers in Turkey and Yugoslavia. From the mid-1920s, 'Cumhuriyet' and 'Akşam' in Istanbul and 'Politika' and 'Vreme' in Belgrade employed their own photo reporters on a fixed basis. These men probed the potential of the new field with great enthusiasm, producing dynamic pictures of a dynamic age, informing about local features and the overall character of these cities.
    Photographs enable direct access to the past. An interesting image catches the eye and draws the observer into a different place and time. Nevertheless, working with photographs is a big challenge for historians. What exactly does an image show? When was it taken? Why and for whom? And who pressed the shutter release? Finding out more about the historical origin of photographs is a difficult and time-consuming task that requires much research and expert knowledge. However, detailed, informed answers to the above questions are a prerequisite for such historical work to begin.

    The SIBA team went to great lengths to establish a precise context for the photographs gathered from numerous archives, museums and private collections in Turkey, Serbia and Bosnia and Herzegovina. Close cooperation with local experts was especially important. Cengiz Kahraman, Director of the Istanbul Photography Museum, and Prof. Dr. Mehmed A. Akšamija, Professor of Photography at the Academy of Fine Arts in Sarajevo, enthusiastically welcomed our initiative, opened their wonderful collections for us and continue to support us with their expert advice. In their own work, both struggle with a lack of financial and institutional support and low appreciation for the visual heritage of their countries.

    As expected, the photographs from the four cities under investigation, Sarajevo, Istanbul, Belgrade and Ankara (SIBA), testify to half a millennium of joint Ottoman history, yet they tell us more about the Zeitgeist of the early 20th century. Next to stately mosques, we see modern sewage pipes being laid, cars and electric trams driving along newly paved streets, peasants in traditional costume selling their products in a recently opened market complex that meets the era's new standards of hygiene. The Kingdom of Yugoslavia celebrates the young nation with sport, music and dance at the big Pan-Slav 'Soko' meeting in Belgrade in 1930, while Turkey honours the nation on Republic Day with military parades, school processions and sports events. All this was documented by 'roving reporters' such as Selahattin Giz, Svetozar Grdijan, Namık Görgüç, Raka Ruben and Aca Simić — the latter on the move on his preferred mode of transport, a motorcycle with sidecar, a sensation in Belgrade at that time.

    A selection of these pictures will be published on 3 June, 2016, as a scientific edition on the 'Visual Archive Southeastern Europe' digital database (VASE)[1]. On this occasion, VASE will be relaunched as a joint project by the Universities of Basel and Graz. Find more information here. 

    PDF of the  international scientific conference for 2017. 

    Nataša Mišković

    Yugoslavia and Turkey are two nation states which emerged at the end of World War I on the remains of the Ottoman (and in case of Yugoslavia, partly of the Habsburg) Empire. One was a monarchy formed at the Versailles Peace Conference in 1918, with the former King of Serbia becoming the King of a 'three-named nation' of South-Slavs. The other, under the leadership of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, was forged under the conviction that the Ottomanist policy of the last Sultans had failed and that the Anatolian 'heart' of the former empire was therefore to become exclusively Turk. The founding of the two new states triggered a dynamic development especially in the large cities, where the new regimes first implemented their nation building projects.

    The Third Balkan Visual Meeting will look at these developments from a visual approach and explore how urban landscapes and everyday life in these cities changed under the new national order, addressing the following issues:

    1. The city centre as a showcase of progress and modernity
    2. The old çarşı/čaršija between neglect, nostalgia, and reform 
    3. Nationalist 'Zeitgeist': Nation and Body in the city
    4. From subject to citizen: Gender, body and dress
    5. Leisure and holidays
    6. Workers and poverty relief
    7. Art and Urban Planning
    8. The ruler in the city: Progress, Repression, Neglect?

    The main focus is on the cities which are under investigation in the ongoing Basel SIBA project: Sarajevo, Istanbul, Belgrade, Ankara, but also other cases are welcome. The SIBA project explores the cities named above through the photographic lens of local press reporters and press reports in large daily newspapers such as 'Politika', 'Vreme', 'Cumhuriyet' and 'Akşam' (see 
    Please submit your paper proposal, including name and affiliation, paper title, an abstract of up to 300 words and a short academic bio, to Yorick Tanner ( by 20 February 2017. Successful applicants will be notified by 12 March 2017. We plan to publish a selection of papers in an edited volume on the visual history of the Balkans and Anatolia.


    Yorick Tanner| Maiengasse 51, CH-4056 Basel |yorick.tanner(at)unibas(dot)ch

    [1] Visual Archive Southeastern Europe

    The Visual Archive Southeastern Europe collects historical photographic material from this part of Europe and has made it accessible online as a scientific edition. VASE was initiated by SIBA’s partners at the University of Graz: the Department of Southeast European History and Anthropology, and the Austrian Centre for Digital Humanities. It has now been significantly extended through cooperation between the SIBA project based in Basel and these two partner institutions. The redesigned website, now launched as a joint project, will be presented at the University of Basel on 3rd June, 2016, at 4pm. Find the programme here [PDF (1.5 MB)].

    Users can expect a carefully composed and edited scientific database comprising several thousand photographs. It holds photographs, postcards, posters and film stills from Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Austria, Romania, Serbia and Turkey. The largest collection stems from the research project, ‘Visualizing Family, Gender Relations and the Body. The Balkans approx. 1860-1950’, conducted in Graz between 2010 and 2014 under the direction of Karl Kaser by Barbara Derler, Ana Djordjević and Anelia Kasabova. Its focus is on early Bosnian, Bulgarian and Serbian studio photography, as well as postcards. With its relaunch as a joint project between Graz and Basel, the database has gained exciting and hitherto scarcely known photographic material from the SIBA project in Basel. This collection edited by Nataša Mišković, Joël László, Milanka Matić, Mehmed A. Akšamija, Cengiz Kahraman, Kristina Ilić and Yorick Tanner gives an insight into press photography in interwar Yugoslavia and Turkey. The work of Bosnian photographer Alija M Akšamija, who took pictures of random pedestrians in and around Sarajevo at the end of the 1930s, is a special gem.
    The database is being extended continually. By the end of 2016, images, posters and film stills collected by Karl Kaser as part of his research on Balkan cinema will be uploaded. In addition, a selection of photographs from the archive of Josip Broz Tito is being prepared in cooperation with the Museum of Yugoslav History in Belgrade.

    Next to precise image descriptions and comments, the edition, published in English, comprises a glossary allowing cross-references between the featured cities and languages. It also includes subject indexing based on the international Outline of Cultural Materials (OCM), short biographies of the photographers and a full-text search function. 

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    Mavi Boncuk |

    Yuh: boo, jeer, hoot [1]EN (interjection) Tatar TR: [ Aşık Paşa, Garib-name, 1330]
    ādem iken ḥayvān olduŋ yū saŋa: ünl takbih ünlemi
    Similar: yuf, yuha, yuhalamak

    Çüş: whoa! [2]EN (interjection) Tatar TR:[ Evliya Çelebi, Seyahatname, c.1683]
    eşekçi Ermenīler çüş bre andıra halası çüş deyüp Ermenice türkīler yırlayup
    : ünl eşeği durdurma ünlemi

    Oha: oha, çüş!; whoa[3], nellie!  EN (interjection) used to stop cattle. Similarly used as a slang expression for rude people.
    Büyükbaş hayvanları durdurmak için kullanılan bir seslenme sözü. 
    Argo: Kaba ve yakışıksız bir davranışta bulunan kişilere karşı kullanılan söz. 

    [1] boo (interj.) early 15c., boh, "A combination of consonant and vowel especially fitted to produce a loud and startling sound" [OED, which compares Latin boare, Greek boaein "to cry aloud, roar, shout"]; as an expression of disapproval, 1884 (n.); hence, the verb meaning "shower (someone) with boos" (1885). 

    Booing was common late 19c. among London theater audiences and at British political events; in Italy, Parma opera-goers were notorious boo-birds. But the custom seems to have been little-known in America before c. 1910. To say boo "open one's mouth, speak," originally was to say boo to a goose.
    To be able to say Bo! to a goose is to be not quite destitute of courage, to have an inkling of spirit, and was probably in the first instance used of children. A little boy who comes across some geese suddenly will find himself hissed at immediately, and a great demonstration of defiance made by them, but if he can pluck up heart to cry 'bo!' loudly and advance upon them, they will retire defeated. The word 'bo' is clearly selected for the sake of the explosiveness of its first letter and the openness and loudness of its vowel. [Walter W. Skeat, "Cry Bo to a Goose,""Notes and Queries," 4th series, vi, Sept. 10, 1870] 

    jeer (n.) "a scoff, a taunt," 1620s, from jeer (v.).
    jeer (v.) 1550s, gyr, "deride, to mock," of uncertain origin; perhaps from Dutch gieren "to cry or roar," or Middle Dutch scheeren or German scheren "to plague, vex," literally "to shear" (as a mark of contempt or disgrace). OED finds the suggestion that it is an ironical use of cheer "plausible and phonetically feasible, ... but ... beyond existing evidence." Related: Jeered; jeering.

    hoot (n.)  mid-15c., "cry of dissatisfaction or contempt," from hoot (v.). Meaning "a laugh, something funny" is first recorded 1942. Slang sense of "smallest amount or particle" (the hoot you don't give when you don't care) is from 1891.

    "A dod blasted ole fool!" answered the captain, who, till now, had been merely an amused on-looker. "Ye know all this rumpus wont do nobuddy a hoot o' good--not a hoot." ["Along Traverse Shores," Traverse City, Michigan, 1891]
    Hooter in the same sense is from 1839.

    Hooter. Probably a corruption of iota. Common in New York in such phrases as "I don't care a hooter for him.""This note ain't worth a hooter." [John Russell Bartlett, "Dictionary of Americanisms," 1877]

    hoot (v.)  "to call or shout in disapproval or scorn," c. 1600, probably related to or a variant of Middle English houten, huten "to shout, call out" (c. 1200), which is more or less imitative of the sound of the thing. First used of bird cries, especially that of the owl, mid-15c. Meaning "to laugh" is from 1926. Related: Hooted; hooting. A hoot owl (1826) is distinguished from a screech owl.

    [2]  whoa (interj.)  1620s, a cry to call attention from a distance, a variant of who. As a command to stop a horse, it is attested from 1843, a variant of ho. As an expression of delight or surprise (1980s) it has gradually superseded wow, which was very popular 1960s.

    [3] Whoa (c. 1843) is a variant of woa (c. 1840), itself a variant of wo (c. 1787), from who (c. 1450), ultimately from Middle English ho, hoo (interjection), probably from Old Norse hó! (interjection, also, a shepherd's call). Compare German ho, Old French ho ! (“hold!, halt!”).