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Cornucopia of Ottomania and Turcomania | Contact:mailmaviboncuk(at)
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  • 06/07/17--07:44: Hungarian and Turkish
  • Mavi Boncuk | 

    A lot of old Turkish words in Hungarian are difficult to spot because they are from the Csuvash branch of Turkish languages, for instance r corresponds to Ottoman Turkish z: tenger "sea" = deniz.[1] 

    Hungarian has two words for "red". Piros and vörös. The difference is historical and today there is no rule for which to use, you just have to learn it. Most of the time, "vörös" is a darker shade of red than "piros". Basically "vörös" derives from the word "vér" which means blood (kan kirmizi TR), but you can use both words for blood in fact. The difference is that blood that flows in our veins is usually considered "piros" and blood that has been spilt and has coagulated is considered "vörös". 

    Like Turkish, Hungarian is also agglutinative. That means that instead of saying "IN the school" they say "iskoláBAN", that said, Hungarians stick suffixes to the end of their words. What's more, it is even possible to put more than one suffices to a word like this: "iskoláKBAN", in which "iskola" is school, "-k" is the pluralizer suffix and "-ban" means "in". Japanese, Finnish and Turkish are similar in this manner.

    Among the first to arrive were the Huns, who built up a powerful empire under Attila. It is presently believed that the origin of the name "Hungary" does not come from the Central Asian nomadic invaders called the Huns, but rather originated from a later, 7th century Turkic alliance called On-Ogour, which in Old Turkish meant "(the) Ten Arrows.The Magyars migrated to Hungary in the late 9th century."

    Origin of the word "Hungarian" (Magyar) is thought to be derived from the Bulgaro-Turkic Onogur, possibly because the Magyars were neighbours (or confederates) of the Empire of the Onogurs in the 6th century, whose leading tribal union was called the "Onogurs" (meaning "ten tribes" in Old Turkic).The H- in many languages (Hungarians, Hongrois, Hungarus etc.) is a later addition. It was taken over from the word "Huns"(turkish tribe), which was a similar semi-nomadic tribe living some 400 years earlier in present-day Hungary and having a similar way of life (or according to the older theories the people from which the Magyars arose). In ancient times, through the Middle Ages, and even today, the identification of Hungarians with the Huns has often occurred in history and literature, however this identification began to be disputed around the late 19th century, and is still a source of major controversy among scholars who insist that there could be no direct connection between the two.The origin of the Hungarians is partly disputed. The most widely accepted Finno-Ugric theory from the late 19th century is based primarily on linguistic and ethnographical arguments, while it is criticised by some as relying too much on linguistics. There are also other theories stating that the Magyars are descendants of Scythians, Huns, Turks, Avars, and/or Sumerians.

    Many historical references related both the Magyars (Hungarians) and the Bashkirs as two branches of the same nation. However, modern Bashkirs are quite different from their original stock, largely decimated during the Mongol invasion (13th century), and assimilated into Turkic peoples."

    Both the Kabars[2] and earlier the Bulgars may have taught the Magyars their Turkic languages; according to the Finno-Ugric theory, this is used to account for at least 300 Turkic words and names still in modern Hungarian"

    [1] "I ONCE attended a lecture, delivered in German by a Romanian whose native language was Hungarian, and who also spoke Finnish. When the inevitable question as to the similarity of the two languages arose, he answered "Yes, they are quite similar. About as similar as French and Russian." I don't think he was being facetious: French and Russian (or for that matter English and Albanian) are similar, since they are related Indo-European languages. But the Romanian's answer is a salutary warning against over-emphasising the similarities. Finnish and Hungarian both belong to the Finno-Ugrian group of languages (Estonian also, which is very similar to Finnish). Hungarian history is well documented, since they came early into contact with the German (Holy Roman) Empire and had to be confined within their boundaries by the German king Henry I in the 10th century. They (and presumably also the Finns) are the descendants of probably the last wave of foreign invaders from the East, of whom the Huns and the Avars are perhaps the best known. To say more would be speculation. As to the question "Where do the Hungarians and the Finns come from?" - where do any of us come from? It's just that their languages stick out like erratic blocks in an otherwise homogeneous Indo-European landscape that makes us wonder about their origins. They are just people like the rest of us." Frank Shaw, Department of German, University of Bristol.

    "The words shared with Turkish are cultural items, which are most subject to borrowing. The words that Hungarian shares with Finnish, however, belong to the stable core of the language, such as personal pronouns, basic natural phenomena, body parts, etc. The Finno-Ugric hypothesis was denied by Hungarians throughout the last century - in the face of over-whelming evidence - on the irrelevant grounds that the Hungarians were conquerors on horseback whereas the Saami and the Udmurts, etc, were hunter-gatherers who had never conquered anyone." Paul Whitehouse, London N1

    "THE HYPOTHESIS which asserts a common origin for the Hungarian and Finnish languages is based on the fact that there are about 600 words shared by Hungarian and Finnish. This "official" version is generally the only one taught in schools and universities. However, it is also true that there is an equal or greater number of words shared by Hungarian with Turkish and many other languages. Moreover, the anthropology, the mythology and the traditional music of Hungarians shows a much closer kinship with the Turkic peoples than with the Finns and the other related Uralic peoples. The earliest sources relating to Hungarians generally describe them as Turks, Huns, Sabirs, Onogurs, etc, but never as Finns. If the questioner wishes to know more about the "official" story of Hungarian origins, he only has to consult any textbook anywhere in the Western world. But most Hungarian people no longer believe in this version. If he wishes to know something about the research concerned with the alternative views, he could contact us." I Halasz, Hungarian Historical Society, 115 Auburn Road, Auburn 2144, Australia

    "First, the question is where the languages come from, not whether they are related. Finns' ancestors left Siberia and headed north-west. If the Hungarians left from the same area they headed south-west, and besides, this took place thousands of years ago.
    Second, languages are not categorised solely by shared words. Finnish has more words derived from Swedish than the 600 common words with Hungarian, but nobody is claiming that Finnish has suddenly become an Indo-European language. These 600 words shared by Hungarian and Finnish are not "common" but they obviously are of same origin. Categorisation includes such features as stress of words and sentences, grammatical system, e.g. case system, syntax and morphology. These features happen to be closely related in both Finnish and Hungarian.
    Finally, I couldn't care less if Hungarians prefer being related to Turks, but people who claim something should take all facts into consideration and not just those which suit to them." Salla Koivisto, Guildford, Surrey, (

    "Regarding Turkish and Hungarian one should read the paper "Turkish material in Hungarian" by John Dyneley Prince, Columbia University. Not all the so called Turkish "loan words" can be considered borrowed. Some fundamentals are never borrowed and point to a common, cognate linguistic connection . Example the followings are not loan material: Turkish "Çok var", Hungarian "Sok van", "There are many". The cognates Çok, Sok; var, van are clear. Furthermore the relationship between Turkish ol (to be) and Hungarian volt is obvious. Same can be said about Hungarian oly, olyan and Turkish öile "Thus so"; Hungarian jó , Turkish iyi, eyi ("good"), Hungarian and Turkish öl ("kill and die"). Same is true for the Hungarian verbal suffixes 1.p -m 2.p -sz and Turkish -m, s(en), personal pronouns Hungarian én, Turkish ben "I", Hungarian ő, Turkish o "He/She" , Hungarian te, Turkish sen "You", Hungarian Ki, Turkish Kim "Who". The first person possessive affix -m in Turkish and Hungarian çocuku gyerek child çocuğum gyerekem my child çocuklarım gyerekeim my children One can point from the basic Hungarian vocabulary to family words. Hungarian words like anya ("mother") , apa, atya ("father") Turkish ana, anne and ata. These were just some from the many simmilarities between Hungarian and Turkish. I end with a sentence in Turkish and Hungarian: Cebimde çok küçük elma var. Zsebemben sok kicsi alma van. I have many little apples in my pocket. As a native Hungarian my point is that Hungarian is distantly related to Turkish, but I would not deny any distant relationship with Finnish either." Erik Vail, Cluj, Romania


    [2] The Kabars (Greek: Κάβαροι) or Khavars were Khalyzians, Turkic Khazar people who joined the Magyar confederation in the 9th century.

    The Kabars consisted of three Khazar tribes who rebelled against the Khazar Khaganate some time in the ninth century; the rebellion was notable enough to be described in Constantine Porphyrogenitus's work De Administrando Imperio. Subsequently the Kabars were expelled from the Khazar Khaganate and sought refuge by joining the Magyar tribal confederacy called Hét-Magyar (meaning "seven Hungarians"). The three Kabar tribes accompanied the Magyar invasion of Pannonia and the subsequent formation of the Principality of Hungary in the late 9th century.

    Around 833 the Hungarian tribal confederacy was living in Levedia, between the Don and the Dnieper rivers, within the orbit of the Khazar empire. Toward 850 or 860, driven from Levedia by the Pechenegs, they entered Atelkuzu (Etelköz). The Magyars reached the Danube river basin around 880. Shortly afterward, the Byzantine emperor Leo VI, then at war with Simeon, the Bulgarian czar, called the Hungarians to his aid. The Magyars, led by Árpád, crossed the Danube and attacked Bulgaria. The Bulgarians, in turn, appealed to the Pechenegs, now masters of the steppe, who attacked the Hungarians in the rear and forced them to take refuge in the mountains of Transylvania. At that moment, Arnulf, duke of Carinthia, at war with the Slav ruler Svatopluk, prince of Great Moravia,[citation needed] decided like the Byzantines to appeal to the Hungarians. The Hungarians overcame Svatopluk, who disappeared in the conflict (895). Great Moravia collapsed, and the Hungarians took up permanent abode in Hungary (907).

    The origin of the name Hungary is believed to originate from the Bulgar tribal confederacy named On-Ogur, (meaning "ten" Ogurs) (comparable to Tokuz-Oguz (meaning "nine" Oguz)), who ruled the territory of Hungary prior to the arrival of the Magyars.

    Many Kabars settled in the Bihar region of the later Kingdom of Hungary and Transylvania now in Romania. Some historians believe the character recorded by Gesta Hungarorum as lord Marot and his grandson Menumorut, dux of Biharia, were of Kabar descent.[citation needed] One of the names on the Kievian Letter is "Kiabar", which may suggest that Kabars settled in Kiev as well. At least some Kabars were of Jewish faith; others may have been Christians, Muslims or shamanists.

    The presence of a Turkic aristocracy among the Hungarians could explain the Byzantine protocol by which, in the exchange of ambassadors under Constantine Porphyrogenitus, Hungarian rulers were always referred to as "Princes of the Turks".

    The Kabars eventually assimilated into the general Hungarian population, leaving scattered remains and some cultural and linguistic imprints. Some scholars[citation needed] believe that the Székely are their descendants.

    A Kabar inscription: The Mihai Viteazu inscription (Alsószentmihály inscription), discovered in the 20th century in present-day Romania, is one of few surviving relics of the Kabars. It was transcribed by the archaeologist-historian Gábor Vékony. According to the transcription, the meaning of the two-row inscription is the following: (first row) "His mansion is famous." and (second row) "Jüedi Kür Karaite." or "Jüedi Kür the Karaite."

    The Karaim language (Crimean dialect: къарай тили, Trakai dialect: karaj tili, Turkish dialect: karay dili, traditional Hebrew name lashon kedar לשון קדר "language of the nomads")[6] is a Turkic language with Hebrew influences, in a similar manner to Yiddish or Ladino. It is spoken by only a few dozen Karaims (Qrimqaraylar

    in LithuaniaPoland and Crimea and Galicia in Ukraine. The three main dialects are those of Crimea, Trakai-Vilnius and Lutsk-Halych all of which are critically endangered. The Lithuanian dialect of Karaim is spoken mainly in the town of Trakai (also known as Troki) by a small community living there since the 14th century. There is a chance the language will survive in Trakai as a result of official support and because of its appeal to tourists coming to the Trakai Island Castle, where Karaims are presented as the castle's ancient defenders. 

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    Mavi Boncuk | Russian Travelers to Constantinople in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries Russian Travelers to Constantinople in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries George P. Majeska[1] 


    ISBN: 978-0-88402-101-8, Hardcover, 1984 

    Russian pilgrim depictions of Constantinople have long been recognized as among the best sources for the topography of the Byzantine capital. In this volume Professor Majeska has produced the first scholarly edition of the five Russian travel narratives which deal with Constantinople in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries; the accompanying English translations make this material available to scholars who do not read Old Russian. The substantial commentary, which makes up part two of this study, relates the Russian material to other sources for Byzantine and medieval Russian history as well as to modern archaeological and historical scholarship.

    [1] George P. Majeska | Associate Professor Emeritus |3111 Francis Scott Key Hall | 301-405-4288 | gmajeska(at)umd(dot)edu

    Majeska, George P. was born on April 28, 1936 in Brooklyn. Son of John Alexander and Marguerite (Fagan) Majeska.

    Education: AB, Brooklyn College, 1961. Master of Arts in History, Indiana University, 1964. Doctor of Philosophy in History, Indiana University, 1968.

    Career: Assistant professor State University of New York, Buffalo, 1967-1972. Associate professor University Maryland, College Park, since 1972, director Russian area studies program Buffalo, since 1987.

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    Mavi Boncuk |

    Ernest Mamboury [1](1 April 1878 - 23 September 1953) was a Swiss scholar renowned for his works on the historic structures in Turkish cities, particularly on Byzantine art and architecture in Istanbul.

    Mamboury was born 1878 in Signy-Avenex, Switzerland. He studied in the École Normale of Lausanne (1894-1898), in Geneva (1898-1903) and the Académie Julian in Paris (1904-1905).

    In 1909 he became a professor of French language and literature at Galatasaray High School in Constantinople (Istanbul), Ottoman Empire.

    Throughout his life in Istanbul, which lasted for more than forty years until his death in 1953, Mamboury dedicated most of his literary works on the Byzantine structures of this city, as well as other significant historic monuments in Istanbul and Ankara.

    Ernest Mamboury died in Istanbul on September 23, 1953, and was buried at the Feriköy Protestant Cemetery, Istanbul in the Feriköy district on the Golden Horn.

    [1] MAMBOURY, Ernest SOURCE


    Türkiye hakkında çeşitli eserler yazan İsviçreli ilim adamı, ressam.

    İsviçre’nin Nyon şehrinde doğdu. Cenevre’deki Ecole des Arts Industriels’den mezun olduktan sonra Paris’e giderek Güzel Sanatlar Akademisi’nin seramik bölümüne devam etti. 1906’da yurduna döndüğünde resim öğretmenliğine tayin edildi. 1909’da izin alarak gittiği İstanbul’da bir taraftan tarihî eserleri incelemeye, bir taraftan da şehrin çeşitli yerlerinin yağlı boya tablolarını yapmaya başladı. İzni sona erince uzatma isteği kabul edilmediğinden istifasını vererek İstanbul’da kaldı ve buraya yerleşti.

    Mamboury ressam ve resim öğretmeni olarak yetişmişti. Önce Mekteb-i Sanâyi’de, arkasından 1921’den itibaren Galatasaray Lisesi’nde geometrik desen ve Fransızca öğretmenliği yaptı. Bu arada İstanbul’daki bazı yabancı ve azınlık okullarında çalıştı. Bir yandan da Türkiye’de araştırmalar yapan Batılı arkeologlara yardım ediyordu. Kapadokya kaya kiliselerinde incelemeler yapan Fransız misyoneri Guillaume de Jerphanion’un yanında bu tür çalışmalara başlayan Mamboury, I. Dünya Savaşı yıllarında Alman arkeologu Theodor Wiegand’ın İstanbul’daki Bizans imparatorluk sarayı araştırmalarına katıldı. 1912’de İshak Paşa mahallesi yangınından sonra Sultanahmet ile Marmara kıyısı arasındaki bölgede ortaya çıkan kalıntıların plan, kesit ve rölövelerini hazırlayarak topografik haritalar üzerine işledi. İsviçre vatandaşı olduğu için I. Dünya Savaşı, Mütareke ve işgal yıllarında İstanbul’da kalmaya devam edebildi. Fransız işgal kuvvetleri tarafından 1921-1923 yıllarında, arkeolog R. Demangel idaresinde Sarayburnu ile Ahırkapı arasındaki alanda yaptırılan araştırmalara katıldı ve burada bulunan yapı kalıntılarının plan ve kesitlerini çizdi. Mamboury, 1925’ten sonra İstanbul Arkeoloji Müzeleri Müdürlüğü’nün yaptığı bazı araştırmalara da katılarak ortaya çıkarılan eserlerin planlarını çizdi. Bu arada Topkapı Sarayı’nda kütüphane okuma salonu haline getirilen eski Ağalar Camii’nin restorasyonuna yardımcı oldu; Halil Ethem Eldem’in Yedikule hakkındaki kitabına bir kısmı Bizans, büyük kısmı Fâtih Sultan Mehmed devri Türk yapısı olan hisarın planını çizmek suretiyle katkıda bulundu. Bunun dışında, İstanbul Arkeoloji Müzeleri’nin 1937’de Küçükçekmece ve 1942’de Mudanya’nın Alçakbayır mevkiinde yaptığı araştırmalara da katıldı.

    Daha çok Bizans eserleriyle ilgilenmesine karşılık Mamboury Türk sanatı üzerine de neşriyatta bulundu. 1930’da Topkapı Sarayı Harem Dairesi’nin ziyarete açılması münasebetiyle bol resimli bir makalesiyle (“Le Harem des Sultans”, L’Illustration, yıl 88, sy. 4553 [Paris 1930], s. 226-232) Ağalar Camii’ne dair bir yazısı (“Die Moschee Mehmeds des Eroberers und die neue Bibliothek im Serail des Sultans von Stambul”, Die Denkmalpflege, sy. 5 [Berlin-Wien 1931], s. 161-167) basıldı. Halil Ethem Eldem’in 1933’te çıkan Camilerimiz başlıklı küçük kitabını genel bazı bilgilerle resimler ekleyip Fransızca olarak yayımladı (Nos mosquées de Stamboul, İstanbul 1934). Romanya’daki dinî yapılarda Türk sanatı etkileri (“L’influence de l’art turc dans les constructions religieuses roumaines”, Les annales de Turquie, yıl 6, sy. 3 [İstanbul 1936], s. 17-29), fetihten bugüne İstanbul’un gelişmesi (“Le développement d’Istanbul depuis la conquête jusqu’à nos jours”, Türkiye Turing ve Otomobil Kurumu Belleteni,yıl 7, sy. 16/89 [1937], s. 19-25), Eminönü’de Yenicami çevresinin istimlâki (“La place d’Eminönü et les parages de Sirkeci”, Ankara, 16 ve 19 Aralık 1936) ve Yenicami Hünkâr Kasrı’nın yeni açılan meydanın biçimini bozduğu gerekçesiyle yıktırılmak istenmesi (“A travers le vieil Istanbul: La Yeni Cami et sa voûte”, Ankara, 31 Mart 1938) hakkında makaleleri dışında yabancı ve yerli gazetelerle dergilerde de (Revue de Turquie, Gazette de Lausanne, Journal de Genève, Ulus, İlk Öğretim, La Turquie Kemaliste) Türkiye veya Türk sanatıyla ilgili yazıları çıktı.

    Mamboury’nin en önemli yayınları bilimsel ağırlıklı turistik rehberleridir. Çok iyi düzenlenmiş bir plana göre hazırlanan bu rehberlerin ilki İstanbul’a dair olanıdır. 565 sayfalık eserde şehrin coğrafyası, Bizans ve Türk devirlerindeki tarihçesi, sanatı ve etnografyası gibi turistleri ilgilendiren yönlerinden başka eski eserleri düzenli bir sırayla tarihleri ve sanat özellikleriyle kısa biçimde tanıtılmış, ayrıca her eserin resminin veya planının verilmesine özen gösterilmiştir. Önce Fransızca olarak basılan kitabın (Constantinople, guide touristique, İstanbul 1925) Türkçe’si de çıkmıştır (İstanbul, Rehber-i Seyyahîn, İstanbul 1925). 1929’da ikinci baskısı yapılan ve dünya çapında bir şöhrete erişen kitabın J. Ahlers tarafından Almanca (Stambul-Reiseführer, İstanbul 1930) ve İngilizce (Constantinople, İstanbul 1930) çevirileri de yayımlanmış, 1934’te Fransızca’sı üçüncü defa basılmıştır. Uzun yıllar sonra Mamboury, İstanbul rehberi konusunu tekrar ele alarak yeni buluntu ve yayınlara göre tamamlayıp önce Fransızca’sını (İstanbul touristique, İstanbul 1951), iki yıl sonra da M. Burr tarafından yapılan İngilizce tercümesini (The Tourist’s Istanbul, İstanbul 1953) çıkarmıştır. İçişleri Bakanlığı ve Ankara Belediyesi’nin yardımlarıyla hazırladığı Ankara ve çevresine ait rehber ise 1933’te basılmıştır (Ankara Guide touristique, Haïdar Pacha-Ankara, Bogaz-Keue, Euyuk, Sivri-Hisar et environs, Tchangri, Yozgat etc..., Ankara 1933, 1934). II. Dünya Savaşı’ndan az önce Basın-Yayın ve Turizm Genel Müdürlüğü Mamboury’ye büyük bir Türkiye rehberi sipariş etmişti. Fakat bu önemli projenin sadece İstanbul adalarına dair olanı bir kitap halinde basılabilmiş (Les îles des Princes, Banlieue Maritime d’Istanbul, İstanbul 1943), teslim ettiği bilinen Yalova ve çevresiyle Batı Anadolu şehirlerine dair yazdıkları basılmadan kalmıştır. Son yıllarında tamamlandığını bildirdiği Bursa, İznik, Uludağ ve Galata hakkındaki rehberlerin ne olduğu ise bilinmemektedir. Ölümünden bir süre önce Mamboury iki rehber siparişini daha üstlenmişti. Bunlardan biri, iki cilt olması düşünülen Baedeker seyyah rehberleri gibi büyük bir Türkiye rehberinin bazı bölümleri, diğeri 1953 yılı içinde teslim edilmesi gereken, Paris’te Hachette Yayınevi’nin Guides Bleues dizisinde bastıracağı bir Türkiye rehberi idi. Bunların ikincisi sonradan Robert Boulanger tarafından yazılarak 1958’de yayımlanmıştır.

    Mamboury, Türkiye’de yaşadığı uzun yıllar boyunca topladığı pek çok değerli kitap, antika eşya ve özellikle İstanbul hakkında sayısız not, resim ve krokiye sahip bulunuyordu. Bunlar, vasiyeti gereği Amerika Birleşik Devletleri’ndeki Dumbarton Oaks Araştırma Enstitüsü’ne taşınmış, kitaplarından pek azı ise İstanbul’da kurulan Amerikan Enstitüsü’nün kütüphanesine bırakılmıştır.


    “Le jubilé d’Ernest Mamboury”, TTOK Belleteni, sy. 76 (1948), s. 28-30; Ph. Schweinfurth, “Nachruf anf einen Schweizer Byzantinisten”, Neue Zürcher Zeitung, Zürich 19.11.1953; “Ernst Mamboury, professeur et savant archéologue n’est plus”, Courrier de la Côte, Dijon 10-11.11.1953; Semavi Eyice, “Ernest Mamboury (1878-1953)”, TTK Belleten, XVII/67 (1953), s. 393-411; a.mlf., “Ernest Mamboury”, DBİst.A, V, 283-285.

    Semavi Eyice   



    Constantinople: guide touristique. Constantinople, Rizzo 1925
    Istanbul. Rehber-i Seyyahîn. Istanbul, Rizzo 1924
    Constantinople: tourists' guide. Constantinople, Rizzo & Son 1926
    Constantinople: guide touristique. 2. éd. française. Constantinople, Rizzo 1929
    Stambul. Reiseführer. Übersetzt v. Johs. Ahlers. Erste deutsche Ausgabe. Vervollständigt bis 1930. Stambul, John A. Rizzo 1930.
    Byzance - Constantinople - Istanbul: guide touristique. 3. éd.. Galata [u.a.], Milli Neşriyat Yurdu 1934
    Istanbul touristique. Ed. française mise à jour à fin mars 1951. Galata, Istanbul, Çituri Biraderler Basımevi 1951
    The tourists' Istanbul. English ed. translated by Malcolm Burr. Istanbul, Çituri Biraderler Basımevi 1953
    Ankara: guide touristique, Haidar-Pacha - Ankara; Bogaz-Keuy, Euyuk, Sivri-Hissar et environs, Tchangiri, Yozgat, etc. Ankara, Ministère Turc de l'Intérieur 1933
    Ankara: guide touristique. 2. éd. française. Ankara, Ministère Turc de l'Intérieur 1934
    Les Îles des Princes. Banlieue maritime d'Istanbul ... Guide touristique [Publications touristiques. vol. 2B.] Istanbul, Maarif Matbaası 1943
    Turquie, Les guides bleus. Ed. établie par Ernest Mamboury et Robert Boulanger. Paris, Hachette 1958.

    Other works

    Ruines Byzantines autour d'Odalar-Djamisi à Stambul, Echos d'Orient 19, 1920, 69-73.
    Le couvent byzantin de femmes à Prinkipo, Echos d'Orient 19, 1920, 200-208.
    Ruines Byzantines de Mara, entre Maltépé et Bostandjik, Echos d'Orient 19, 1920, 322-330.
    Le Harem des Sultans, in: L'Illustration 88, 4553, 7. Juni 1930, 226-232.
    Die Moschee Mehmeds des Eroberers und die neue Bibliothek im Serail des Sultans von Stambul, Die Denkmalpflege 1931, 161-167.
    Die Kaiserpaläste von Konstantinopel zwischen Hippodrom und Marmara-Meer, (with Theodor Wiegand) Berlin, Leipzig, de Gruyter 1934
    Un nouvelle élément pour la topographie de l'antique Byzance, Archäologischer Anzeiger 1934, 50-61.
    Şile, Türkiye Turing ve Otomobil Kurumu Bülteni 5, 13-76, 1934, 23-24.
    Nos mosquées de Stamboul,(translated from Halil Edhem) Istanbul, Librairie Kanaat 1934
    Les fouilles Byzantines à Istanbul et dans sa banlieue immédiate aux XIX et XXe siècles. Byzantion 11, 1936, 229-283.
    Le nouvelle citerne Byzantine de Tchifté Sérail (Istanbul), Byzantion 11, 1936, 167-190.
    Une inscription datée sur une tour Byzantine de Constantinople (withRobert Demangel) Bulletin Correspondence Hellenique 60, 1936, 208-213.
    L'influence de l'art Turc dans les constructions religieuses roumaines, Annales de Turquie 6, 1936, No 3, 17-29.
    Le developpement d'Istanbul depuis la conquête jusqu'à nos jours, Türkiye Turing ve Otomobil Kurumu Bülteni 7, 16-89, 1937, 19-25.
    Le développement d'Istanbul depuis la conquête jusqu'à nos jours, Bulletin de l'Union française, Istanbul No 4, juillet 1937, 8-18.
    L'art Turc du XVIIIème siècle, La Turquie Kémaliste 19, 1937, 2-11.
    Les fouilles Byzantines à Istanbul et dans sa banlieue immédiate en 1936-1937. Byzantion 13, 1938, 301 310.
    Bursa la verdoynte, Les annales de Turquie 8, Juni 1938
    Le quartier des Manganes et la première région de Constantinople (with Robert Demangel), Paris, de Boccard 1939.
    Une des plus beaux coins de la Turquie republicaine: la fôret de pins à pignons de Kozak, La Turquie Kémaliste 31, 1939, 34-38.
    Topographic de Sainte-Sophie, le sanctuaire et la solea, le mitatorion, le puits Sacré, le passage de St Nicolas etc., Atti del V Congresso di studi bizantini 2, Rom 1940, 197-209.
    Istanbul'un ilk Ahalisi, Geçit - Review Januar-Februar 1940, 53-55 = Türkiye Turing ve Otomobil Kurumu Bülteni 54, 1946, 53-55.
    1939-1940 Yıllarında Istanbul'da Müşahede Edilen Original bir Tabiat Hâdisesi, Ilk Öğretim 57, 14. April 1940, 634.
    Préface, in: Benedetto Palazzo: L'Arap Djami ou église Saint Paul à Galata, Istanbul 1946, IX-XI.
    Les guerres entre les Scythes et les Mèdes et leur incidence sur l'historie de Byzance, Türkiye Turing ve Otomobil Kurumu Bülteni 66, 1947, S. 27-28.
    Les necropoles de Byzance, Türkiye Turing ve Otomobil Kurumu Bülteni 79, 1948, 27-30 = Bizans Mezarlıkları, in: Cumhuriyet, 28. Juni 1948
    Bursa. Ankara, Direction générale de la presse, de la radiodifussion et du tourisme 1949.
    Les briques Byzantines marquées du chrisme, Annuaire de l’Institut de Philologie et d’Histoire Orientales 9, 1949, 449–462.
    Une nouvelle lecture raisonnée des inscriptions de briques Byzantines et l'emploi de ces dernières dans la datation des monuments des Ve et VIe siècles, Byzantion 19, 1949, 113-125.
    Les parages du temple de Rome et d'Auguste à Ankara, Türk Tarih, Arkeologya ve Etnografya Dergisi 5, 1949, 96-102.
    L'art chrétien en Anatolie, Türkiye Turing ve Otomobil Kurumu Bülteni 98, 1950, 20-22.
    Nouvelles fouilles archéologiques sur l'emplacement de l'Hippodrome, Türkiye Turing ve Otomobil Kurumu Bülteni 107, 1950, 24-28 = Adalet Sarayının Arsasındaki Eserler, Türkiye Turing ve Otomobil Kurumu Bülteni 108, 1951, 17-19.
    Les fouilles Byzantine à Istanbul et ses environs et les trouvailles archéologiques faites au cours de constructions au de travaux officials et privés depuis 1936, Byzantion 21, 1951, 425-459.
    Contribution à la topographie générale de Constantinople, in: Actes du VIe Congress Internationale d'Études Byzantines Paris 1948, Bd. II, Paris 1951, 243-253.
    Le Forum de Constantin; la chapelle de St. Constantin et les mystères de la Colonne Brulée. Resultats des sondages opérés en 1929 et 1930, in: Pepragmena tu Diethnus Byzantinologiku Synedriu Thessaloniki 1953, Thessaloniki 1955, 275-288.
    La Suisse nouvelle province d'art byzantin, in: Pepragmena tu Diethnus Byzantinologiku Synedriu Thessaloniki 1953, Thessaloniki 1955, 281-285.
    Appendix IV, In: Cyril Mango: The Brazen House: a study of the vestibule of the Imperial Palace of Constantinople. Kopenhagen 1959, 182-188.

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    Mavi Boncuk |

    Book | Byzantine Magic
    Henry Maguire[1]

    Dumbarton Oaks Other Titles in Byzantine Studies
    ISBN: 978-0-88402-340-1, Paperback, 2009, Buy here

    ISBN: 978-0-88402-230-5, Hardcover, 1995, Out of print

    In recent years considerable attention has been given to magic in the societies of ancient Greece and Rome, of late antiquity, and of the medieval West. Much less attention, however, has been given to the phenomenon of magic in eastern Christendom during the middle ages.

    The papers in this volume, written by specialists in several disciplines, explore the parameters and significance of magic in Byzantine society, from the fourth century to after the empire's fall. The authors address a wide variety of questions, some of which are common to all historical research into magic, and some of which are peculiar to the Byzantine context.

    Among the topics discussed are the attitudes of the early church fathers toward the evil eye and their efforts to reconcile that belief with orthodox Christian theology, the physical evidence provided by archaeology for magical practices during the early Byzantine period, the concerns raised by the magical use of Christian images and the consequences for the design and presentation of icons, the ambiguous distinctions between holy and unholy miracles found in saints' lives and histories, the reactions of Byzantine intellectuals to the theory and practice of magic, and the changing attitudes toward magic between the late antique and medieval periods as revealed by imperial legislation and canon law. The last two chapters discuss the rich evidence for the continued importance of magic in the late Byzantine period, seen in texts such as practical manuals for magicians and proceedings of trials, and, finally, the transmission of much magical lore as a Byzantine legacy to the Slavs.

    The authors reveal the scope, the forms, and the functioning of magic in Byzantine society, throwing light on a hitherto relatively little-known aspect of Byzantine culture, and, at the same time, expanding upon the contemporary debates concerning magic and its roles in pre-modern societies.

    [1] Henry Maguire is a former Director of Byzantine Studies at Dumbarton Oaks and Professor of Art History at Johns Hopkins University. Henry Maguire (b. Bath, England, 1943.)  was a Junior Fellow (1971–1972), a Senior Fellow (1986–1990 and 1991–1996 ex officio), and Visiting Senior Research Associate (1989–1990) of Byzantine Studies; he was Director of Byzantine Studies (1991–1996). 

    See also: 
    Byzantine Court Culture from 829 to 1204
    Edited by Henry Maguire

    Published in Turkish:Bizans Saray Kültürü 829-1204

    The imperial court in Constantinople has been central to the outsider’s vision of Byzantium. However, in spite of its fame in literature and scholarship, there have been few attempts to analyze the Byzantine court in its entirety as a phenomenon. The studies in this volume aim to provide a unified composition by presenting Byzantine courtly life in all its interconnected facets.

    One important theme that unites these studies is the attention paid to describing the effects of a change in the social makeup of the court during this period and the reflection of these changes in art and architecture. These changes in social composition, mentality, and material culture of the court demonstrate that, as in so many other aspects of Byzantine civilization, the image of permanence and immutability projected by the forms of palace life was more apparent than real. As this new work shows, behind the golden facade of ceremony, rhetoric, and art, there was constant development and renewal.

    Imperial Spaces
    The Emperor in His Church: Imperial Ritual in the Church of St. Sophia [George P. Majeska]
    Gardens of the Palaces [A. R. Littlewood]
    Imperial Costumes and Cult Objects
    Middle Byzantine Court Costume [Elisabeth Piltz]
    Helping Hands for the Empire: Imperial Ceremonies and the Cult of Relics at the Byzantine Court [Ioli Kalavrezou]
    Court Culture and Cult Icons in Middle Byzantine Constantinople [Annemarie Weyl Carr]
    Interchanges with Foreign Courts
    Byzantine Court Culture from the Point of View of Norman Sicily: The Case of the Cappella Palatina in Palermo [William Tronzo]
    The Shared Culture of Objects [Oleg Grabar]
    Court Intellectuals and Rhetoric
    Imperial Panegyric: Rhetoric and Reality [George T. Dennis]
    In Search of the Byzantine Courtier: Leo Choirosphaktes and Constantine Manasses [Paul Magdalino]
    Social Composition of the Byzantine Court
    The Social World of the Byzantine Court [Alexander P. Kazhdan and Michael McCormick]
    Title and Income at the Byzantine Court [Nicolas Oikonomides]
    Art of the Byzantine Court
    Daedalus and the Nightingale: Art and Technology in the Myth of the Byzantine Court [James Trilling]
    Présence et figures du souverain à Sainte-Sophie de Constantinople et à l’église de la Sainte-Croix d’Aghtamar [Catherine Jolivet-Levy]
    The Heavenly Court [Henry Maguire]

    Byzantium, A World Civilization Edited by Angeliki E. Laiou Henry Maguire 

     ISBN 9780884022152

    These seven chapters, originally given as lectures honoring the fiftieth anniversary of Dumbarton Oaks, cover a wide range of topics, from the relationship of Byzantium with its Islamic, Slavic, and Western European neighbors to the modern reception of Byzantine art. 

    Byzantine Garden Culture Antony Littlewood Henry Maguire Joachim Wolschke-Bulmahn 

    ISBN 9780884022800 

    Only in the last decade has much serious attention been paid to the Byzantine garden, so indirect is the mass of information, both in literature and the visual arts, that is available for scholars. Byzantine Garden Culture, based on papers delivered at a colloquium at Dumbarton Oaks, is the first book devoted to the subject. Individual essays discuss Byzantine conceptions of paradise, the textual evidence for monastic horticulture, animal and game parks, herbs in medicinal pharmacy, and the famous illustrated copy of Dioskorides’s herbal manual in Vienna. An opening chapter explores questions and observations from the point of view of a non-Byzantine garden historian, and the closing chapter suggests possible directions for future scholarship in the field. 

    The Study of Byzantine Gardens: Some Questions and Observations from a Garden Historian [Joachim Wolschke-Bulmahn]
    The Scholarship of Byzantine Gardens [Antony Littlewood]
    Paradise Withdrawn [Henry Maguire]
    Byzantine Monastic Horticulture: The Textual Evidence [Alice-Mary Talbot]
    Wild Animals in the Byzantine Park [Nancy P. Ševčenko]
    Byzantine Gardens and Horticulture in the Late Byzantine Period, 1204–1453: The Secular Sources [Costas N. Constantinides]
    Theodore Hyrtakenos’ Description of the Garden of St. Anna and the Ekphrasis of Gardens [Mary-Lyon Dolezal and Maria Mavroudi]
    Κηποποιϊα [Kepopoiïa]: Garden Making and Garden Culture in the Geoponika [Robert Rodgers]
    Herbs of the Field and Herbs of the Garden in Byzantine Medicinal Pharmacy [John Scarborough]
    The Vienna Dioskorides and Anicia Juliana [Leslie Brubaker]
    Possible Future Directions [Antony Littlewood] 

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    Mavi Boncuk |

    EU Watch | Katar or not Katar...That is the Problem

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    Mavi Boncuk |

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    Mavi Boncuk |

    Turkish Cinema Newsletter 
    is now part of Mavi Boncuk.

    SEARCH Mavi Boncuk 
     for 'Film' and 'Turkish Cinema' 
    for the latest articles.

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    Mavi Boncuk |

    Qatar Airways has been named the best airline in the world for 2017 by the leading consumer-aviation website Skytrax.

    The Doha, Qatar-based airline was presented with the award on Tuesday at a ceremony during the 2017 Paris Air Show. This is the fourth time Qatar has garnered this honor with wins in 2011, 2012, and 2015.

    The World’s Top 20 Airlines 2017
    Qatar Airways
    Singapore Airlines
    ANA All Nippon Airways
    Cathay Pacific
    EVA Air
    Etihad Airways
    Hainan Airlines
    Garuda Indonesia
    Thai Airways
    12. Turkish Airlines
    Virgin Australia
    Swiss Int’l Air Lines
    Qantas Airways
    Japan Airlines
    Air France
    Air New Zealand
    Asiana Airlines

    The World’s Top 20 Airlines 2016
    Qatar Airways
    Singapore Airlines
    Cathay Pacific
    Etihad Airways
    7. Turkish Airlines
    EVA Air
    Qantas Airways
    Garuda Indonesia
    Hainan Airlines
    Thai Airways
    Air France
    Swiss Int’l Air Lines
    Asiana Airlines
    Air New Zealand
    Virgin Australia
    Bangkok Airways

    The World’s Top 20 Airlines 2016
    Qatar Airways
    Singapore Airlines
    Cathay Pacific
    4.Turkish Airlines
    Etihad Airways
    ANA All Nippon Airways
    Garuda Indonesia
    EVA Air
    Qantas Airways
    Asiana Airlines
    Air France
    Virgin Australia
    Air New Zealand
    Thai Airways
    British Airways

    The World’s Top 20 Airlines 2014 (2013 Rating)

    1Cathay Pacific Airways6
    2Qatar Airways2
    3Singapore Airlines3
    5Turkish Airlines9
    6ANA All Nippon Airways4
    7Garuda Indonesia8
    8Asiana Airlines5
    9Etihad Airways7
    11Qantas Airways10
    12EVA Air12
    14Thai Airways15
    15Virgin Australia13
    16Air New Zealand18
    17British Airways27
    18Malaysia Airlines14
    19Hainan Airlines19

    20Bangkok Airways31

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    Mavi Boncuk |Eugène Flandin[1]. L’Orient par Eugène Flandin, Paris, Gide et J. Baudry, 1853.  SOURCE

     [1] Jean-Baptiste Eugène Napoléon Flandin (1809-1889) was a French Orientalist painter, pupil of Horace Vernet. Better known as Eugène Flandin, he was born in Naples and died in Tours. In 1837 Flandin accompanied the French expeditionary force to Algeria. In 1840, together with architect-archaeologist Pascal Coste, he participated in a mission to Persia, ostensibly aimed at strengthening political and economic ties between Paris and Teheran. The objectives of this mission were to collect as much information as possible on the country’s situation during the reign of Shah Mohammad Qajar and to record ancient monuments. Eventually the head of the mission, Édouard de Sercey, was called back to France, as he proved unable to deal with ongoing diplomatic intrigues. Flandin with his companion and their entourage continued their journey, in spite of adverse climatic conditions and well-nigh insurmountable difficulties in communicating with the local population and understanding their customs. The expedition returned to France two years later, having visited, "inter alia", the cities of Hamadan, Kermanshah, Isfahan, Chiraz, Persepolis, Mosul, Aleppo and also Constantinople. 

    In 1842 Flandin was decorated with the "Légion d'honneur" for his artistic and scientific work. In 1844 he returned to Mesopotamia, together with archaeologist Emile Botta, to search for the ancient Assyrian capital of Nineveh. For six months, Flandin drew sculptures and reliefs in the region, under very difficult circumstances. In 1851, he co-signed with E. Coste the six-volume "Voyage en Perse", and composed the two-volume account of his journey. He also published "L’Orient" (1853) and "The History of the Knights of Rhodes" (1864). In the latter years of his life he was mayor (1850-1866) in the region of Touraine and held various offices in the Prefecture of Tours.

    Flandin’s artistic oeuvre began with the paintings he made in Italy. It includes historical subjects, depictions of ancient monuments, portraits and landscapes, expressed above all in the Orientalist spirit. From 1857 onwards he exhibited his works in the yearly Paris "Salons". Today, many of his paintings are to be found in museums in France, Belgium and elsewhere. 

    This edition includes forty lithographs with views and monuments of Constantinople, especially Galata and the Bosporus, as well as explanatory texts on the first thirty-one of these plates. Of special interest are the views of the Sea Walls of the Golden Horn, before the railway – terminus of the famed Orient Express – was constructed, and the wooden bridge at Galata, which was later replaced by the floating bridge, as well as the ruins of the Palace of Porphyrogennetos with other buildings that no longer exist. 

    Written by Ioli Vingopoulou

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  • 07/05/17--15:33: 4th of July | "Cahiller."
  • Prof. Ilber Ortayli would say "Cahiller."

    Year after year Turkish American organizations use just one stamp out of this 1939 series in their 4th of July messages.

    US Declaration of Independence is 1776. Add 150 you get 1926. This Stamp honored another event. The Government under the U.S. Constitution beginning - Mar 04, 1789. 

    The Turkish text wrongly attributes this date to "Independence | Istiklal."

    Do I think Turkish Americans can discover this mistake next year. Perhaps not.
    I corrected this for so many years by writing directly to their web masters. My only hope is now shaming the "ignorants | cahiller" in Blogospere. 

    It might work.

    Mavi Boncuk |

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    Galip Tekin found dead in his house in Arnavutkoy, Istanbul 6 July 2017

    Mavi Boncuk |

    Galip Tekin (born 20 April 1958) is a Turkish comic book artist, cartoonist and screenwriter. He is known for his works in fantasy and science genres. His style is often compared to that of Jean "Mœbius" Giraud.[1]

    Tekin started his comics career in Gırgır magazine in 1978. Following year, he dropped out Istanbul State Academy of Fine Arts to pursue a career in Gırgır. Throughout the 1980s, he published comics and comic strips in Gırgır and Fırt, as well as in Günaydın newspaper. In May 1989, he became the chief editor of newly founded Dıgıl magazine.[1]

    In 1990s, Tekin worked in various humor magazines, including Hıbır, Fırfır, Leman, Limon and L-Manyak. In 1994, he published his best-known comic series, Pı'ya Mektuplar. In 1994 and 2000, he started lecturing as a comic book instructor in Boğaziçi and Istanbul Bilgi University, respectively, pioneering the Comics studies in Turkey.[1]

    In 2008, he was arrested for allegedly conspiring to hire a contract killer after a shootout at Kemancı Bar in Taksim, which he was a co-owner of. He was subsequently released after charges against him were dropped.[2] During the 7 months of his detention, Tekin made 850 different illustrations, which were adapted into a textbook.[3]

    In 2011, Tekin started compiling his best known works under the series Tuhaf Öyküler.[3] In 2012, some of his comic book stories were adapted into television series under the name Acayip Hikayeler,[4] with Tekin writing the screenplay for 4 episodes.[5] The series were cancelled that year.[6]

    Having also previously worked for Penguen, Tekin currently works for Uykusuz.[7]

    Selected works
    Tuhaf Öyküler 1 (2011)
    Tuhaf Öyküler 2 (2011)
    Tuhaf Öyküler 3 (2012)

    Filmography | Television
    Acayip Hikayeler (2012)

    1 Alpin, Hakan (2006). Çizgiroman Ansiklopedisi (in Turkish). İstanbul: İnkılâp Kitabevi. ISBN 9751024366.
    2 Kazancı, Murat (26 December 2008). "Karikatürist Galip Tekin’e takipsizlik". Hürriyet (in Turkish). Retrieved 15 July 2015.
    3 Erdoğan, Esra. "Eroinman, alkolik ya da deli olduğumu düşünenlere gülüp geçiyorum". Hürriyet (in Turkish). Retrieved 15 July 2015.
    4 Karakuş, Gülbahar (8 April 2012). "Don Kişot’luk yapıyoruz". Hürriyet (in Turkish). Retrieved 15 July 2015.
    5 "'Hikayelerimi televizyona koymak delilik!'". NTV (Turkey) (in Turkish). 6 April 2012. Retrieved 15 July 2015.
    6 "Galip Tekin". Milliyet (in Turkish). Retrieved 15 July 2015.
    7 İzci, İpek (16 May 2012). "Mizahçıya baskı yapamazsın, bir şekilde adamı bitirir". Radikal (in Turkish). Retrieved 15 July 2015.

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    Hak, Hukuk, Adalet seems like three different words and can be translated as right, law and justice. However they all mean the same.  Take Law, Old English lagu, from Old Norse lag ‘something laid down or fixed,’ of Germanic origin and related to lay. Exactly as Arabic Hakk. 

    Mavi Boncuk |

    Hak: Right EN (by law) [1] fromAR ḥaḳḳ حَقّ   «yasaya, hakikate veya erdeme uygun olma», doğruluk, hakikat, yasallık Hebrew ḥuḳḳā חֻקָּה «(taşa veya metale) oyulmuş şey», yasa, ferman, kural Hebrew/Aramaic ḥaḳaḳ חקק  oymak, (taşa ve metale) hakketmek )

    Hukuk: Rights EN (by law) [2] "haklar (çoğul)" [ anon., Ferec ba'd eş-şidde, c.1451]
    atamuŋ üzerüŋüzde haḳları vardır, ol ḥuḳūḳı yerine getirüŋ[ TDK, Türkçe Sözlük, 1. Baskı, 1945]
    hukuk: 1. Kanun ve adetlerin bütünü. 2. Kanunlar bilimi. (...) 5. Ahbaplık, dostluk. 6. Kanunların cezaya değgin olmayıp alacak verecek gibi davaları ilgilendiren kısmı. 7. Haklar.
    fromAR ḥuḳūḳ حقوق  [plural] haklar  AR ḥaḳḳ حقّ  [t.]
    → hak1
    Pre-1945 dictionaries always used it as a plural of hak.

    Adalet: Rights EN (by law), Justice [3] ˁadālet [ Selanikli Mustafa Âli, Tarih-i Selanikî, 1600]
    fromAR adāla(t) عدالة  adillik, hak gözetme  AR adala عَدَلَ denk idi, oran ve ölçülü idi, adil idi.

    [1] [2] right (n.) Old English riht (West Saxon, Kentish), reht (Anglian), "that which is morally right, duty, obligation," also "rule of conduct; law of a land;" also "what someone deserves; a just claim, what is due; correctness, truth; a legal entitlement, a privilege," from the root of right (adj.1). Meaning "the right" (as opposed to the left) is from mid-13c.; political use from 1825. From early 14c. as "a right action, a good deed." Meaning "a blow with the right fist" is from 1898. The phrase to rights "at once, straightway" is 1660s, from sense "in a proper manner" (Middle English).

    right (v.)  Old English rihtan "to straighten, rule, set up, set right, amend; guide, govern; restore, replace," from riht (adj.); see right (adj.1). Compare Old Norse retta "to straighten," Old Saxon rihtian, Old Frisian riuchta, German richten, Gothic garaihtjan. Related: Righted; righting.

    right (adj.1) "morally correct," Old English riht "just, good, fair; proper, fitting; straight, not bent, direct, erect," from Proto-Germanic *rekhtaz (source also of Old Frisian riucht "right," Old Saxon reht, Middle Dutch and Dutch recht, Old High German reht, German recht, Old Norse rettr, Gothic raihts), from PIE root *reg- "move in a straight line," also "to rule, to lead straight, to put right" (source also of Greek orektos "stretched out, upright;" Latin rectus "straight, right;" Old Persian rasta- "straight; right," aršta- "rectitude;" Old Irish recht "law;" Welsh rhaith, Breton reiz "just, righteous, wise"). 

    Compare slang straight (adj.1) "honest, morally upright," and Latin rectus "right," literally "straight," Lithuanian teisus "right, true," literally "straight." Greek dikaios "just" (in the moral and legal sense) is from dike "custom." As an emphatic, meaning "you are right," it is recorded from 1580s; use as a question meaning "am I not right?" is from 1961. The sense in right whale is "justly entitled to the name." Right stuff "best human ingredients" is from 1848, popularized by Tom Wolfe's 1979 book about the first astronauts. Right of way is attested from 1767. Right angle is from late 14c.

    [3] justice (n.) mid-12c., "the exercise of authority in vindication of right by assigning reward or punishment;" also "quality of being fair and just; moral soundness and conformity to truth," from Old French justice "justice, legal rights, jurisdiction" (11c.), from Latin iustitia "righteousness, equity," from iustus "upright, just" (see just (adj.)).

    Justice is the end of government. It is the end of civil society. It ever has been and ever will be pursued until it be obtained, or until liberty be lost in the pursuit. ["The Federalist," No. 51]

    Meaning "right order, equity, the rewarding to everyone of that which is his due" in English is from late 14c. The Old French word had widespread senses including also "uprightness, equity, vindication of right, court of justice, judge." In English c. 1400-1700 sometimes also with a vindictive sense "infliction of punishment, legal vengeance." As a title for a judicial officer, c. 1200. Justice of the peace first attested early 14c. To do justice to (someone or something) "deal with as is right or fitting" is from 1670s. In the Mercian hymns, Latin iustitia is glossed by Old English rehtwisnisse.

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    Mavi Boncuk |

    How Erdoganism Is Killing Turkish Democracy
    The End of Political Opposition
    By Soner Cagaptay and Oya Rose Aktas

    Turkey was undeniably transformed by last July’s failed coup. President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, having barely survived an attempt on this life, has become a Turkish Muslim messiah in the eyes of his supporters: he is the unchallenged leader of the nation, charged with reinvigorating the Muslim umma, the global Muslim community. Opposition has become blasphemous. Those who refuse to support him are anti-Turkish and anti-Muslim and therefore enemies of the state. This is terrible news for Turkey’s democracy, which requires a healthy opposition to survive.

    Erdogan, a right-wing leader, first came to power as prime minister in 2003 through his Justice and Development Party (AKP). He became president in 2014. In that time, especially during the last decade, he has delivered economic growth, which has helped him increase the AKP’s vote share. More insidiously, he also demonized electorates unlikely to vote for him, including seculars, liberals, social democrats, leftists, and Kurds. This strategy built Erdogan a large base made up of conservatives and political Islamists.

    After 2014, Erdogan strove to transform the Turkish political system into an executive style presidency in which he, as president, would consolidate the powers of head of state, head of government, and head of the ruling party. This seemed a tall order; Erdogan needed to win a popular referendum to change the constitution before he could become omnipotent, but his AKP had never received more than 50 percent of the vote.

    Erdoganism has set Turkish democracy on a path to self-destruction, and there seems to be no exit.

    Almost two years later, Erdogan’s presidential ambitions were reanimated through a crisis that threatened to destroy him entirely: the July 15 coup attempt. Before that, Erdogan had already been one of Turkey’s most powerful leaders. By surviving an attempt on his life and subsequently defeating his enemies, especially the Gulen movement—a former ally that seems to have played a key role in the coup—he only gained in stature, which he then leveraged in a snap constitutional …



    Guardian | July 8, 2017

    The Turkish president is taking steps to end democracy itself in Turkey, further polarizing an already sharply divided country.

    This week is the first anniversary of the failed coup against Turkey's President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, a coup he has used since to further alienate his opponents. Most recently, on 16 April, he won a referendum to become head of state and head of government simultaneously, emerging as the most unassailable Turkish politician since Mustafa Kemal Ataturk established the secular republic in 1923.

    In the 1920s and 1930s, Ataturk shaped Turkey in his own image as a western society. In his Turkey, the state banished religion to the private sphere and discriminated against pious citizens. But since 2003, Erdogan has dismantled Ataturk's societal model, flooding political and education systems with rigidly conservative Islam, as well as pivoting Turkey away from Europe and the west.

    This is, paradoxically, Erdogan's Ataturk side. Of course, Erdogan does not share his values, just his methods. Just as Ataturk reshaped Turkey, so Erdogan is building a new country, but one that sees itself as profoundly Islamist in politics and foreign policy -- to make it a great power once again.

    Erdogan is an anti-Ataturk Ataturk. As I explain in my book The New Sultan, having grown up in secularist Turkey and faced social exclusion at a young age because of his piety, Erdogan is motivated by animosity towards Ataturk's ways. Yet he has dismantled Ataturk's system by using the very tools that the country's founding elites provided: state institutions and top-down social engineering.

    Erdogan has used the founder's means and methods to replace even Ataturk himself. The end product is that Turkey now discriminates against citizens who do not first and foremost identify through conservative political Islamism, the branch to which Erdogan belongs. However, Erdogan has a problem: whereas Ataturk came to power as a military general, the president has a democratic mandate to govern. And what is more, Turkey is split almost down the middle -- Erdogan won the April referendum with only 51% popular support.

    Despite this, Erdogan wants to change Turkey in his own image in the way that Ataturk did and herein lies the crisis of modern Turkey: half of the country embraces Erdogan's brand of politics, but the other half vehemently opposes it. So long as Turkey is genuinely democratic, Erdogan cannot continue to govern the way he likes to.

    This has given birth to Erdogan's dark, illiberal side: in order to push forward with his platform of revolutionary change against a split society, he has been cracking down on his opponents and locking up dissidents. Although he has won elections democratically, Erdogan has gradually become more autocratic, ensuring, once he has won an election, that the political playing field is uneven in order to prevent power from escaping his hands.

    Accordingly, although Turkey's elections continue to be free, they are increasingly not fair. Erdogan's electoral strategy has created deeply entrenched polarisation in Turkey: his conservative base, constituting about half of the country, has zealously rallied around him in his defence; the other half resents him.

    Last year's failed coup only sharpened Turkey's dilemma. Although the initial post-coup purges and arrests targeted members of the conservative Gulen movement -- erstwhile allies who seem to have turned against him in the coup -- Erdogan has since cast a wide net, arresting anyone who opposes him. He has jailed 40,000 people since the coup, purging another 150,000. His opponents now loathe him.

    See also: Transactional or Transcendent? Turkey’s Ties to the European Union May 08, 2017 bySoner Cagaptay Oya Rose Aktas 

    But Erdogan does not seem to take notice. On 18 May, he declared that the state of emergency put in place after the 2016 coup would be extended until there is "welfare and peace in the country." He has even threatened to detain Kemal Kilicdaroglu, head of the main opposition Republican People's Party (CHP), who is currently leading a march from Ankara to Istanbul to protest against Erdogan's ongoing crackdown. Erdogan knows that he cannot continue to govern Turkey the way he likes so long as it is a democracy -- which is why he is now taking steps to end democracy. [1] Soner Çağaptay is a Turkish-American political scientist based in the United States. He is director of the Turkish Research Program at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy. He is a historian by training and is an expert on Turkey–United States relations, Turkish politics, and Turkish nationalism. Cagaptay is the Beyer Family Fellow and director of the Turkish Research Program at The Washington Institute for Near East Policy (WINEP).

    Cagaptay has written extensively on Turkey–United States relations; Turkish domestic politics; Turkish nationalism; Turkey's rise as an economic power and Ankara's Middle East policy, publishing in scholarly journals and major international print media. These include the Wall Street Journal, New York Times, Washington Times, International Herald Tribune, Jane's Defense Weekly, and Habertürk. He is a regular columnist for Hürriyet Daily News, Turkey's oldest and most influential English-language paper, and a contributor to CNN's Global Public Square blog. He appears regularly on Fox News, CNN, NPR, al-Jazeera, BBC, and CNN-Turk.

    Cagaptay received a Ph.D. in history from Yale University in 2003. He wrote his doctoral dissertation on Turkish nationalism. Besides English and Turkish, his research languages include French, German, Spanish, Bosnian, Hebrew, Azerbaijani, and Ottoman Turkish]

    He was a visiting professor at the Edmund A. Walsh School of Foreign Service at Georgetown University.

    He has also served on contract as chair of the Turkey Advanced Area Studies Program at the State Department's Foreign Service Institute.
    He has taught courses on the Middle East, Mediterranean, and Eastern Europe at Princeton University and Yale University. His spring 2003 course on modern Turkish history was the first offered by Yale in three decades.[2] From 2006 to 2007, he was Ertegun Professor at the Department of Near Eastern Studies at Princeton.

    Among his honors are the Smith-Richardson, Mellon, Rice, and Leylan fellowships, as well as the Ertegun chair at Princeton. In 2012, he was named an American Turkish Society Young Society Leader.

    Islam, Secularism, and Nationalism in Modern Turkey: Who Is a Turk? Review, January 2006.
    The Rise of Turkey: The Twenty-First Century's First Muslim Power, February 2014.
    The New Sultan: Erdogan and the Crisis of Modern Turkey (July 30, 2017) ISBN 978-1784538262

    [2] Oya Rose Aktas is the Turkish Research Programme Assistant at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy. For her Bachelor of Arts, she studied Humanities and Economics at Washington University in St. Louis, where she researched how images of women were used to shape Turkish national identity throughout the history of the Turkish Republic. Before the Washington Institute, Oya worked on income inequality research at the Washington Center for Equitable Growth, specifically focusing on how economic policies affect women and minorities. Previously, she also worked as a Legislative Intern at the United States House of Representatives. Her mother is a Methodist Christian.

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    Well known and respecter actor Fikret Hakan passed away at 2 a.m. on July 11, 2017 at a hospital in Istanbul after being diagnosed with lung cancer.

    Mavi Boncuk |

    Fikret Hakan (23 April 1934 – 11 July 2017), also known as Bumin Gaffar Çitanak is a prolific Turkish film actor and a recipient of the honorary State Artist, a prestigious title awarded by the Turkish government.

    Hakan was born in 1934 to Gaffar and Fatma Belkıs. His mother was a head nurse while his father was a literature teacher. He moved from Balikesir to Galatasaray High School in Istanbul along with his parents as a teenager.[1]

    Hakan began his artistic career in 1950 as an actor for the Ses Theatre and a contributor to literary magazines.

    Making his debut in Evli mi bekar mi, a short comedy directed by Muhsin Ertugrul in 1951, and his feature film debut in 1953 in Köprüalti Çocuklari (Kids Under the Bridge), he has made over 170 appearances in film to date, although his career was at its most productive throughout the 1950s and 1960s through to 1976.

    He starred in films such as Revenge of the Snakes (Yılanların öcü) in 1962.

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  • 07/19/17--06:53: Word origin | Kep, şapka

  • Mavi Boncuk |

    Kep: Cap EN. [1]

    şapka:[2]  hat EN[3].fromAR şabaka(t) شبكة   1. balık ağı, her türlü ağ, 2. bir tür başlık Aramaic śibkā סֽבְכָא 1. ağ, 2. bir tür başlık  Hebrew śəbākah סְבְכה a.a. Jastrow 950 Akkadian şabikū bir tür baş örtüsü .

    şebeke: fromAR şabaka(t) شبكة . AR şabaka شبك ağ ördü. Aramaic sebek סֶבֶך ağ  Hebrew sābak סָבַך ağ örme, dokuma, çit ve kafes yapma )


    [1] kepi (n.) soldier's peaked cap, 1861, from French képi (19c.), from German Swiss käppi, diminutive of German Kappe "a cap," from Late Latin cappa "hood, cap" 

    The usual style of uniform cap in the American Civil War.From French képi, from Swiss German Käppi, diminutive of Kappe, from Middle High German kappe, from Old High German kappa, from Latin cappa. Akin to English cap.

    Cap (n.) late Old English cæppe "hood, head-covering, cape," from Late Latin cappa "a cape, hooded cloak" (source of Spanish capa, Old North French cape, French chape), possibly a shortened from capitulare "headdress," from Latin caput "head" (see head (n.)). 

    Meaning "women's head covering" is early 13c. in English; extended to men late 14c. Figurative thinking cap is from 1839 (considering cap is 1650s). Of cap-like coverings on the ends of anything (such as hub-cap) from mid-15c. Meaning "contraceptive device" is first recorded 1916. That of "cap-shaped piece of copper lined with gunpowder and used to ignite a firearm" is c. 1826; extended to paper version used in toy pistols, 1872 (cap-pistol is from 1879). 

    The Late Latin word apparently originally meant "a woman's head-covering," but the sense was transferred to "hood of a cloak," then to "cloak" itself, though the various senses co-existed. Old English took in two forms of the Late Latin word, one meaning "head-covering," the other "ecclesiastical dress". 

    hood (n.1) "covering," Old English hod "a hood, soft covering for the head" (usually extending over the back of the neck and often attached to a garment worn about the body), from Proto-Germanic *hodaz (source also of Old Saxon, Old Frisian hod "hood," Middle Dutch hoet, Dutch hoed "hat," Old High German huot "helmet, hat," German Hut "hat," Old Frisian hode "guard, protection"), from PIE *kadh- "to cover" (see hat). 

    Modern spelling is early 1400s to indicate a "long" vowel, which is no longer pronounced as such. Used for hood-like things or animal parts from 17c. Meaning "Foldable or removable cover for a carriage to protect the occupants" is from 1826; meaning "sunshade of a baby-carriage" is by 1866. Meaning "hinged cover for an automobile engine" attested by 1905 (in U.K. generally called a bonnet). Little Red Riding Hood (1729) translates Charles Perrault's Petit Chaperon Rouge ("Contes du Temps Passé" 1697).

    In most Romance languages, a diminutive of Late Latin cappa has become the usual word for "head-covering" (such as French chapeau).

    Chapeau (n.) 1520s, from Middle French chapeau (Old French capel, 12c.) "hat," from Vulgar Latin *cappellus, from Late Latin capellum (also source of Italian cappello, Spanish capelo, Portuguese chapeo), diminutive of cappa 

    Cape (n.1)  garment, late Old English capa, cæppe, from Late Latin cappa "hooded cloak" . The modern word and meaning ("sleeveless cloak") are a mid-16c. reborrowing from French cape, from Spanish, in reference to a Spanish style.

    [2] Shapka or Šapka (Шапка in Russian, Ukrainian, Bulgarian and Macedonian languages) means a fur cap or a mountain peak in several Slavic languages.

    [3] hat (n.) Old English hæt "hat, head covering" (variously glossing Latin pileus, galerus, mitra, tiara), from Proto-Germanic *hattuz "hood, cowl" (source also of Frisian hat, Old Norse hattr, höttr "a hood or cowl"), from PIE root *kadh- "cover, protect" (source also of Lithuanian kudas "tuft or crest of a bird," Latin cassis "helmet"). 

    To throw one's hat in the ring was originally (1847) to take up a challenge in prize-fighting. To eat one's hat (1770), expressing what one will do if something he considers a sure thing turns out not to be, is said to have been originally eat Old Rowley's [Charles II's] hat.

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  • 07/19/17--08:11: Cabinet Shuffle in Turkey
  • A major cabinet reshuffle took place after the unannounced meeting between President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and Prime Minister Binali Yıldırım at the Beştepe Presidential Complex in Ankara Wednesday. Yıldırım held a press conference regarding the changes in the cabinet. Out of the reshuffle involving 11 ministers, six were new names, appointed to ministerial posts for the first time.

    Mavi Boncuk | 

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    Mavi Boncuk |

    Turkey Can Ally with Syria’s Kurds Someday SOURCE

    Dr. David Pollock of the Washington Institute for Near East Policy analyzes Turkish policy vis-à-vis Syrian Kurds by highlighting the challenges, the current modus vivendi and future prospects.

    The July 5 headline in Turkey’s Hürriyet newspaper, quoting Deputy Prime Minister Numan Kurtulmuş reads as follows: “Turkey Says It’s Not Declaring War On YPG [Yekîneyên Parastina Gel‎ or People's Protection Units],” the main Syrian Kurdish militia just across the border. But, Kurtulmuş added, “if Turkey sees a YPG movement in northern Syria that is a threat to it, it will retaliate in kind.”[1]

    That typically tough yet carefully conditional quote raises a crucial, if often overlooked, factual point. The YPG has in fact not threatened Turkey, nor even Turkish forces inside Syria, ever since 2012. It was in July of that year, exactly five years ago, when the Syrian Kurdish militia took over much of the border area. And it was then that it promised, in an agreement brokered by Turkey’s ally President Masoud Barzani of the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) in Iraq, to focus on Syria exclusively and refrain from attacking Turkey – or even from supporting attacks against it by the YPG’s parent movement, the PKK (Partiya Karkerên Kurdistanê or Kurdistan Workers’ Party).

    All through the past five years, the YPG and its affiliated political party, the PYD, have fulfilled that promise. To be sure, the Turkish government no longer public acknowledges this fact. But it used to, as recently as late 2015, when Turkey’s own peace dialogue with the PKK collapsed. That experience suggests that such an entente between Ankara and the PYD (Partiya Yekîtiya Demokrat or Democratic Union Party) could come again.

    Indeed, Turkey’s long-term goal, supported by the U.S. and other friends, should be to nurture a relationship between those two current enemies resembling Ankara’s highly amicable ties with the autonomous Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) in Iraq.  Turkey and the Iraqi Kurds were also outright enemies less than a decade ago. But they went through an historic, and mutually greatly beneficial, transformation to get where they are today: the closest of friends in the region, economically, militarily, and politically. In the long run, that is an achievable goal for Turkey and the Syrian Kurds as well. Even a leading AKP (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi or Justice and Development Party) official, Mehmet Şimşek, has publicly acknowledged that this could eventually become the desired outcome of this currently acute conflict.

    The trick will be to further increase the distance between the Syrian Kurds and the PKK, thereby moving toward Turkey’s acquiescence, and eventually even alliance, with friendly Kurdish-controlled territory to the south. If this sounds utopian, it isn’t.  Rather, it parallels what has occurred in the past decade, with quiet but strong U.S. support, along Turkey’s border with the KRG. The exceptionally warm ties between Ankara and Erbil, even in the face of new public tensions over the KRG’s proposed September 25, 2017 referendum on independence, strongly suggest that this particular “age-old ethnic conflict” need not be an insurmountable obstacle to strategic expedience. Someday, believe it or not, Turkey may find an autonomous Kurdish region on its Syrian border every bit as amenable to its interests as the one on its Iraqi border.

    Turkish Views of the PYD: Keeping Up with New Realities
    True, there are major differences between these two Kurdish cases on Turkey’s borders. The PYD, unlike the KDP (Kurdistan Democratic Party) or PUK (Patriotic Union of Kurdistan)  ruling parties in Iraqi Kurdistan, shared a history and an ideological affinity with Abdullah Öcalan and the PKK movement he founded inside Turkey, which that country’s government labels a terrorist group.  Moreover, Öcalan himself was active in Syria from about 1988 to 1998, when he fled only to be captured and imprisoned in Turkey ever since. And the PYD still considers itself an offshoot of the PKK, continuing even now to express sympathy and concern over Öcalan’s plight, as it did in its latest congress in Brussels in September 2016.

    Complicating the situation, from Turkey’s perspective, many Syrian Kurds have long had family and other ties with Kurds across the border to the north. The roughly three million Syrian Kurds, unlike the more numerous Kurds in Iraq or Iran, speak the same Kurmanji dialect of Kurdish as do most of Turkey’s 15 million or so ethnically Kurdish citizens. Individual members and fighters from the PYD and the PKK continue to drift between the two. And the PKK leadership holed up in the remote Qandil mountains near the KRG borders with Iran and Turkey continues to have some influence on PYD decisions.

    Nevertheless, as the PYD achieved military success, U.S. support, and de facto autonomy for Syrian Kurds – its main constituency – over the past five years, it became more and more distinct from the PKK, forming its own structures and geographically defined self-interests inside Syria, outside Turkey’s borders. The PYD now has its own political and military chain of command, distinct from its PKK roots.  Their leaderships differ not only in personnel but also in policies.

    As Salih Muslim, the PYD’s co-president (along with the ideologically obligatory but nominal female counterpart) and other officials have described to the author in convincing detail, local PYD chiefs and councils inside Syria function separately not just from any outside fiat but even from each other. Local PYD rulers may be rough, “but at least they don’t chop heads,” as Muslim memorably wrote to the author. And even if the Qandil crew continues to exert its influence on PYD operations inside Syria, the actual policies they all pursue there are directed at maintaining and expanding their control in Syria, not at attacking Turkey or helping the PKK do that on the other side the border.

    Indeed, the PYD-controlled border zones are ones where guns, drugs, and money are not being smuggled into Turkey. This is not just the author’s personal opinion. It is a judgment reflecting the evidence presented by Turkey’s own intelligence analysts at a private briefing I attended last year. And it is also the judgment of Amb. James Jeffrey, former U.S. ambassador to both Turkey and Iraq and Deputy National Security Advisor, as expressed in a presentation to the major pro-AKP SETA foundation this year.

    The PYD has kept the deal it made in 2012 to avoid attacking Turkey precisely because that reflects the PYD’s new self-interest: protect its own turf inside Syria, rather than carry the Kurdish struggle across the border. This makes the PYD and YPG potential partners with Turkey, rather than threats to it, in securing their common frontier against the PKK, IS, or other adversaries. In the long run, this is “mission very difficult,” but not mission impossible. To buttress this unconventional wisdom, it is most useful to take a brief look back at a time, not so long ago, when Ankara apparently agreed with this more optimistic assessment.

    Recent Background: Turkey-PYD Rapprochement, 2012-2015
    For the four years until late 2015, the Turkish government recognized, at least in practice, the new set of facts regarding the Kurds in Syria. It welcomed Salih Muslim for talks in Turkey on several occasions, and accepted PYD control over most of the Syrian border zone. As recently as September 2015, Turkey allowed several thousand Iraqi Kurdish Peshmerga fighters to transit its territory enroute to helping the PYD/YPG liberate the Syrian border city of Kobane from ISIS rule. Moreover, at the same time, Ankara did not retaliate against U.S. airstrikes and weapons drops on behalf of the Syrian Democratic Forces, a blend of YPG (80%) and local Arab and other militias (20%), notwithstanding loud and continuing public protests.

    By February 2016, even Turkey’s initial redline of “no YPG west of the Euphrates” was tacitly modified to allow a “temporary” and successful YPG assault against IS in Manbij, a strategic crossroads town across the river and just thirty miles south of the Turkish border. In August 2016, just a month after the failed coup attempt inside Turkey, Ankara did send its troops into Syria to capture an enclave, the Azaz-Jarabulus corridor, dividing the western PYD canton of Afrin from the eastern ones of Jazeera and Kobane, thus preventing the Kurds from controlling the entire Syrian-Turkish border area. But Turkey did not attack SDF forces en masse, and the two sides have settled into an uneasy standoff inside Syria.

    Turkey-PYD modus vivendi, 2016 to date
    At the official level, Turkish-PYD relations broke down exactly as Turkish-PKK talks collapsed in late 2015. As Turkey and the PKK entered into armed conflict after two years of promising peace talks, Ankara and the PYD adopted a hostile tone toward each other, reverting to the rhetoric of “terrorists” and “oppressors.” But all is not lost. The two sides have for the most part avoided direct clashes across their common de facto and de jure border, even though small-scale, scattered skirmishes between them inside Syria persist. When the PYD belatedly withdrew some of its forces from Manbij, at U.S. and Turkish behest, Ankara publicly acknowledged that positive turn.  And it announced that it could conceivably work with Arab SDF troops, though not with their Kurdish YPG commanders.

    Even more to the point, despite continuing vocal objections, Turkey has stood by as the SDF, meaning mostly the YPG, moved in force—and with substantial U.S. support, including direct deliveries of some heavy weapons—against the ISIS capital of Raqqah in mid-2017. Turkey did not send more troops south to confront this major development it had gravely warned against; Incirlik air base remained wide open for U.S. use; and Erdoğan visited President Trump in Washington on schedule anyway. Even now, as previewed at the top of this essay, Turkish warnings are consistently couched in the conditional language of “we will respond if the YPG attacks us,” rather than in terms of absolute opposition.

    Thus, Turkey’s actions, as distinct from its words, suggest it actually has internalized that the PYD/YPG are not a threat, at least not now.  It realizes that the movement of Syrian Kurdish troops south toward Raqqah is vastly preferable to their movement north toward the Turkish border. And Turkey understsands as well, again despite angry verbal outbursts, that it best not jeopardize its fundamental American alliance over this particular Kurdish bone of contention. With these facts in mind, let us now turn from the complex past and the murky present to the medium-term future, always so easy to predict in the Middle East. 

    Future Prospects and Policy Implications
    Turkey’s medium-term options in this arena are, as argued above, heavily influenced both by realities on the ground in Syria and by American policies in that theater. Viewed from Washington, the main rationale for supporting the PYD, YPG and allied Arab and other militias is security, period. It is not an attempt to drive a wedge between the U.S. and our very important NATO ally Turkey. It is simply a way of fighting effectively against ISIS, while also directing Syrian Kurdish aspirations not against Turkey, but in favor of Kurdish autonomy inside Syria. As such U.S. support for the PYD and YPG, even assuming it continues after Raqqah is liberated and ISIS is defeated, is not a threat but actually an advantage to Turkey’s national security.  The Turkish government rejects that view today, at least publicly, but I would argue that it is grudgingly prepared to accept it, at least privately. That assessment is shared by a prominent young Turkish scholar and former parliament member, Aykan Erdemir, who recently asserted in a public Washington, DC forum that:
    "Although it is a major challenge to the Turkish government domestically – that is, they do have       to keep posturing, they do have to keep up a strong anti-American rhetoric at home – when it comes to global politics, I think they are willing to live with this decision. I think they also see this as tactical because they themselves know what it means to work with PYD and YPG in a tactical manner."
    So, at least under the most plausible near-term scenarios, Turkey’s U.S. connection is likely to weigh in favor of continued tacit acquiescence in some form of Kurdish de facto autonomy, under PYD control, in pockets of Syrian territory along the Turkish border. This of course presupposes that the U.S. will keep the PYD firmly on notice that, in return for U.S. military aid and diplomatic support for an eventual “federal” political solution in Syria, the PYD must continue to refrain from any attacks on Turkish forces and any material support for the PKK. Beyond this immediate calculation, Turkey’s behavior will probably reflect two other major variables linked to the Kurds, both inside and outside the country.

    First, Turkey would do well to keep in mind that Kurdish political and military interests writ large have diverged geographically, especially in the past five years.  Just as Syria’s Kurds, along with their parties, movements, militias, and institutions, are increasingly distinct from Turkey’s own Kurdish citizens, so too are they even more sharply distinct from their Kurdish cousins in Iraq. Indeed, most Kurds in Turkey, Syria, Iraq, and Iran have chosen to downplay the pan-Kurdish dream in favor of separately seeking their rights inside (or, in the KRG case, perhaps outside) their respective countries. This emerging new reality gives Turkey more room to maneuver on these issues, and in particular to work steadily to separate the PYD from the PKK instead of intermittently lumping them together.

    But Kurds are still Kurds, and in particular the closely related Kurds in Syria and in Turkey are probably destined to remain linked at least in some indirect fashion.  Inside Turkey, for the time being, both Ankara and the PKK have tragically abandoned their halting rapprochement of 2013-15 and resumed outright low-intensity war. The gap between the two, apparently narrowing just two years ago, now seems almost impossibly wide. Yet it might someday be bridged—if not perhaps with the PKK then with other authentically Kurdish parties or popular movements. Any progress here, in addition to its intrinsic value, would also clearly mitigate Turkish fears and suspicions about the PYD across the border.

    That one more reason why the U.S. should advise its Turkish friends privately to resume an internal peace process with the Kurds, and to offer tangible American assistance with that, if desired. This is one case where the cliché of “no military solution” really does apply. And even more so in regard to the Syrian Kurds, Turkey has no good reason to seek such a solution, and every reason to pursue peaceful coexistence across a common and potentially even cooperative border.

    Dr. David Pollock is the Kaufman Fellow and director of Project Fikra at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy. Dr. Pollock previously served as senior advisor for the Broader Middle East at the US State Department. 

    [1] "Turkey says it’s not ‘declaring war’ on YPG, but ready to respond," Hürriyet Daily News, July 6, 2017.

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    Mavi Boncuk |

    Geç dönem modern Osmanlı tıbbının kurucu siması: Şânizade Ataullah Efendi
    Şânizade Ataullah Efendi

    Türk alimi, tabibi, tarihçisi. 1771’de İstanbul’da doğdu, 1826’da Tire’de vefat etti. Ailesi çok varlıklıydı, ailesinin Ortaköy’deki yalısında dünyaya geldi. Dedesinin mesleği olan tarakçılığa nispetle Şanizade lakabıyla anılır. Medine mollası Elhac Mehmet Sadık Efendinin oğludur. Hem asırlardır bu topraklarda yapılan klasik medrese eğitimini ve hem de bunlarla yetinmeyerek modern batı tarzı bir eğitimi alması formasyonunu tayin etmiştir. Eğitiminin daha ilk yıllarında pozitif bilimlere, özellikle de tıbba ve matematiğe karşı büyük ilgi duymaya başladı. Çok yönlü bir alim, gerçek bir hezarfen olan Mehmet Ataullah Efendiden Latince, İtalyanca, Fransızca ve bir miktar da Almanca dersleri aldı. Şanizade Osmanlının gerilemesine çare olarak gördüğü ‘Batılılaşma’ sürecinin prototip aydınıdır. ‘Klasikle, gelenekle olan bağlarını koparmadan moderne, yeniye açık olmak ve bu ikisini makul bir tarzda sentezlemek şeklindeki terkip Cumhuriyet kurulana değin olan süreçte Osmanlının reformist bütün Padişah ve devlet adamlarının izleyecekleri temel formül olagelmiştir. Bu terkipte yaşanan ilk kırılma cumhuriyet döneminde vaki olmuştur. Süleymaniye medresesinde tıp, Halıcıoğlu Mühendishane’sinde matematik, astronomi ve astroloji okudu. 1786’da rüus (diploma) alarak müderris oldu. Bir müddet Ordu kadısı olan babasının yanında çeşitli hizmetlerde bulundu. 1816’da Eyüp kadısı oldu. Yanı sıra, Şanizade’ye Çorlu Medresesi müderrisliği de verildi. Dönemin vakanüvisi olan Mütercim Ayıntablı Asım Efendi, sadece 2. Mahmut’un tahta çıkışından (28 Temmuz 1808) itibaren 4 aylık hadiseleri yazıp Padişah’a sunabilmişti. Asım efendi, takip eden 12 yılın olaylarını kaydetti. Ancak bu müsveddeleri, üzerinde biraz daha çalışarak Padişaha sunulabilecek metinler haline getiremediği için devlet ricalinde sıkıntılar baş gösterdi. Payitahtın ve Osmanlı Sülalesinin resmi tarihinin yazılmasının kesintiye uğradığı bu süreç Mütercim Asım Efendinin vefatıyla noktalandı. 30 Ocak 1819’da vakanüvisliğe atanan Şanizade’ye, yanı sıra sadrazamın denetiminde bulunan Evkaf Müfettişliği de verildi. Şanizade tarih yöntemi üzerine kaleme aldığı bir metni 2. Mahmut’a takdim etti. Yazacağı tarihte metodoloji hatası olmaması, tekrarlara düşülmemesi bakımından Sadrazamdan Asım Efendiden kalan 12 yıllık müsveddeleri istedi ve aldı. Ardından da, 1808 sonlarından 1821 yılına değin olan Osmanlı tarihini yazdı. Bu arada, 1821’de Mekke mevleviyetine atandı.

    Halet Efendi'nin Ataullah Efendi'ye ettikleri

    Esasen döneminin en kıymetli hekimi olmasına karşın, Padişah üzerinde büyük tesiri olan devlet adamlarından Halet Efendi yüzünden, onun desteklediği Hekimbaşı Mustafa Behçet Efendi engelini aşarak, Hekimbaşılığa gelemedi. Hekimbaşılık için verdiği mücadele sırasında, bir nevi ‘evdeki bulgur’dan da oldu: Başta Halet Efendi olmak üzere, muarızlarının kulisleriyle 28 Eylül 1825’te vakanüvislikten alındı. Ataullah Efendi, vakanüvisliği sırasında Asım Efendiden kalan müsveddeler üzerindeki çalışmalarını ancak bitirebildiği için kendi dönemine dair vakayinameleri tamamlayıp Padişah’a sunamamıştı. 1822 – 1825 arasındaki olaylara dair tuttuğu notlarından oluşan müsveddelerini yerine vakanüvis olan Sahaflarşeyhizade Esad Efendiye devretti. Bir iddiaya göre aktif üyesi olduğu Beşiktaş İlim Cemiyeti İsmail Ferruh Efendi’nin kurduğu ilk mason locasının maskelenmesine hizmet eden bir paravan organizasyondur.  Bu husus, başta Halet Efendi olmak üzere çekemeyenlerine arayıp da bulamadıkları ‘nihai darbe’yi vurma imkanını verdi: Muarızlarına göre O, mezhepsizlik ve Bektaşiliği dinsizlik raddesinde yaşayan bir far-masondu. Bu temelde yapılan kulisler sonunda mason biraderleriyle birlikte sürgüne gönderildi. Bu bahis aşağıda detaylı olarak ele alınacaktır. Şanizade’nin sürgün mahalli arpalığı olan İzmir’in Tire kazasıydı(1826). Aynı yıl, aşağıda ayrıntıları verilen trajik bir hata yüzünden burada öldü. 

    Döneminin panoraması.

    İslam’ın ilm ve sanatta yaptığı büyük atılım döneminin (9-13.yy) ardından, Batı Rönesansla ‘ilerleme’ bayrağını devraldı. 14. yüzyılda İtalya`da başlayan Rönesans 15. ve 16. yüzyıllarda bütün Avrupa`ya yayıldı. Tıp gelişmenin en hızlı seyrettiği sahalardandı. Osmanlı`ya gelince, atalarımızın 17. asırda başlayan umumi zafiyeti tababet alanına da yansıdı. Tıp medreseleri muasır bilgilerinden kopmaya ve gerilemeye başladılar. Bu yüzden de telif eserlerin önü tıkanmıştı. Tercümeye gelince…Yabancı dil bilen hekimlerin yok mesabesinde oluşu, matbaanın Osmanlı`ya geç girişi ve kitap basmanın 1729`da başlamasından dolayı tıp kitaplarının tercüme edilemiyordu. Çok az sayıdaki Osmanlı hekim ve bilim adamlarının kendi çabaları ile dil öğrenmeleri, yenilikleri takip etmeleri ve kendi tecrübe ve bilgilerini de katarak kendi kitaplarını yazmaları da telif ve tercüme sürecinin devamını sağlayamamıştı. Tıp medreseleri eski parlak dönemlerinden çok uzaktılar. Bir kısmı ise kapanmıştı. Tıp eğitimi neredeyse çökmüştü. Osmanlı Mülkünde tıp sahasındaki çağdaş gelişmeleri azınlık hekimleri ve  Avrupa`dan gelen yabancı hekimler dışında bilen ve uygulayan neredeyse yoktu. Yeterli tabibin olmayışı sosyal sıkıntılara yol açıyor, ‘mütabbib (tabip olmayan sahte hekim)’ hekimler serbest hekimlik yaparak, hatta orduda dahi görev alarak bir çok insanın ölümüne sebep oluyorlardı. Bunların önlenmesi yönelik fermanlardan ise umulan sonuç elde edilemiyordu.Anlayacağınız, 19. yüzyıla gelindiğinde durum tıp eğitimi açısından berbattı. Başta İtalyanca ve Fransızca olmak üzere, tıp alanında tercih edilen yabancı dillerden en az birini bilen az sayıdaki Osmanlı hekimi çağı yakalamak için insan üstü bir gayretle debelenip duruyorlardı. Şanizade Mehmet Ataullah ve Mustafa Behçet Efendi (1774-1834) bunların en önemlileridir. Behçet Efendi de saygın bir alim olmasına karşın, birçok uzman Şanizade’nin ondan daha yetenekli olduğunu, bu yüzden de sarayın baş hekimliğini aslında Ataullah Efendi’nin hak etiğini belirtirler.

    Osmanlı İmparatorluğunun çözülme, gerileme devrinde ilimlerin durumu ve 'Vaka-ı Hayriye'

    Bu iki önemli alimin etrafında gelişen olayları, entrikaları doğru anlamlandırmak için onların dönemdaşı olan 3. Selim (1761-1808; saltanatı: 1789-1807), 4. Mustafa (1779-1808; saltanatı: 1807-1808) ve 2. Mahmut (1785-1839; saltanatı: 1808-1839) saltanatlarına kuş bakışı bakmak kafidir. Bahse konu çağ, Osmanlının her bakımdan çözüldüğüne, çürüdüğüne ve çöktüğüne işaret ediyordu. İşte, bu 2 yetenekli alim, tabip, Batı’da telif edilen ‘yeni tıb’bın Osmanlı tıp eğitimine girmesini savundular. Reformist III. Selim zamanında yeni tıp eğitimi veren, bir Tıphane açılması düşünülmüştü. Teşrih (anatomi) yasağından dolayı ulemadan çekinen III. Selim buna cesaret edememiş, öte yandan, Rumlara tıp fakültesi kurmaları için izin vermişti(1805). Dönemin hekimbaşısı 21 yaşındaki Behçet Efendi, uğrunda çok çalıştığı ‘yeni tıp’ eğitimi veren bir Tıphane kurulması için II. Mahmut’un hekimbaşlığını yaptığı 40’lı yaşlarına kadar  mücadele etmek zorunda kalmış, nihayet 1827’de, 43’ünde, bu amacına ulaşabilmiştir. 1826’da cereyan eden bir hadise hem Osmanlı İmparatorluğunun geleceğini tayin eden faktörlerin en önemlilerindendir; hem de Şanizade’nin hayatının finalini tayin etmiştir. Bu, tarihimize ’Vak’a-i Hayriye’ olarak mal olmuş olan Yeniçeri Ocağının yok edilmesidir. Yeniçerilik sadece askeri bir olgu değildi. Yeniçerilik, toplumun içine, gerek ekonomik bağlamda, gerek Bektaşilik üzerinden inanç düzeyinde ve gerekse de diğer sosyolojik vasatlarda çok derinlere değin nüfuz etmişti. Bu bakımdan, yeniçerilerin yok edilişlerinin sosyal etkileri çok önemli, çok ağır ve çok derin olmuştur. Yeniçeriliğin inanç kodlarının üzerinde yükseldiği Bektaşiliğe karşı alınan hasmane tutumlar, etkilerini Alevi-Bektaşi cemaatlerin günümüzdeki yaşantılarına kadar hissettirmesini bilmiştir. İşte bu bağlamda, tam da Bektaşililere karşı genel bir yok etme çizgisi izlendiği sırada, Ataullah Efendinin Bektaşilikle, mezhepsizlikle ve dinsizlikle suçlanması, tabir-i amiyane ile, O’nun ‘ipinin çekilmesi’ne vesile teşkil etmiş, İstanbul’dan sürülmesine neden olmuştur. 

    Şanizade’yi ‘bitiren’ tartışma

    “Beşiktaş Cemiyet-i İlmiyesi”, “Beşiktaş veya Ortaköy İlmî Cemiyeti”, “Beşiktaş Grubu”, “Beşiktaş Ulemâ Grubu” ve “Cemiyyet-i İlmiyye” olarak adlandırılan cemiyet, XIX. Yüzyılın ilk yarısında kurulmuş; daha çok, fen ve edebîyat konularında faaliyet göstermiştir. İ. Hakkı Uzunçarşılı, ‘ahlâkı güzelleştirme ve din ile felsefe arasında bir uzlaşma sağlamayı amaç edinme’leri bakımından İhvan-ı Safa’ya benzetir. Cemiyetin bazı üyeleri Londra’da büyükelçilik yapmış olan İsmail Ferruh Efendi (ö. 1840), vakanüvis tabip Şanizâde Atâullah Efendi, Melekpaşazâde Abdülkadir Bey (ö.1843) Kethüdâzâde Mehmed Ârif Efendi, Fehim Efendi (ö.1846), Mustafa Şâmil Efendi (ö.1840) ve Bektaşî Şeyhi Mahmud Babadır.Cemiyette fen derslerini Şanizâde, edebîyat derslerini Ferruh Efendi, felsefe derslerini haftada Kethüdâzâde Ârif Efendi, matematik derslerini Tevhid Efendi (ö. 1870) okutmaktaydı. Cemiyet, 1826’da Yeniçeri Ocağı’nın kaldırılmasına paralel olarak Bektaşîlere karşı yönelik yürütülen büyük operasyon sırasında ‘mezhepsizlik, Bektaşîlik ve dinsizlik’le suçlandı, üyeleri sürüldü. Cemiyetin maskeli bir Mason Locası, üyelerinin de gizli masonlar oldukları iddia edilse de bunu destekleyen sağlam kanıtlar ortaya konulamamıştır. 

    Ataullah Efendinin Osmanlı İlim ve tıbbı için önemi nedir?

    19 asrın ilk yarısının en önemli hezarfenlerindendi. Tarihçiliği ve hekimliğiyle kendisinden sonraki alimlere yol göstermiş, model teşkil etmişti. Arapça, Farsça, Fransızca, İtalyanca ve Latince bilen Şanizade döneminin en parlak alimlerindendi. 3. Selim, 4. Mustafa ve 2. Mahmut dönemlerinde , çoğunlukla Ortaköy’de İsmail Ferruh Efendinin yalısında toplanan ve bizim Royal Society’miz sayılabilecek olan Beşiktaş Cemiyet-i İlmisinin en aktif üyelerindendi. Tıp, biyoloji, cebir, geometri, astronomi ve astroloji Şanizade’nin üstadlık mertebesinde vakıf olduğu alanların arasındaydı. Başyapıtı olan Tarih-i Şanizade esasen 5 kitap olarak tasarlanmışsa da, 4 cilt olarak basılmıştır. Deniz ve kara coğrafyasına, sahra ve kale tahkimatına, deniz harplerine dair birçok eseri çevirdi. Özellikle Vesayaname-i Seferiyye bu alandaki çevirilerinin en önemlisidir. Büyük Friedrich’in subaylarına yazdığı bu kitap Yeniçerilerin yok edilmelerinden sonra girilen Osmanlı ordusunun modernleştirilmesi sürecinde önemli rol oynamıştır. Çevirileri sırasında ilgili bilimin ıstılahlarını (terim) Türkçeye kazandırmakta çok titiz davrandı. Alim olmanın olmazsa olmazı olan hezarfenliğinin doğal bir parçası olarak sanatçı yönü fevkalade kuvvetli idi. Musiki, resim, hat Şanizade’nin olgun eserler verdiği sanat disiplinlerinin bazılarıydı. Şiirlerinde Ata mahlasını kullanan Ataullah Efendinin bir nüsha yazma Divançesi İstanbul Üniversitesi kütüphanesindedir. Tarih kitaplarından dolayı döneminin İbni Sina’sı, musiki sahasındaki faaliyetleri yüzünden zamanının Farabi’si olarak anılmıştır. Büyük alim Cevdet Paşa ise onu ‘ilk ilmi lügati yazan alim’ olarak tavsif etmiştir. Zarif, nazik, mütevazı kişiliğiyle Şanizade kötü niyetli muhterisler dışında herkesin sevdiği birisiydi. Resim yapmak, tambur çalmak, saat tamir etmek, 6 bilim dalında 18 eser vermek gibi vasıfları bu satırların yazarını Şanizade için hezarfen deyimini kullanmaya icbar etmektedir. 

    Tıp ve eczacılığa katkıları

    Özellikle tıp alanındaki verimi gerçekten öncü çalışmalardan oluşuyordu. Şanizade tıp terimlerini ilk defa Türkçeye çevirmiş, ilk resimli anatomi kitabını basmıştı. Tarihsel kayıtlar bize Şanizade’nin Süleymaniye Tıp Medresesinde dönemin en önemli hekimlerinden Hekimbaşı Numan Naim Efendiden ders aldığını, dışarıdan gelen yabancı hekimlerle sık sık görüşerek mesleki bilgi alışverişinde bulunduğunu,  hem teorik ve hem de pratik tababet uygulamaları içinde olduğunu aktarmakta.

    Özellikle de tıp terimleri alanında yaptığı çeviriler çok uzun süre bu disiplini tayin eden dinamiklerden oldu. Kaynaklar, tıp terimlerini ilk olarak O’nun tercüme ettiğine işaret ediyorlar.

    Tababetle ilgili başyapıtı Hamse-i Şanizade’dir. Yaptığı çevirilere kendi tecrübelerini de ekleyerek yazdığı tercüme-telif nitelikli bu yapıta, İbn-i Sina’nın anıtsal eseri Kanun’a hürmeten, Kanun-i Şanizade de demiştir.  Basımı 3 yıl süren kitabın devlet ricaline hediye için olan lüks baskısının (anatomik resimler renklidir) yanı sıra, ‘avam’ için bir de ucuz edisyonu yapılmıştı. Haleflerine uzun süre rehber kitap mahiyetindeki eser 3 ana bölümden oluşur:

    1-Mir’at-ül-Ebdan fi Teşrih-il-A’za-il-İnsan: İlk resimli anatomi kitabımız. Şanizade’nin Eyüp Kadılığı dönemine denk düşer. Bu yapıt, önsözünde de belirtildiği üzere, döneminin birçok muteber anatomi atlasından faydalanılarak oluşturulmuş bir derleme olmasına karşın yazarın kendi gözlem ve çalışmalarına da içermektedir. Kitap 56 anatomik çizimi havidir. Çizimlerin bir kısmı telif olup Erzurumlu Agop’a aittir. Türkçe ve Latince anatomi terimleriyle bezeli kitap anlaşılır bir Türkçe ile yazılmıştır. Ostolocya(kemik bilimi) ve Sarkolocya(kas bilimi) olmak üzere 2 kısımdır.

    2-Usulü’t-Tabia: İlk fizyoloji kitabımız. Kitap ‘yemek, çiğnemek, içmek, sindirmek, üremek, nefes almak, kan dolaşımı, ter, his, uyku, görme’ fonksiyonlarını ve bunların hastalıklarını (sebep ve belirtileriyle) içerir. Önsözü ve başlıkları Arapça, metni anlaşılır bir Türkçedir.

    3- Miyar-ül-Etibba: Avusturya İmparatoriçesi Marie Therese’in sertabibi, Avusturya Tıb Fakültesi Dekanı Baron Anton von Stoerck’in aslı Almanca olan Pratik Tıbbi Öğrenim yapıtının İtalyanca çevirisinden çevrilmiştir. Hastalıkların Türkçe karşılıkları verilmiş, belirtileri ve tedavi şekilleri aktarılmış, kullanılması gereken 319 drog kitabın arkasında listelenmiştir. Buradaki en ilginç husus, terkibinde şarap bulunan droglara da aynen yer verilmesidir.

    Kavanin-i Cerrahin (Cerrahların Kanunları) kitabında bölüm bölüm cerrahi rahatsızlıklara yer vermiştir. Önce hastalıkların türleri, ardından nedenleri, belirtileri, ilaçları ve nihayet yapılması gereken cerrahi müdahaleleri içeren kitap cerrahlar için bir rehber mahiyetindedir.

    Mizan-ül Edviye basit ve bileşik ilaçlar üzerine bilgiler veren Müfredat-ı Ecza-ı Tıbbiye (İlaçların İlkel Maddeleri) ve Mürekkebat-ı Ecza-ı Tıbbiye (İlaçların Bileşimleri) isimli 2 yapıttan mürekkeptir. Bu kitaplarda ilk kez yüksük otu(digitali)nun fizyolojik etkileri anlatılır. 1801’de Jenner’in çiçek aşısı üzerine yaptığı çalışmaları 3 yıl sonra çevirmiştir. 1811’de Jenner ve Mardini’nin bu çalışmalarını inekler üzerinde denediklerini öğrendiğinde, bunu Kağıthane’deki inek çiftliklerinde başarıyla tekrarlamış ve çiçek aşısı elde etmiştir. Burada bir aşı merkezi kurmak istemişse de, ihtiyacı olan desteği bulamamıştır. Sultan Abdülmecit’in çiçek olmasına müteakip bu destek kendiliğinden sağlanmış, İstanbul/Osmanlı bir aşı merkezine kavuşmuş, çiçek aşısı da zorunlu hale gelmiştir. 1812 yılında İstanbul’da baş gösteren veba salgını sırasında onca gayretine karşın karantina uygulamasında başarılı olamamıştır. İstanbul’da ilk modern karantina 20 yıl sonra uygulanmıştır. 

    Şanizade Ataullah Efendinin trajik sonu

    Muarızlarının iftiralarıyla Tire’ye sürülen Şanizade, bir yandan yerinin doldurulmasının (dile kolay, tam 7 dil bilen bir Rönesans insanından bahsediyoruz) ne denli zor olduğunun yokluğuyla net bir biçimde anlaşılmasıyla, beri yandansa başta Padişah olmak üzere bazı etkili figürlerin alime yapılan isnatların temelsiz olduğuna kani olmaları yüzünden kısa zamanda affedildi. Af fermanını evine getiren görevlinin yaptığı trajedik hata gerçekten antolojik bir ahmaklık olarak tarihteki yerini almıştır. Gece geç vakit Şanizade’nin evine ulaşan görevli, ‘affına’ anlamına gelen ‘ıtlakına’ diyeceğine yanlışlıkla öldürülmesi manasındaki ‘ıtlafına’ deyiverince karşısındakinin idam fermanını taşıdığını zanneden Ataullah Efendinin yorgun zihni ve bedeni bu gerilimi kaldıramamış, Şanizade kalp krizinden vefat etmişti. Habercinin ikinci kez düzelterek yaptığı tebligat sırasında Şanizade ne yazık ki artık yaşamıyordu. Dehası ve çalışkanlığı yüzünden muasırlarınca çok kıskanılan ve sevilmeyen Şanizade, başarılarının bedelini iftiralara uğramakla, hak ettiği makamlara gelememekle, sürülmekle ve bütün bunların bünyesinde yol açtığı derin tesirler yüzünden, daha çok şeyler üretebileceği bir yaş olan 55’inde terk-i dünya ederek ödemiştir. Onun erken ölümünün yol açtığı süreç, bugün hala yaşadığımız kimi sıkıntıların da vasatını oluşturur. 

    ‘İslam terakkiye mani midir?’ 

    Bu soruyu asırlardır sorar dururuz. Şanizade’nin yaşadığı 18. asrın son ve 19. asrın ilk çeyrekleri, Osmanlının yaşadığı derin çöküş yüzünden bu sorunun sık sık gündem edildiği dönemlerdi. Hedef Sağlık’ın 26. sayısında yazdığım Gazali biyografisinde bu hususa değinmiş ve kendimce yanıtlamıştım. Hayır, İslam gelişmeye, ilme, akla mani değildir. İslam Aleminin yaşadığı olumsuzluklar, ‘sultanların, iyi niyetle dahi olsa, düşünce, hikmet, felsefe ve bilim üzerinde kurmaya çalıştıkları kontrol mekanizmaları ile onların etraflarını kuşatan çapsız, derinliksiz ‘düzmece/sahte alimler’in sebep oldukları fikri kuraklık, felsefi çoraklık idi. Fatih’in İstanbul’u fethine müteakip yürürlüğe koyduğu dünyanın, bilhassa da İslam Alemi’nin önde gelen alim ve filozofları için payitahtı cazibe merkezi kılma projesi yarım/akim kaldı. Bu projenin merkezi figürü olan  Ali Kuşçu’nun misyonunu tamamlayamadan 1474’deki terk-i dünya eylemesi bunda rol oynadı. Gerçi, Kuşçu daha uzun süreler yaşasa ve Fatih’in projesi realize olsa dahi 8. - 11 . asırlar arasında Arap kıtasında ve 9. – 14. asırlar arasında Endülüs’e yaşanan fikri canlılığı aşmanın, hatta tekrarlamanın dahi çok zor olduğunu öngörmek mümkündür. Zira, ne kadar iyi niyetli ve ne denli bilge olursa olsun, sultanın patronajında / kontrolünde özgür ve özgün felsefe ve ilim yapmak neredeyse imkansızdır. Fatih’ten sonra gelen sultanların çaplarını, kapasitelerini göz önünde bulundurursanız; buna bir de Kuşçu’dan sonraki dönemlerde ulemayı ‘temsil eden’ Cinci Hoca, Hatipzade, Halet Efendi gibi ‘sözde/sahte  alimler’in yıkıcı tesirlerini eklerseniz, İslami Düşünce, felsefe ve ilimin, özellikle Sünni toplumlarda gerilemesin nedenleri kolaylıkla anlaşılır.

    Hamse-i Şanizade (3 kitaptan oluşur: Mirat-ül-Ebdan fi Teşrih-il-A’za-il-İnsan, İstanbul, 1819 + Usulü’t-Tabia + Miyar-ül-Etibba (Doktorların Ölçüsü, İstanbul, 1819), Tarih-i Şanizade (esasen 5 kitaptan oluşması tasarlanmışken 4 cilt olarak basılmıştır, İstanbul, 1867 – 1875, birçok basımları mevcuttur, 1808 – 1821 arasındaki olayları kapsar); Kavanin-ül-Asakir-il-Cihadiye (Savaş Askerlerinin Kanunları, İstanbul, 1819); Tanzim-i Piyadegan ve Süvariyan (Piyade ve Süvarilerin Düzenlenmesi); Kavanin-i Cerrahin (Cerrahların Kanunları, Mısır, Bulak, 1828); Istılahat-ı-Etibba (Doktorların Terimleri); Müfredat-ı Ecza-ı Tıbbiye (İlaçların İlkel Maddeleri); Mürekkebat-ı Ecza-ı Tıbbiye (İlaçların Bileşimleri); Usul-i Hisap (Matematik); Usul-i Hendese (Geometri); Ta’rifat-ı Sevahil-i Derya (Deniz Kıyılarının Anlatımı); Kavanin-i Asakir-i Cihadiye (Savaş Askerlerinin Kanunları, İstanbul, 1815) ; Usulü’t-Tabia, Vesayaname-i Seferiye (ölümünden sonra, 1832)

    (*)Benim nokta-ı nazarımdan, bilim ve ilm birbirlerinin yerine kullanılabilecek, birbirilerinin ikamesi olan kavramlar değildir. Bilim ve ilm farklı manalara nispet ederler ve bu fark da dereceye değil mahiyete dairdir. Bilim modern zamanların kavramıdır ve modern dünyada maddi karşılığını bulur. Bilim adamı (= bilimci?), sınırlı bir alana dair uzman olan teknisyendir, en fazla zanaatkardır. O, çocuk ya da kardiyoloji doktorudur, makro ya da mikro ekonomisttir, yol ya da baraj mühendisidir, peyzaj ya da iç mimarıdır, futbol ya da atletizm yorumcusudur,  muslukçu ya da elektrikçidir ilnh… Bu bakımdan, bilim adamı/insanı sadece alanının bilgisine vakıftır. Öte yandan, uzmanı olduğu alanın, sahibi olduğu ‘malumat’ın diğer alanların bilgisiyle, malumatıyla irtibatlarını kuramaz. Zira, diğer alanlara dair bilgisi ya yoktur ya da çok sınırlıdır. Descartes’çı ‘kartezyen düşünce’ ile kendisine felsefi bir varlık zemini bulan bilim adamının ilm adamına pratik sahada tam manasıyla galebe çalması 1. Dünya Savaşı sonrasına denk düşer. Bilim adamı bilgindir. İlm adamı (bilici?) ise döneminin mevcut bütün bilgisine, kapasitesi nispetinde vakıf kişidir, bilgin değil alimdir. Alim sanatkardır. Alim, modernizm öncesi dönemin hakim paradigması olan klasik anlayıştaki eğitimine üstatlarından, mürşitlerinden aldığı mantık dersiyle başlar. Bunu  retorik, gramer, matematik, müzik, fizik ile ilgili tedrisat izler. Fizik dediğimde bundan doğal bilimlerinin (fizik, kimya, tababet, astronomi vb.) tamamınnı anlaşılmasını murad ederim. Alimin eğitim süreci metafizik Alemle tanışmasıyla mahiyet değiştirir, taçlanır. Metafizik tedris eden alim/alim adayı artık döneminin maddi ve manevi bütün malumatına vakıftır. Bu durumda malumat artık kelimenin hakiki manasıyla ‘bilgi’ seviyesine ‘terfi etmiş’tir. Alim, sadece asrın bütün bilgisini, bütün muasır malumatı kucaklamakla kalmaz, o, aynı zamanda mürşitlerinden elde ettiği bakış açılarıyla,  ölene değin ‘talebe’ kalacağının da şuuruyla davranır. O, daimi suretle ‘Hakikat’ı taleb eder. O, ‘Hakikat’ talebesidir, ‘ferd-i hakir-i fakir-i taliban-ı Hakikat’tır. Öğretirken öğrenir, öğrenirken öğretir. Bilgini bekleyen en önemli handikap bilgiçliğe düşmek, malumatfuruş olmakken; Alim ise, bu bahiste ancak bir kısmına işaret edebildiğim keyfiyet yüzünden, asla bilgiç/malumatfuruş olamaz. Olabilecek ‘Adam’a da zaten ‘Alim’ denmez. Demek ki, ‘Bilen İnsan’ın bilgiçliğe tevessül etme potansiyeline haiz olanına bilgin, asla bilgiçlik taslayamayacak tıynette olanına ise alim diyoruz. Bilgin konjonktürün, çağının insanıdır, tek boyutludur, madde ve insan merkezlidir; Alim zamanla ve mekanla kayıtlı değildir, çok boyutludur, mana ve insanötesi merkezlidir. Bilgin tek fenlidir, dünya odaklıdır; Alim hezarfen (bin fenli)dir, rönesanas adamıdır, Alem merkezlidir. Bilgin (genellikle) soru sormaz, cevap yetiştirir; hiçbir şeye şaşmaz/şaşamaz, o katı bir erişkindir. Alim ise çocuk gibidir; daima hayret ve hayranlık makamındadır. Dedim ya, ben burada aslında ilmin tarihine dair debeleniyorum, bilmin değil. Benim işim Alim’le; her an bilgiçliğin, çok bilmişliğin, malumatfuruşluğun sığ sularına yuvarlanıverecek olan bilginle değil. 

    İslam Ansiklopedisi, ilgili maddeler, MEB
    İslam Ansiklopedisi, ilgili maddeler, Türkiye Diyabet Vakfı
    Türk Ansiklopedisi, ilgili maddeler, MEB
    Türk ve dünya Ünlüleri Ansiklopedisi, ilgili maddeler, Anadolu Yayıncılık
    Meydan Larousse, ilgili maddeler, Meydan Neşriyat
    Osmanlı Türklerinde İlim, Adnan Adıvar, Remzi Yayınları, İlk Türk Bilim Akademisi, Cahit Bilim, Kethudazade Arif Efendi ve Felsefi Görüşleri, İsmail Erdoğan
    Bu Mülkün Sultanları, Necdet Sakaoğlu, Oğlak Yayınları
    Asklepios, sayı 1, GSK
    Hedef Sağlık, sayı 26, Bilimin Öncüleri: İmam-ı Gazali, Z. Şencan, Hedef Alliance

    * Daha önce Hedef Sağlık dergisinde ve 'da yayınlandı.

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    Mavi Boncuk |

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    I shared National Film Competition Jury duties with Sezer Sezin at the Istanbul Film Festival (12-27 April 2003). Meeting my idol from the 60's was a dream come true for me. 

    Tunç Başaran (Jury President), Ercüment Akman, Cahit Berkay, Sandra Hebron and Sezer Sezin. Nuri Bilge Ceylan won best film and director awards with 'Uzak'.

    In Memoriam | Sezer Sezin (1929-2017)

    Sezer Sezin (b.October 25, 1929 Eyüp, Istanbul, Turkey- d July 18, 2017 Istanbul, Turkey). She was an actress, best known for films like Strike the Whore (1949), Soför Nebahat ve kizi (1964) and Nebahat, the Driver(1960). She was married to Kenan Artun (1952–1963)

    Sezer Sezin in Soför Nebahat (1960) Sami Hazinses, Kadir Savun, Semih Sezerli, Sezer Sezin, and Erol Tas in Soför Nebahat (1960)

    Mavi Boncuk |

    Sezer Sezin, Ayhan Isik, and Küçük Kenan in Üç tekerlekli bisiklet (1962)

    Kenan Artun and Sezer Sezin in Tahir ile Zühre (1952)

    Sezer Sezin in Vurun kahpeye (1949)

    Turan Seyfioglu, Sezer Sezin, and Abdullah Yüce in Meyhanecinin kizi: Mapusane çesmesi (1958)

    Sezer Sezin 

    Türk sinema sanatçısı. Gerçek adı Mesrure Sezer'dir.     

    25 Ekim 1929 tarihinde İstanbul'da doğdu. İlkokul ve ortaokulu Eyüp’de okudu. Ortaokuldan sonra öğrenimine devam etmedi. Küçük yaşta tiyatroya ilgi duymaya başladı. Bale dersleri aldı.   1940 yılında Eminönü Halkevi Tiyatrosu’nda Kral Oidipus adlı oyunda kralın kızını oynadı.   

    1944 yılında “Hürriyet Apartmanı” filmiyle sinemaya başladı. 1946 yılında da Vedat Örfi Bengü ile ortak olarak Sezer Tiyatrosu’nu kurdu. Bir yıl süre ile turneye çıkan tiyatro 1947’de kapandı.   1948 yılında başrolü Memduh Ün’le paylaştığı “Damga” filminde oynadı. 1949 yılında ise Ömer Lütfi Akad’ın yönettiği “Vurun Kahpeye” filmiyle tanındı. Yine Lütfi Akad’ın yönettiği 1952 yılında “Tahir ile Zühre” ve “Arzu ile Kamber” adlı filmlerde oynadı. Bu filmlerin çekimleri 6 ay süre ile Bağdat’ta yapılırken başrolü paylaştığı Kenan Artun ile yakınlaştılar ve dönüşte 1952 yılında evlendiler.   

    1956 yılında eşi Kenan Artun ve İlham Filmer ile ortaklaşa “Türk Eksport Film” adıyla bir film yapım şirketi kurdu. Bu şirket 3 film üretti. Bunlardan 1959 tarihli “Kıbrıs’ın Belası Kızıl EOKA” Türk sinemasının Kıbrıs sorununa değinen ilk filmi oldu, ancak Yunanistan’la Türkiye arasındaki politik yumuşama filmin erkenden vizyondan kaldırılmasıyla sonuçlandı.   1960 yılında yönetmenliğini Metin Erksan’ın yaptığı “Şoför Nebahat” filminde canlandırdığı karakter çok beğenilince 1964 ve 1965 yıllarında 2 devam filmi yapıldı. 

    Uzun bir süre kendisine Sezer Sezin yerine “Şoför Nebahat” dendi.   1962 yılında çekilen “Üç Tekerlekli Bisiklet” filmi ile 1965 yılında “İzmir Film Festivali”‘nde “En Başarılı Kadın Oyuncu” ödülünü kazandı.   Sezer Sezin, 1952 yılında oyuncu ve senarist Kenan Artun ile evlendi. 1963 yılında boşandı. 1965 yılında Üner İlsever ile evlendi. Daha sonra boşandı. İki çocuğu olan Sezer Sezin’in Ayşegül İlsever adında bir kızı var.   1965 yılında ikinci evliliğini yaptığı Üner İlsever’le birlikte Kadıköy İl Tiyatrosu’nu kurdular. 1967 yılında sinemayı bıraktı. 1975 yılında tiyatroyu da bırakarak deri ticaretine atıldı.   Sinemayı bıraktıktan tam 40 yıl sonra 2007 yılında Safa Önal’ın yazıp yönettiği “Hicran Sokağı” adlı yapımda konuk oyuncu olarak yeniden izleyici karşısına çıktı.  


    2007 Hicran Sokağı (konuk oyuncu) 
    1967 Turist Zehra
    1966 Asker Anası
    1966 Sırat Köprüsü
    1965 Kanlı Meydan
    1965 Şoför Nebahat Bizde Kabahat
    1964 Cehennem Arkadaşları
    1964 Şahane Züğürtler
    1964 Şoför Nebahat ve Kızı
    1963 L’Immortelle (Ölümsüz Kadın) 
    1962 Üç Tekerlekli Bisiklet
    1961 Rüzgâr Zehra
    1960 Dişi Kurt
    1960 Şoför Nebahat
    1959 Ana Kucağı
    1959 Kıbrıs’ın Belası Kızıl EOKA
    1959 Vatan Uğruna
    1958 Altın Kafes
    1958 Meçhul Kahramanlar
    1958 Meyhanecinin Kızı
    1956 Kalbimin Şarkısı
    1956 Ölmüş Bir Kadının Evrakı Metrukesi
    1955 Dağları Bekleyen Kız
    1954 Kaçak
    1952 Arzu ile Kamber
    1952 Tahir ile Zühre
    1950 Allah Kerim
    1950 Lüküs Hayat
    1949 Vurun Kahpeye
    1948 Damga
    1945 Yayla Kartalı
    1945 Köroğlu
    1944 Hürriyet Apartman

    Theater | Tiyatro

    Ya Beni Öpersin
    Nazırın Karısı
    Yanlış Adres
    Karımla Olmuyor  

     Awards| Ödülleri

    1955 Türk Film Dostları Derneği - En Başarılı Kadın Oyuncu, 
    Kaçak 1965 İzmir Film Festivali - En Başarılı Kadın Oyuncu, 
    Üç Tekerlekli Bisiklet 1984 Altın Portakal Ödülleri, Onur Ödülü. 
    1993 Uluslararası İstanbul Film Festivali, Jüri Onur Ödülü 
    2008 Uluslararası Bursa İpek Yolu Film Festivali, Sinema Onur Ödülü

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    Mavi Boncuk |

    Turkey and the Failed Coup One Year Later

    Featuring Omer Taspinar, Soner Cagaptay, and James F. Jeffrey
    PolicyWatch 2835
    July 20, 2017

    Omer Taspinar
    Omer Taspinar is a professor of national security strategy at the National War College, focusing on the political economy of Europe, the Middle East, and Turkey.

    Soner Cagaptay
    Soner Cagaptay is the Beyer Family fellow and director of the Turkish Research Program at The Washington Institute.

    James F. Jeffrey

    Ambassador James F. Jeffrey is the Philip Solondz distinguished fellow at The Washington Institute where he focuses on U.S. diplomatic and military strategy in the Middle East, with emphasis on Turkey, Iraq, and Iran.

    On July 13, Omer Taspinar, Soner Cagaptay, and James F. Jeffrey addressed a Policy Forum at The Washington Institute. Taspinar is a professor at the National War College and an adjunct professor at Johns Hopkins University's School of Advanced International Studies. Cagaptay is the Beyer Family Fellow and director of the Turkish Research Program at the Institute. Jeffrey is the Institute's Philip Solondz Distinguished Fellow and a former U.S. ambassador to Turkey. The following is a rapporteur's summary of their remarks.


    While the authoritarian trend in Turkish politics is well documented in Washington circles, Fethullah Gulen is still very enigmatic for most Americans (despite his longtime exile in Pennsylvania). Some background on the Gulen movement's marriage of convenience with President Recep Tayyip Erdogan's Justice and Development Party (AKP), therefore, provides important context.

    Gulen's intellectual antecedents can be traced to Said Nursi (1877-1960), a scholar from eastern Anatolia who wrote a six-thousand-page commentary on the Quran emphasizing the compatibility of Islam with rationalism. The Gulen movement, a major Turkish sect, continues Nursi's project of modernizing Islam, integrating an emphasis on science and education.

    The Gulen movement also encourages a nationalist brand of Islam, whereas Orthodox Islam emphasizes the transcendental brotherhood of the umma, or Muslim community, and formative political Islamist thinkers such as Sayyid Qutb saw political Islam as a way of uniting all Muslims. Nursi and Gulen were thus generally at peace with the Ottoman and Turkish states.

    By comparison, the AKP derives its identity from the Muslim Brotherhood tradition, especially in the figure of Necmettin Erbakan (1926-2011), who founded the Welfare Party, the AKP predecessor. Emphasizing Islamic over Turkish civilization, Erbakan's movement was always political in nature, whereas the Gulen movement evolved into a social and cultural force. Unlike Erbakan's Welfare Party, the Gulen movement never showed an interest in controlling the state—or in a "Muslim revolution." Its leaders instead encouraged Turkish Muslims to make money, pay taxes, and contribute to philanthropic organizations, thereby gradually transforming the state in their image.

    The military, for its part, long viewed the Gulen movement to be far more dangerous than Erbakan, regarding its educational, cultural, and social agenda as a clandestine means to infiltrate the state—and an existential threat.

    In establishing the AKP to further Erbakan's legacy, Erdogan, too, initially rejected political Islamism, allowing for an alliance with Gulen wherein the movement provided human capital and the AKP furnished a political party. Indeed, Gulen had been grooming intellectuals since the 1970s, and fielding bureaucrats since the 1980s, offering cadres that Erdogan needed to populate his government.

    From 2003 until 2011, the AKP and Gulen movement saw a common enemy in the military system—an enemy of which they were deprived in the Ergenekon trials, which began in 2009 and sidelined the generals. These trials had begun as a legitimate attempt to root out a coup plot but morphed into a witch hunt targeting all AKP opponents.

    When the Gulenists refused to fold under AKP control, Erdogan went after them by closing down their schools, and Gulenists responded by fueling a corruption scandal around Erdogan and his family in December 2013. In response, Erdogan cracked down more harshly on the Gulenists, who finally resorted to using their influence in the military—acquired in the vacuum left by the Ergenekon trials—to strike back.


    Previously, the symbiotic relationship enjoyed by the AKP and the Gulen movement involved human capital provided by the former and a charismatic leader and political party offered by the latter. When they collectively brought down the military in 2011, a raw power struggle ensued between two men, Erdogan and Gulen, whose dramatic fallout has ushered in greater instability in Turkey.

    After the failed nefarious coup attempt in July 2016, Erdogan—instead of serving as a unifier—sought to widen rifts with opposition groups. His subsequent purge stretched well beyond the Gulenists, ultimately including liberals, leftists, social democrats, Alevis (liberal Muslims), and Kurdish nationalists. Turkey has become significantly more authoritarian as a result, tied to the emerging notion that the rise of the Turkish nation and the restoration of the Muslim community (umma) are now inextricably linked to Erdogan's personality. When citizens fail to support Erdoganism—based on the triumvirate of anti-Westernism, political Islamism, and Turkish nationalism—they are cast as opposing Turkey and Islam, and as foreign agents, and thus persecuted.

    There are two main drivers of Erdogan's authoritarian: The first involves his consolidation of power since 2003, involving crackdowns on demographic groups unlikely to support him. This collective bloc constitutes half of Turkey, and Erdogan thought it could be controlled through authoritarianism alone. The second driver involves the president's working-class roots in Kasimpasa, an Istanbul neighborhood where, in secularist Turkey, his conservative, pious family members were treated as second-class citizens. He and his classmates were taunted at their government-run religious school, and the secularist courts shut down three Islamist political parties that Erdogan joined.

    Although eventually becoming the most powerful politician since Turkey's 1950 transition to a multiparty system, Erdogan still feels weak as a citizen. The moment he shows this weakness, as he sees it, he'll be pushed back to the other side of the tracks. Erdoganism thus preaches that authoritarianism is necessary for "making Turkey great again" and restoring the dignity of Muslims—with Erdogan as the leader.

    The post-coup scene in Turkey has had elements of the Orwellian. A few months ago, a laudatory biopic on Erdogan's life, promoted by his administration and called The Chief, was released. Last week, the film's producer made another movie marking the anniversary of the thwarted coup. Despite being on the government payroll, he was arrested because his narrative went too far.

    The half of Turkey who loves Erdogan welcomes his increased power; the half who loathes him cannot accept it. And the anti-Erdogan constituency is growing. Provinces that voted against him constitute 80 percent of Turkey's GDP. The 18-34 age group voted by the widest margin against Erdogan in the recent referendum changing Turkey from a parliamentary to a presidential system. When, however, the anti-Erdogan crowd despairs of democracy as a tool to oppose him, the potential for radicalism and violence will rise, explaining why it is not actually in Erdogan's interest to end Turkish democracy.


    In 2015-16, before the coup attempt, a tenuous U.S.-Turkey relationship could be defined by two words: the south. Whereas a superficial alignment of U.S. and Turkish interests existed in Syria, these interests differed almost everywhere on the ground. Turkey, for its part, faced three threats from the south: the Democratic Union Party (PYD), a Syrian Kurdish group; the Islamic State (IS); and Syrian president Bashar al-Assad. The PYD, meanwhile—having been boosted by its successful defense against IS, beginning in Kobane in 2014—is a political offshoot of the Turkey-based Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK), and when talks between Ankara and the PKK broke down in summer 2015, the Kurdish group became an acute threat to Turkey.

    In late 2015, when terrorist attacks in Paris and San Bernardino prompted the United States to take IS very seriously, Turkey was not equally devoted to the cause, while even lending support to IS-aligned groups such as Jabhat al-Nusra. As part of its policy to overthrow Assad, Turkey kept its border open, allowing both anti-Assad and anti-U.S. jihadists to cross. Meanwhile, although the Obama administration agreed in principle with Turkey's "Assad must go" policy, it lacked sufficient enthusiasm for the cause, disappointing Turkey.

    The broader U.S.-Turkey relationship is crucial, with Turkish cooperation having played a part in almost all U.S. conflicts. In particular, Turkey was indispensable to the U.S. triumph in the Cold War; likewise, without U.S. support beginning in the 1940s, Turkey could not have remained independent during the Cold War.

    A disconnect in communication underlies the current U.S.-Turkey malaise, with Ankara espousing a cynical, realpolitik view of foreign policy, whereas the United States believes it is advancing universal values. Multiple groups lobby against Turkey in Washington—e.g., Armenian, Greek, human rights—and to preserve this important relationship, U.S. officials must oversell the country as the best ally the United States has ever had. When Turkey undermines this image, the U.S. government becomes frustrated.

    Washington generally knows about important events in advance, but last year's coup was completely unexpected, and U.S. officials froze in response. The prevailing consensus held that military coups were no longer possible in Turkey. Further, U.S. officials did not realize that the military's Gulenist faction—rather than its traditional secular core—was perpetrating the coup. As Washington awaited more information on the Gulenists, officials held off on making statements evaluating the coup, instead defaulting to U.S. interests, particularly a push to reopen Turkey's Incirlik Air Base for operations against the Islamic State.

    Predating the coup, Washington was disappointed by Erdogan's harsh response to the Gezi Park protests of summer 2013 and his treatment of the Kurdish-aligned Peoples' Democratic Party (HDP) after the breakdown of the PKK ceasefire. Yet Secretary of State Rex Tillerson's visit gives reason for optimism, and the Trump administration can improve ties from where the Obama administration left them. Such improvements, however, should not strive for some ideal former state: U.S.-Turkey ties have always been complicated.

    This summary was prepared by Oya Rose Aktas.

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    "The Sheep of Ankara, shows its hand last." Political cartoon by Sedat Simavi, in Istanbul magazine Güleryüz on October 1922. In the Background: Ankara, In the Foreground: Istanbul 

    Abolition of Caliphate (1924) and Millet System

    In the secular state or country purports to be officially neutral in matters of religion, supporting neither religion nor irreligion and claims to treat all its citizens equally regardless of religion, and claims to avoid preferential treatment for a citizen from a particular religion/nonreligion over other religions/nonreligion.

    Reformers followed the European model (French model) of secularization. In European model of secularizing; states typically involves granting individual religious freedoms, disestablishing state religions, stopping public funds to be used for a religions, freeing the legal system from religious control, freeing up the education system, tolerating citizens who change religion or abstain from religion, and allowing political leadership to come to power regardless of religious beliefs.

    In establishing a secular state, the Ottoman Caliphate, held by the Ottomans since 1517, abolished and to mediate the power of religion in the public sphere (including recognized minority religions in the Treaty of Lausanne) left to the Directorate for Religious Affairs. Under the reforms official recognition of the Ottoman millets withdrawn. Shar’iyya wa Awqaf Ministry followed the Office of Caliphate. This office was replaced by the Presidency of Religious Affairs.

    The abolishing of the position of Caliphate and Sheikh ul-Islam was followed by a common, secular authority. Many of the religious communities failed to adjust to the new regime. This was exacerbated by the emigration or impoverishment, due to deteriorating economic conditions. Families that hitherto had financially supported religious community institutions such as hospitals and schools stop doing so.

    Atatürk's reforms define laïcité (as of 1935) as permeating both the government and the religious sphere. Minority religions, like the Armenian or Greek Orthodoxy are guaranteed protection by the constitution as individual faiths (personal sphere), but this guarantee does not give any rights to any religious communities (social sphere). (This differentiation applies to Islam and Muslims as well. Atatürk's reforms, as of 1935, assume the social sphere is secular.)

    The Treaty of Lausanne, the internationally binding agreement of the establishment of the Republic, does not specify any nationality or ethnicity. It simply identifies non-Muslims in general and provides the legal framework which gives certain explicit religious rights to Jews, Greeks, and Armenians without naming them.

    Mavi Boncuk |


    Kanun Numarası : 430
    Kabul Tarihi  : 3/3/1340
    Yayımlandığı R. Gazete
    : Tarih: 6/3/1340 Sayı: 63

    Yayımlandığı Düstur: Tertip: 3 Cilt: 5 Sayfa: 322

    Madde 1 - Türkiye dahilindeki bütün müessesatı ilmiye ve tedrisiye Maarif Vekaletine merbuttur.

    Madde 2 - Şer'iye ve Evkaf Vekaleti veyahut hususi vakıflar tarafından idare olunan bilcümle medrese ve mektepler Maarif Vekaletine devir ve raptedilmiştir.

    Madde 3 - Şer'iye ve Evkaf Vekaleti bütçesinde mekatip ve medarise tahsis olunan mebaliğ Maarif bütçesine nakledilecektir.

    Madde 4 - Maarif Vekaleti yüksek diniyat mütehassısları yetiştirilmek üzere Darülfünunda bir İlahiyat Fakültesi tesis ve imamet ve hitabet gibi hidematı diniyenin ifası vazifesiyle mükellef memurların yetişmesi için de aynı mektepler küşat edecektir.

    Madde 5 - Bu kanunun neşri tarihinden itibaren terbiye ve tedrisatı umumiye ile müştegil olup şimdiye kadar Müdafaai Milliyeye merbut olan askeri rüşti ve idadilerle Sıhhiye Vekaletine merbut olan darüleytamlar, bütçeleri ve heyeti talimiyeleri ile beraber Maarif Vekaletine raptolunmuştur. Mezkür rüşti ve idadilerde bulunan heyeti talimiyelerin ciheti irtibatları atiyen ait olduğu Vekaletler arasında tahvil ve tanzim edilecek ve o zamana kadar orduya mensup olan muallimler orduya nispetlerini muhafaza edecektir.

    (Ek: 22/4/1341 - 637/1 md.) Mektebi Harbiyeden menşe teşkil eden askeri liseler bütçe ve kadrolariyle Müdafaai Milliye Vekaletine devrolunmuştur.

    Madde 6 - İşbu kanun tarihi neşrinden muteberdir.

    Madde 7 - İşbu kanunun icrayı ahkamına İcra Vekilleri Heyeti memurdur.



    Kanun Numarası : 677
    Kabul Tarihi : 30/11/1925
    Yayımlandığı R. Gazete : Tarih : 13/12/1925 Sayı : 243
    Yayımlandığı Düstur : Tertip : 3 Cilt : 7 Sayfa : 113

    Madde 1 – Türkiye Cumhuriyeti dahilinde gerek vakıf suretiyle gerek mülk olarak şeyhının tahtı tasarrufunda gerek suveri aharla tesis edilmiş bulunan bilümum tekkeler ve zaviyeler sahiplerinin diğer şekilde hakkı temellük ve tasarrufları baki kalmak üzere kamilen seddedilmiştir. Bunlardan usulü mevzuası dairesinde
    filhal cami veya mescit olarak istimal edilenler ipka edilir.

    Alelümum tarikatlerle şehlik, dervişlik, müritlik, dedelik, seyitlik, çelebilik, babalık, emirlik, nakiplik, halifelik, falcılık, büyücülük, üfürükçülük ve gayıptan haber vermek ve murada kavuşturmak maksadiyle nüshacılık gibi unvan ve sıfatların istimaliyle bu unvan ve sıfatlara ait hizmet ifa ve kisve iktisası memnudur.

    Türkiye Cumhuriyeti dahilinde salatine ait veya bir tarika veyahut cerri menfaate müstenit olanlarla bilümum sair türbeler mesdut ve türbedarlıklar mülgadır. Seddedilmiş olan tekke veya zaviyeleri veya türbeleri açanlar
    veyahut bunları yeniden ihdas edenler veya ayını tarikat icrasına mahsus olarak velev muvakkaten olsa bile yer verenler ve yukarıdaki unvanları taşıyanlar veya bunlara mahsus hidematı ifa veya kıyafet iktisa eyleyen
    kimseler üç aydan eksik olmamak üzere hapis ve elli liradan aşağı olmamak üzere cezayı nakdiile cezalandırılır.

    (Ek: 10/6/1949 - 5438/1 md.) Şeyhlik, Babalık ve Halifelik gibi mensupları arasında baş mevkiinde bulunanlar altı aydan az olmamak üzere hapis ve 500 liradan aşağı olmamak üzere ağır para cezasından başka bir yıldan aşağı olmamak üzere sürgün cezası ile cezalandırılırlar 

    (1). (Ek: 1/3/1950 - 5566/1 md.; Değişik: 7/2/1990 - 3612/5 md.) Türbelerden Türk büyüklerine ait olanlarla büyük sanat değeri bulunanlar Kültür Bakanlığınca umuma açılabilir. Bunlara bakım için gerekli memur ve hizmetliler tayin edilir.

    Madde 2 – İşbu kanun neşri tarihinden muteberdir.

    Madde 3 – İşbu kanunun icrasına İcra Vekilleri Heyeti memurdur.

    (1) 13/7/1965 tarih ve 647 sayılı Cezaların İnfazı Hakkında Kanunun geçici 2 nci maddesiyle sürgün cezası kaldırılmıştır.


    1982 | Anayasanın 174. Maddesi (İnkılap kanunlarının korunması)

    Anayasanın hiçbir hükmü, Türk toplumunu çağdaş uygarlık seviyesinin üstüne çıkarma ve Türkiye Cumhuriyetinin laiklik niteliğini koruma amacını güden, aşağıda gösterilen inkılap kanunlarının, Anayasanın halkoyu ile kabul edildiği tarihte yürürlükte bulunan hükümlerinin, Anayasaya aykırı olduğu şeklinde anlaşılamaz ve yorumlanamaz:

    3 Mart 1340 tarihli ve 430 sayılı Tevhidi Tedrisat Kanunu;

    25 Teşrinisani 1341 tarihli ve 671 sayılı Şapka İktisası Hakkında Kanun;

    30 Teşrinisani 1341 tarihli ve 677 sayılı Tekke ve Zaviyelerle Türbelerin Seddine ve Türbedarlıklar ile Bir Takım Unvanların Men ve İlgasına Dair Kanun;

    17 Şubat 1926 tarihli ve 743 sayılı Türk Kanunu Medenisiyle kabul edilen, evlenme akdinin evlendirme memuru önünde yapılacağına dair medeni nikah esası ile aynı kanunun 110 uncu maddesi hükmü;

    20 Mayıs 1928 tarihli ve 1288 sayılı Beynelmilel Erkamın Kabulü Hakkında Kanun;

    1 Teşrinisani 1928 tarihli ve 1353 sayılı Türk Harflerinin Kabul ve Tatbiki hakkında Kanun;

    26 Teşrinisani 1934 tarihli ve 2590 sayılı Efendi, Bey, Paşa gibi Lakap ve Unvanların Kaldırıldığına dair Kanun;

    3 Kanunuevvel 1934 tarihli ve 2596 sayılı Bazı Kisvelerin Giyilemeyeceğine Dair Kanun.

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  • 07/21/17--10:49: Les Désenchantées

  • Mavi Boncuk |

    Les Désenchantées — Roman des harems Turcs contemporains by Pierre Loti.

    Les Désenchantées par Pierre Loti. READ (in French)IN HTML o in PDF

    A la chère et vénérée et angoissante mémoire de LEYLA-AZIZÉ-AÏCHÉ Hanum, fille de Mehmed Bey J… Z… et de Esma Hanum D…, née le 16 Rébi-ul- ahir 1297 à T… (Asie-Mineure), morte le 28 Chebâl 1323 (17 décembre 1905) à Ch… Z… (Stamboul).

    "...O Djénane-Feridé-Azâdé, que le rahmet d'Allah descende sur toi! Que la paix soit à ton âme fière et blanche! Et puissent tes soeurs de Turquie, à mon appel, pendant quelques années encore avant l'oubli, redire ton cher nom, le soir dans leurs prières!…"

    Loti’s attempt to disguise the identity of his protagonists was soon uncovered. Before the publication of Disenchanted, fearing the imperial axe, the two Turkish sisters Melek and Zeyneb flee to Europe from their harem with the hope of finding ‘freedom’ in the West. 4 “What prompted their escape to Europe was the sister’s engagement”5 with a lady. This third woman is known to be a French journalist and translator who was visiting Turkey when Loti arrived in Constantinople. Her name was Madame Léra.[2]


    Abstract : Though to varying degrees prominent and successful in her day, today, Grace Ellison, is largely unknown to Western readers and she is not too familiar to readers in Turkey and little is known about the details of her life. The idea/possibility of English journalist/writer Grace Ellison’s being French journalist Madame Léra (Marie Léra, who wrote under the name of Marc Hélys) is the main argument of this article. In addition to this, this study concentrates on Grace Ellison and one of her neglected historical records called, “An Englishwoman in a Turkish Harem (1915)” to explore the literary forgery in which she is involved. 

    Pierre Loti.

    Pierre Loti was one of the most popular French writers of his time. Born on this day in 1850 as Julien Viaud (the pseudonym came later), Loti travelled extensively both as a naval officer and as a civilian, his wanderings and romantic episodes frequently turning up thinly disguised in his novels.

    One such work was Les Désenchantées, written in 1906. In the foreword, Loti claims “this is an entirely imagined story. It would be a waste of time trying to give real names to Djénane, to Zeyneb[1], to Mélek or to André, because they never existed.” 

    Its origins lay in one of the stranger episodes in Loti’s eventful life, which took place while he was in command of a French ship based in Constantinople. In 1904 the author received what was essentially a fan letter from a Turkish woman, in which she daringly suggested — in defiance of all social convention — a meeting, to which she wished to bring two other equally unaccompanied female friends.

    The meeting took place, the women heavily veiled, the author cautious yet intrigued. There were subsequent encounters, ever bolder, in which the women unburdened their hearts, bemoaning the fate of woman in Ottoman Turkey, entombed in the harem, their passions denied. Similarly disarmed, Loti took them to the grave of his great love Hakidjé, who as Aziyadé had been the subject of his first novel.

    Relations deepened. One of the trio, Leyla, took a keen, romantic interest in Loti but her suspicious family sent her away to their country house, where, distraught, she took her own life. Loti was devastated.Returning to France in 1905, Loti was surprised when the remaining two of the trio, having escaped their harem, turned up at his sumptuous Orientalist fantasia of a house in Rochefort, begging to be taken in. They proved to be less than ideal house guests, “sluttish, lazy and mischief-making” according to Lesley Blanch in her biography of Loti. But the author was sufficiently inspired by their presence to write Les Désenchantées, in which he recalled the Constantinople encounters, styling himself André and Leyla as Djénane. 

    The book was a huge success. SOURCE

    [1] Zeyneb Hanım

    She was born in 1883. Her real name is Hatice Zennur. Her father, Nuri Bey had an important position at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs during the reign of Abdülhamit II. Her grandfather, Reşat Bey was the French Nobleman Marquis de Blosset Chateauneuf, who had come to the country during the Crimean War as an officer of the Sultan and fallen in love with an Ottoman woman of Circassian origin and converted to Islam. Similar to the elite Ottoman women of the time, Zeyneb Hanım and her sister Nuriye Hanım, who was using the pen name Melek Hanım, received both an eastern and a western education. They were trained to be in command of five languages. The generation of their mother preceding them is one that had begun thinking about how the eastern women could improve their own conditions. Covering themselves head to foot at the age of twelve, something that their grandmother had accepted with submission, was not a ritual of transforming from being a child to being a woman, but a traumatising experience for them.

    Despite Abdülhamit’s curfew laws, they would meet up with their friends at home and discuss how to improve their conditions at their “white night meetings.” Even though their mother and father had provided their daughters a western education, essentially, they expected of them to be good wives and mothers. In fact, Nuri Bey married Zeyneb to his secretary and protege, Abdüllatif Safa Bey, who will later become a Minister of Foreign Affairs, without her consent. This forced marriage made the two sisters take action regarding both their own condition and the condition of all their friends.

    Zeyneb and Melek contacted Marc Hélys, whose pen name was Marie Léra[2] [3] and who was staying at their place, and Pierre Loti, who had been quite famous with his novel Aziyadé, in order to draw attention to the eastern women who were under oppression. Through the secret correspondence and meetings with Loti, they put together the novel, Les Desenchanées. This novel was published in 1906 in Paris and became a great success. As a result of the novels they had been reading and the education they had received, Zeyneb Hanım believed that women in Europe lived in very good conditions. As she thought that the publication of the novel would be a scandal and wanted to free herself from the regime and the traditions that she was living within, she and her sister secretly ran away to Europe on a train at night with the help of their European woman friends. Melek Hanım married an aristocratic Polish musician and stayed in Europe. Zeyneb Hanım, however, not being able to find the freedom she sought after, returned to her country unhappier after six years of an immigrant's life. She died of tuberculosis on 14 April 1923.

    This journey of the novelist and her impressions of Europe became known, when her English feminist journalist friend Grace Ellison edited and published the letters she had sent her from various cities. Grace Ellison published the letters when Zeyneb Hanım returned Istanbul in 1913 in London with Seely Service and Co. Publishers. These letters were translated into Turkish in 2001. The most detailed research on Zeyneb Hanım’s letters were conducted by Reina Lewis in her Rethinking Orientalism. In 2005, the facsimile copies of the letters were published with an introduction by Reina Lewis.


    Les Desenchanées (1906)

    A Turkish Woman’s European Impressions. Ed. Grace Ellison (1913) (Tr. Özgürlük Peşinde Bir Osmanlı Kadını - 2001)

    Lewis, Reina. Oryantalizmi Yeniden Düşünmek. Istanbul: Kapı, 2006.

    _________. Rethinking Orientalism: Women, Travel, and the Ottoman Harem. I.B. Tauris, 2004.
    Toros, Taha. Pierre Loti’yi Anarken.

    [2]  Hortense Marie Héliard dite Marie Léra, née le 2 juin 1864 à Saint-Nazaire et décédée en 1956 à Lyon, est une journaliste et une romancière française. Marie Léra est surtout connue pour son ouvrage Le secret des désenchantées publié sous le pseudonyme de Marc Hélys, qui raconte comment le succès littéraire de Pierre Loti Les désenchantées résulte d'une supercherie dont elle fut l'auteur.

    Elle s'intéressa au féminisme dans plusieurs pays étrangers. En 1906, elle publia À travers le féminisme en Suède (Paris, Plon-Nourrit). L'un de ses romans traite de la condition féminine en Turquie. Egalement traductrice (de l'italien, anglais, suédois et polonais), elle a aussi utilisé le pseudonyme Jean d'Anin.

    Ecrivaine, journaliste, voyageuse intrépide, Marie Léra publie en 1908 sous le pseudonyme de Marc Hélys, Le Jardin fermé, recueil de nouvelles sur les harems d'Istanbul. Un livre passionnant, fourmillant d'anecdotes drôles ou poignantes, qui remet en question, avec humour ou compassion, nombre de préjugés sur le harem et la condition des femmes turques dans les dernières années de l'Empire ottoman. En effet, contrairement à beaucoup de voyageurs qui parlent des harems sans jamais y avoir pénétré, Marc Hélys, lors de ses trois séjours à Istanbul en 1901, 1904 et 1905, partage le quotidien de deux jeunes femmes, Nouryé et Zennour et s'introduit par leur entremise dans toutes les demeures de leur entourage. Elle observe, s'extasie ou s'indigne selon les jours, converse avec les femmes ottomanes et met sa plume au service des débats idéologiques qui les animent. Marc Hélys, qui s'était déjà fait l'écho des revendications féminines en fournissant à Pierre Loti le matériau de son roman Les Désenchantées (1906) nous livre, avec Le Jardin fermé, un témoignage exceptionnel sur les "Scènes de la vie féminine en Turquie".

    [3] Only after Loti’s death in 1923 did the truth emerge, and from an unlikely source. “Leyla” was not in fact dead, nor even Turkish; she was a French journalist named Marie Léra who published under the pseudonym Marc Hélys. Her book Le secret des “Désenchantées” told the whole sad, sorry tale, of how she and the two other women, daughters of a senior Ottoman official, toyed with Loti for their own amusement, correctly believing that the author, so susceptible to romance and adventure, would find the situation irresistible. Loti never found out the truth. 

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    Reşat Ekrem Koçu;”Bu türkü, bir güzel katibi övmekten ziyade, genç ve güzel katibi tenzil manası taşıyor. Ve bir kız tarafından söylenmiş olmaktan ziyade bir İstanbul külhanisinin karihasına yakışmıştır.”

    Rahmetli Reşat Ekrem Bey’in anlattığına göre, bu türkü Kırım harbi sırasında, Abdülmecid devrinde çıkmış. Abdülmecid, İkinci Mahmud’un “Avrupalı kıyafet” mecburiyetini bütün sivil  memurlara tatbik etmiş. Fıkara halkın çocukları, bilmecbure cübbe, şalvarı bırakıp setre ve pantolon giymişler. Halk bu vaziyeti pek hoş karşılamamış. Giyenler, sokağa çıplak çıktıkları zehabına kapılmışlar. Hele hele genç katipler, alay konusu olup bütün bütün dile düşmüşler.

    ”Kırım harbinde müttefiklerimiz olan İngilizler, Fransızlar ve Sardunyalıların orduları İstanbul’dan geçmişti. Selimiye kışlası da bu Avrupalı müttefiklerimizin emrine hastane olarak verilmişti. İngiliz ordusunda bir de İskoç alayı vardı: meşhur gaydaları ve pantolon yerine kısa etek giyen İskoçyalılar, İstanbulluların pek tuhafına gitmişti. Ve halk bu garip kıyafetli yabancılara,”donsuz asker“ lakabını takmıştı. İskoç alayı şarka hareket ederken, bir İskoçyalı bestekar, bu alay için hususi bir marş bestelemişti. Bu marşın bestesi bizim Katibim türküsünün nağmeleridir. İşte, biraz dalgacı bir İstanbul külhanisi, yeni yetme katipler için şu meşhur Üsküdar türküsünü yazmış, ona beste olarak da donsuz askerlerin marşını alıvermiştir...bu saatler Türkiye’ye evvela İskoçya’dan geldi. Fabrika, bu güzel marşı da saatin nağmeleri arasına yerleştirmişti.”Katibim türkülü saat” diye İstanbul  halkından bu saatleri almayan kalmadı.”

    "evet bu sarki bir istanbul turkusu sanilir ama degilir. kirim savasi sirasinda,1850'li yillar, ingiliz ve fransiz askerleri istanbul'a gelirler. florence nigthingale de o donemde anda selimiye kislasi olan binada hemsireligin temellerini atar. bu arada, uskudar semtinde gundelik hayatla ilgili ilk gozlemleri yazan da florence nigthingale'dir. uskudar'i gezer, esine dostuna yazdigi mektuplarda uskudar'i anlatir. onun bu yonu pek bilinmez.iste o yillarda iskoc askerleri, malum gayda caliyorlar, etek giyiyorlar, istanbullulara alay konusu oluyorlar. bunlarin bir sarkilarina, uskudarli bir halk ozani soz yazar.o yillarda hep bu sarki soylenir.sonra unutulur.ta ki 1900 yillarinin basina kadar. o yillarda karakoy limanina bir ingiliz gemisi gelir ve gemiden koca koca sandiklar indirilir, icinde masa saatleri vardir. bu saatler her saatbasi bir sarki calmaktadir.iste o sarkilardan biri de kirim savasi sirasinda buraya gelen iskoc askerlerin marsi olan ve hepimizin cok iyi bildigi uskudar'a giderken sarkisidir."

    Sunay Akin,Kenti Dinlemek,Buyulu Kent Istanbul'dan Oykuler,2002

    Mavi Boncuk |"Kâtibim" ("my clerk" or "my secretary"), or "Üsküdar'a Gider İken" ("while going to Üsküdar"; Greek: Ήχασα μαντήλι, Από ξένο τόπο,Ανάμεσα Τσιρίγο)) is a Turkish folk song about a woman and her clerk (kâtip) traveling to Üsküdar. The tune is a famous Istanbul türkü.[1]

    Turkish/English translation

    Üsküdar'a gider iken aldı da bir yağmur.
    Kâtibimin setresi uzun, eteği çamur.
    Kâtip uykudan uyanmış, gözleri mahmur.
    Kâtip benim, ben kâtibin, el ne karışır?
    Kâtibime kolalı da gömlek ne güzel yaraşır!

    Üsküdar'a gider iken bir mendil buldum.
    Mendilimin içine (de) lokum doldurdum.
    Kâtibimi arar iken yanımda buldum.
    Kâtip benim, ben kâtibin, el ne karışır?
    Kâtibime kolalı da gömlek ne güzel yaraşır!

    On the way to Üsküdar, rain poured down.
    My clerk's frock coat is long, with its skirt muddied.
    It seems the clerk just woke up, his eyes are languid.
    The clerk belongs to me, I belong to the clerk, what is it to others?
    How handsome my clerk looks with starched shirts!
    On the way to Üsküdar, I found a handkerchief.
    I filled the handkerchief with Turkish delight.
    As I was looking for my clerk, I found him next to me.
    The clerk belongs to me, I belong to the clerk, what is it to others?
    How handsome my clerk looks with starched shirts!

    Complete Version

     Üsküdar'a gider iken aldı da bir yağmur

     Kâtibimin setresi uzun, eteği çamur

     Kâtip benim ben kâtibin el ne karışır

     Kâtibime sırmalı ceket ne güzel yaraşır

    Üsküdar'a gider iken köşe başı bakkalı

    Elinde kalem döker rakamı

    Kâtip benim ben kâtibin el ne karışır

    Kâtibime kolalı da gömlek ne güzel yaraşır

    Kâtibimin elinde kanarya kafesi

    Dar kalıba vurmuş kâtibin fesi

    Kâtip evlenecek çoktur hevesi

    Kâtip benim ben kâtibin el ne karışır

    Kâtibime kolalı da gömlek ne güzel yaraşır

    Üsküdar'a gider iken bir mendil buldum

    Mendilin içine lokum doldurdum

    Kâtibimi arar iken yanımda buldum

    Kâtip benim ben kâtibin el ne karışır

    Kâtibime kokulu da gömlek ne güzel yaraşır

    Kâtip kol kol olmuş çayırda gezer

    Kâtibimin sözleri bağrımı ezer

    Kâtibimin mektupları cebimde gezer

    Kâtip benim ben kâtibin el ne karışır

    Kâtibime kolalı da gömlek ne güzel yaraşır

    Üsküdar'a gider iken bohçam tutuştu

    Kordonum kesildi, saatim düştü

    Üsküdar çapkınları peşime düştü

    Kâtip benim ben kâtibin el ne karışır

    Kâtibime kolalı da gömlek ne güzel yaraşır

    Üsküdar'dan istanbul'a geçen kayıklar

    Kâtibim oturmuş fındık ayıklar

    Kâtip rüyasında beni sayıklar

    Kâtip benim ben kâtibin el ne karışır

    Kâtibime kolalı da gömlek ne güzel yaraşır

    Complete Version  (French Translation)[2]
    Chanson turque de l‘époque de la guerre de Crimée, d’après une mélodie écossaise

    Lorsque m'en allant à Uskudar, survient une pluie
    La redingote de mon clerc est longue, ses basques sont couvertes de boue
    Le clerc m'appartient et je suis à lui, de quoi se mêlent les autres
    Une veste lamée ira à ravir à mon clerc
    Lorsque m'en allant à Uskudar, l'épicier du coin de la rue
    crayon en main, faisait ses comptes
    Le clerc m'appartient et je suis à lui, de quoi se mêlent les autres
    Une chemise amidonnée ira aussi à ravir à mon clerc
    Dans les mains de mon clerc, une cage de canari
    Le fez de mon clerc est trop petit pour lui
    Le clerc est plein d'ardeur, il va se marier
    Le clerc m'appartient et je suis à lui, de quoi se mêlent les autres
    Une chemise amidonnée ira aussi à ravir à mon clerc
    Lorsque m'en allant à Uskudar, j'ai trouvé un mouchoir
    J'ai rempli le mouchoir de loukoums
    Lorsque cherchant mon clerc, je l'ai trouvé à mes côtés
    Le clerc m'appartient et je suis à lui, de quoi se mêlent les autres
    Une chemise parfumée ira aussi à ravir à mon clerc
    Le clerc se promène bras dessus bras dessous
    Les paroles de mon clerc m'émeuvent
    Les lettres de mon clerc se trouvent dans mes poches
    Le clerc m'appartient et je suis à lui, de quoi se mêlent les autres
    Une chemise amidonnée ira aussi à ravir à mon clerc
    Lorsque m'en allant à Uskudar, mon balluchon a pris feu
    Mon cordon s'est arraché, ma montre est tombé
    Les coureurs de jupons d'Uskudar sont à mes trousses
    Le clerc m'appartient et je suis à lui, de quoi se mêlent les autres
    Une chemise amidonnée ira aussi à ravir à mon clerc
    Les barques passant d'Uskudar à Istanbul
    Mon clerc est assis, il décortique des noisettes
    Dans son rêve, le clerc parle de moi à haute voix
    Le clerc m'appartient et je suis à lui, de quoi se mêlent les autres
    Une chemise amidonnée ira aussi à ravir à mon clerc

    La chanson ‘Üsküdar’a gider iken » [En allant à Scutari], qui a servi durant de nombreuses années de jingle musical à la radio d’Istanbul, a vu le jour à l’époque de la guerre de Crimée, sous le Sultan Abdülmecid.

    [1] Many versions of the song can be found in countries neighboring Turkey, usually with entirely different lyrics. A documentary film entitled Whose is this song?[4] and an international youth project called Everybody's Song documented many of these versions. 

    The melody was first recorded in the USA as "Der Terk in America" in 1924 by klezmer clarinetist Naftule Brandwein. With lyrics, and incorporating an English adaptation by Stella Lee, the song was recorded in the USA as "Uska Dara" in 1953 by Eydie Gormé and Eartha Kitt.

    Boney M's "Rasputin" features a melody similar to the tune, which is also found in Serbian ("Ај, русе косе цуро имаш"). The tune appears in the film Ali Baba Bujang Lapok as "Alangkah Indah di Waktu Pagi (A Beautiful Morning)." Loreena McKennitt's studio album An Ancient Muse (2006) has a track named "Sacred Shabbat", which has the same tune as "Katibim". Sábado Sagrado /Judería De La Región Otomana.

    Sephardic Version

    Selanik entero yo lo camini 
    Como ti hijica hermoza ainda no topi. 
    O que aire hermozo viene de Selanik, 
    Ahi hay hijica hermoza a dos un metalik. 
    Dime si me keres y de corazon, 
    Mandaré telegrafo a toda mi nasion. 

    Je chemine dans Salonique toute entière (j'ai fait le tour de Salonique) 
    Une belle jeune fille comme toi, je n'ai pas encore trouvé. 
    Oh quel bel air vient de Salonique, 
    Là-bas, belle jeune fille, il y a une piastre pour (nous ?) deux. 
    Dis-moi si tu m'aimes de tout ton cœur, 
    J'enverrai un télégraphe (télégramme) à toute ma nation.

    [2] A l’époque du Sultan Mahmut II, les militaires avaient été mis en demeure de revêtir le costume occidental, mais les fonctionnaires civils étaient libres de faire ce qu’ils voulaient en la matière. 

    Mais le Sultan Abdülmecid contraignit tous les fonctionnaires résidents à Istanbul de revêtir le complet veston. Certains d’entre eux, conservateurs, s’insurgeaient contre cette mesure, qu’ils qualifiaient de « singerie des infidèles (Gavur) » et ils se mirent à sortir dans la rue en pantalon, mais en gardant leur caleçon (en particulier les plus jeunes, d’ailleurs), si bien que les secrétaires vraiment en règle devinrent la risée de tous.

    Durant la guerre de Crimée, l’hôpital militaire de la caserne de Selimiye, (sur la rive asiatique d’Istanbul) fut réservé à nos alliés Anglais. Voyant les hommes de la brigade écossaise de l’armée anglaise, qui portaient le kilt, les Stambouliotes les surnommèrent « donsuz asker » [les soldats sans culotte]. Lorsque cette brigade se mit en route vers l’Est, un musicien écossais composa une marche militaire. 

    Un titi d’Istanbul, s’inspirant du fait que la Caserne de Semiliye se trouve sur la route conduisant à Üsküdar et désirant se défouler sur les fonctionnaires en détournant la marche militaire composée à l’intention des « soldats sans culotte », composa la chanson « Üsküdar’a giderken »… [« En allant à Üsküdar… »]

    Quelques années après, de petites horloges musicales firent leur apparition sur le marché. Les premiers cartels de ce type étaient importés d’Ecosse et leur sonnerie jouait, précisément, la marche militaire en question. Très vite, ces horloges furent vendues à Istanbul sous le nom d’ « Horloges à l’air de ‘Mon secrétaire’ » [Katibim Türkülü Saat] (‘Mon secrétaire’, Katibim, étant un autre intitulé de cette même chanson). Elles eurent un succès inouï : tout le monde voulait avoir la sienne… 

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    World Economic Outlook Update, July 2017 


    Mavi Boncuk |

    In Emerging and Developing Europe, growth is projected to pick up in 2017, primarily driven by a higher growth forecast for Turkey, where exports recovered strongly in the last quarter of 2016 and the first quarter of 2017 following four quarters of moderate contraction, and external demand is projected to be stronger with improved prospects for euro area trading partners. The Russian economy is projected to recover gradually in 2017 and 2018, in line with the April forecast.